Final Countdown To Independence
Gulf News, United Arab Emirates
July 23 2006
By Borut Grgic, Special to Gulf News
The Kosovo final status debate will get a new feel after top leaders
from Kosovo and Serbia sit together with Marti Ahtisaari, the Finish
former president turned international negotiator in Vienna today.
They will be meeting in an effort to find a solution to the last status
question in the Balkans: Kosovo. The good thing is that this is the
first time the top leaders have agreed to talk. The bad thing is,
there is not much to talk about.
Belgrade and Pristina disagree on the fundamental principles in
as far as a stable solution is concerned. For Pristina, the only
acceptable outcome is independence. For Belgrade, it’s everything
but independence. This is no different from what the situation was
6 years ago when Nato members decided in favour of using force to
push back Slobodan Milosevic’s army but stopped short of recognising
Kosovo as an independent state.
Mistake; the time gained did little to convince the two sides to work
together, let alone live together. However, status ambiguity did
do one thing: it provided cheap political capital for the radicals
and the nationalists in Serbia to stay relevant. Kosovo is obviously
an emotional issue for the Serbs. It is a question of statehood for
the Albanians.
How high then to set the expectation bar for this today? Not very; much
will again depend on the international community. It is a good thing
that Marti Ahtisaari was able to get together top politicians from
both sides. These people have to talk and build interpersonal dynamics.
Irrespective of status, Serbia and Kosovo will remain linked by
a boarder and interoperable economic interests. Serbia will look
to Kosovo for importing cheap electricity whereas Kosovo will look
to Serbia for other trade opportunities. In this light, a dialogue
between the two sides needs to start now and should continue.
Status question
But the solution to the status question will have to be imposed by
the internationals for the simple reason that no political leader in
Kosovo or Serbia would survive bringing back less than the whole pie.
Unfortunately, the political space on both sides is too immature to
see the long run in this.
The internationals however, cannot afford to be short sighted. The
precedent Kosovo will set can have broad implications, including for
South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Chechnya and not least Kurdistan.
The priority now is figuring out the legal context, which will set
Kosovo apart and present it as a unique case. Second, the post-status
role of the international community must be clearly defined.
There is no reason to go for an intrusive and overarching international
administrative unit. The Office of the High Representative in Bosnia
has a mixed record, while the Macedonian case – international mission
light – seems to be working much better. To a large extent, Kosovo
has the administrative capacity to run their affairs. The problem is
not in units but in efficiency.
Kosovo has economic potential. There is the electricity sector to
develop. Kosovo has some of the highest concentration of surface
lignite in the region. With investments made in additional production
capacity and in infrastructure upgrades, Kosovo could become a major
regional exporter of energy, not only electricity. By transforming
coal-to-liquid, Kosovo could begin producing gas and oil for export.
Second, Kosovo has enormous human resource potential. It has the
fastest growing and the youngest population in Europe.
Status is by no means the only issue left. Kosovo faces a difficult
transition ahead. Modernisation of the political system will be key.
Capital investment will not come to Kosovo if the post-status phase
is smeared by political turmoil.
Waiting for political conditions in Serbia to improve before declaring
Kosovo independent – an outcome everyone more or less aggress on and
expects – is futile. Serbia will not be saved in Kosovo; Serbia can
help itself if it develops a comprehensive strategy for reforms.
Likewise, Kosovo will not be saved by status, but also by reforms
and a clear EU perspective. As for Serbia, the only issue standing
between Serbia and its Stabilisation and Association Agreement is
Ratko Mladic. Arrest the general.
Borut Grgic is the director of the Institute for Strategic Studies
in Ljubljana.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Ex-Cat Martirosyan advances in qualifying
Lexington Herald-Leader , KY
July 23 2006
By Special To The Herald-Leader
The “college experience” paid off yesterday for former University of
Kentucky Wildcat Tigran Martirosyan against one of the world’s best
juniors, Tim Smyczeck, in the second round of the Lexington Challenger
men’s qualifying at UK’s Hilary J. Boone Complex.
“Smyczek is explosive — one of the best young Americans, but Tigran is
more experienced and has the kind of game that can blunt that,” said UK
Coach Dennis Emery, who had the big Armenian for his last two seasons.
The ’05 graduate agreed, “Four years of college helped me play more
mature tennis.”
Smyczek, a semifinalist at Junior Wimbledon last year at 17, turned pro
less than two months ago. Martirosyan is just now playing competitively
again after a year as assistant coach at Eastern Kentucky University,
where he is working on his Masters in finance.
This morning at 10, Martirosyan takes on Matt Bruch, the No. 1 player
as a freshman last season for collegiate power Stanford. The winner
gains a spot in the $100,000 USTA Fifth Third Bank Tennis Championships
main draw.
Bruch, one of three college players traveling with a coach as a USTA
developmental team,
was on the ropes to former Wildcat Rahim Esmail before prevailing 2-6,
7-6 (5), 6-2.
Lexington Tennis Club pro Marcus Fluitt, a Cat from 1994-98, beat
Carey Rubin, who finished his UK tennis career this spring, 6-2, 6-4.
But, cramping in that indoor match took its toll on Fluitt, who then
fell to Canadian Dejan Cvetkovic 7-5, 6-2.
Louisville natives Shane Collins, a sophomore on UK’s team, and Colin
Purcell, who just finished his eligibility at Georgia, each won a
match before falling in the second round.
Blue-hoo
Merrit Emery, the reigning three-time Kentucky high school champion
and daughter of the UK men’s coach, drew UK’s No. 1 player Kim
Coventry of Australia in the first round of women’s qualifying today.
They’ll play the second match on Court 3, at about 11:30 a.m.
Fifth Third Championships
When: Qualifying concludes today, starting at 10 a.m.; main draw
starts Monday, and continues through next Sunday
Where: UK’s Boone Tennis Complex
Tickets: $8; available at all area Fifth Third Bank locations and at
the gate. Admission today is free.

The Exhibition of Armenian Diaspora National Culture “Ararat” Opened in Vladivostok
Vladivostok Times, Russia
July 23 2006
Those who wish will be taught to cook national dishes
VLADIVOSTOK, PrimaMedia. An exhibition of Armenian diaspora national
culture “Ararat” opened in the Sukhanovs house museum in Vladivostok
on July 19.
As reported to PrimaMedia by the Primorsky Territory Administration,
the exhibition is held in the framework of the National Cultures
Festival.
The Department of Social Development and Mass Media of the Territory
Administration, Armenian diaspora of Primorye, the Sukhanovs house
museum, Primorye Peoples’ Assembly are among the organizers of
the event.
National costumes, arts and crafts, household things are presented
at the exhibition of Armenian culture. During the exhibition the
master-classes on traditional national cuisine of Armenians will
be given.
The exhibition is open till August 2.

Cyprus and the 300 Soldiers of Leonidas
Cyprus Mail, Cyprus
July 23 2006
By Nicos Rolandis
A WAVE of merciless carnage, destruction and despair has again
reached our shores. It has inundated the Middle East and the Eastern
Mediterranean. July 1982 comes back to my mind, when Beirut was in
flames and I convened here in Cyprus a conference of the Non-Aligned
Movement to express solidarity to the Palestinians. The international
community was as frigid and nonchalant as it is today.
Solidarity is always welcome in circumstances such as the above.
Practical results however are almost non-existent. The flames which
burn the flesh and the soul cannot be put out by words and wishes. As
Pope Benedict said when he visited Auschwitz “In a place like this,
words fail. In the end there can only be a dreaded silence – a silence
which is itself a heartfelt cry to God: Why, Lord, did you remain
silent? How could you tolerate all this?”
The Middle East and Cyprus have followed parallel paths in the past.
We both have unresolved national problems, military confrontations,
occupied territories, human losses, refugees, missing persons. We also
have a number of other common traits: extreme nationalism, lack of
moderation, stubborn pursuit of the absolute and a tendency to overlook
the political balances in our area, in which might creates right.
If both in our case and in the case of the Middle East, the love for
our country was not going only through our hearts but through our
minds as well, we would have all ended up in a much better position.
The recent meeting of President Papadopoulos and Turkish Cypriot leader
Talat was a step in the right direction. It took place, however,
after a long and unwarranted delay. I hope it is not too late. For
the past three years the trains leading to a possible solution were
loaded only with dreams and hopes – nothing else. They left Cyprus
behind, in a misty atmosphere, with new settlers coming in, replete
with pain for properties lost in the occupied north. We now need
positive developments. If nothing happens, I fear that we shall move
into a new adventure with unpredictable consequences.
Former President of Greece Costis Stephanopoulos, a mature politician,
has warned about a possible armed conflict with Turkey if the
national issues remain unresolved. The appraisal of former Prime
Minister of Greece Costas Simitis is similar to the above. The two
distinguished Greek politicians know very well how inflammable our
area may become. They both lived through the incidents with the Imia
islands and the S300 missiles, which almost led to war. I was in
Geneva when the decision was taken not to import the missiles into
Cyprus. I had meetings with Greek Minister and Simitis “confident”
Alecos Papadopoulos at the residence of Archbishop Damaskinos of
Switzerland. I know that we got very close to war.
As I have written in the past, Cypriots never assessed correctly the
danger of military conflict. After the coup in 1974, many people
here excluded the possibility of invasion. They considered that
Turkey would not dare to move against Cyprus, because the latter
was a member of the United Nations, of the Council of Europe, of the
non-Aligned Movement, of the Commonwealth and furthermore Cyprus had
signed an Association Agreement with the European Communities. They
also relied on the Guarantees of Greece and the United Kingdom. Our
political demeanour however in the 1960s, the various warlords and
their followers and the coup d’etat which ensued, constituted an
explosive brinkmanship. We avoided the invasion in 1964 and in 1967;
we did not avoid it in 1974. In addition Makarios himself believed
that there wouldn’t be a coup against him; but the coup took place.
We are now of the impression that, irrespective of our political
behavior, Europe will always avert threats against us. If this
was the case Greece would not face any danger in 1996 with the Imia
islands and in 1998 with the S300 missiles. The warnings of President
Stephanopoulos would not be valid either.
Greek politicians were much more prudent than their Cypriot peers in
this regard. They had made it clear since the 1960s that Greece could
not be drawn into armed conflict, whenever Cyprus decided unilaterally
to follow her own course. Georghios Papandreou, Constatinos Karamanlis,
Andreas Papandreou, George Rallis, Constantinos Mitsotakis and Costas
Simitis gave discreetly the above message to us. Andreas Papandreou
was particularly cautious. In April 1983, when we were in Athens on a
state visit, there were rumours about a probable military operation
by the Turks, as a result of the activities of Armenian fighters in
Cyprus. The Prime Minister considered the situation as very grave,
so he convened an urgent meeting. I set out here below the exact
contents of a note prepared by the then Director of my office (and
recently Minister) Alecos Shambos.
“On the 12/4/83, before lunch, a meeting was held at the residence
of Ambassador Mr Hadjimiltis; Messrs Papandreou, Kyprianou,
Haralambopoulos, Skoularikis, Drosoyiannis, Rolandis, Veniamin, D.
Michaelides and service personnel participated. The subject examined
was the security of Cyprus, especially in the light of Turkish threats
related to the Armenians. It was clear that the Prime Minister
wanted to ascertain to what extent Greece would be implicated in case
Cyprus was struck by a limited Turkish military operation (bombing
or occupation of the Melkonian School etc).
At no stage of the meeting Greece undertook a commitment to support
Cyprus militarily in case of military operation of any nature. It
became clear though, that there was an intention of military support
of a certain nature by Greece, without a clear definition of such a
support. It was decided that in case of a limited Turkish operation
our own reaction should also be limited and not extend beyond the
space which Turkey would strike. In this regard Papandreou mentioned
that Greece might send approximately 300 men for the support of Cyprus.
When we finished, the atmosphere was frigid. One of the Cypriot
participants whispered in my ear: “Nicos, does he mean he will send
to us the 300 fighters of Leonidas?” (Leonidas was a legendary king
of ancient Greece who fought the Persians with 300 men).
So, President Papadopoulos, watch your step. I do not think that you
have convinced either the government and certainly not the opposition
in Greece about your line of thought. Moreover you have not convinced
the Europeans and the Americans. So do not set the measure higher
than you can jump. If we have a serious military problem, Europe is not
going to attempt to save us, unless we convince her that we work in a
correct way to save ourselves. Thus far we have not convinced her. ??
NICOS A. ROLANDIS POLITICAL BUREAU

Before You Leave
Sunday, July 23, 2006
KATHRYN KURTZ
Liberty Orchards is the birthplace of Aplets & Cotlets candy and not
to be missed before you leave Cashmere.
The story of this candy grew from immigration, friendship, patriotism,
innovation — and too much fruit. Specifically Armenia, World War I
and surplus apples.
It began early last century in Seattle. Two Armenian immigrants —
Armen Tertsagian and Mark Balaban — became friends. These new American
entrepreneurs found little success making yogurt or running an ethnic
restaurant, so they headed for drier weather and new opportunities east
of the Cascades. In the vale of Cashmere at the edge of the Cascades,
Tertsagian and Balaban bought an apple orchard and named it Liberty
in celebration of their new adopted country.
To survive tough financial times and make use of surplus fruit during
World War I, they began making apple-plum jam and drying apples. The
dried fruit went to nourish American soldiers overseas. Soon, a
longing for the Near Eastern fruit candies they had loved as kids
took them into the kitchen to cook.
By 1920 their experiments with apples and English walnuts became the
distinctive candy they named Aplets, followed soon by Cotlets, made
from apricots and nuts. The cornstarch and powdered-sugar-dusted,
two-bite, jellylike candies haven’t changed much in 86 years.
Liberty Orchards no longer grows fruit, buying instead from local
farmers. President Greg Taylor, grandson of a founder, runs the
company; all the stockholders are family members. Twenty-eight
flavors of fruit candy are made, among them peach, blueberry, grape
and raspberry, as well as nut-free, sugar-free and chocolate-covered
varieties.
Visitors can tour the factory, including the nut-sorting room, kitchen
and packaging room. Free samples inevitably lead to purchases at the
Candy Store.
Before you leave: Tour Liberty Orchards and buy a box of Aplets &
Cotlets. Where: 117 Mission Ave., Cashmere, Wash. Hours: 8 a.m.-5:30
p.m. weekdays, 10 a.m.-4:30 p.m. weekends. Free 15-minute tours leave
every 20 minutes. More info: 1-800-888-5696,
Before You Leave appears on the fourth Sunday of the month
in Destinations. Reach Kathryn Kurtz, a freelance writer, via
[email protected].

Journalist Presents Readable Summary Of Great War
By David Walton
Sunday, July 23, 2006
FOR THE TRIBUNE-REVIEW
“A World Undone: The Story of the Great War, 1914 to 1918,” by G.J.
Meyer. Delacorte Press, $28.
G.J. Meyer, whose byline covers a long list of subjects and
publications, is more journalist than historian, and his “A World
Undone: The Story of the Great War, 1914 to 1918” is a comprehensive
history aimed at the general reader. Its virtues are readability,
objectivity and command of narrative. It is one of probably an unending
series of books attempting to tell the whole story of World War I in
one book.
But Meyer doesn’t try to have the last word. I read his book recovering
from shoulder cuff surgery, and while I wouldn’t recommend the synergy
of the experience for every reader, it more than held my interest
throughout. You finish this book feeling you’ve learned everything
anyone reasonably needs to know about The Great War.
Every decade, we learn anew the profound effects of that war’s
unfinished conflicts and problematic settlements — today in Iraq
and the Middle East. An understanding of the war, and especially of
the nationalistic and ethnic rivalries that fueled it, is essential
to understanding the modern world.
Meyer organizes his book chronologically, and accompanies each chapter
with a short background essay — on Europe’s ruling families and
military commanders, on the war’s principal weaponry, on corollary
topics such as the Turks’ murder of their Armenian minority, on
Lawrence of Arabia, on the war and poetry. The battle of Verdun
is accompanied by a capsule history of the military importance of
the site.
In theory, you could skip these background sections, but you won’t.
This is one of those books where you read every page.
Meyer’s book has the very best qualities for this kind of comprehensive
approach: a gift for compression and an eye for the telling detail. His
theme is what this most terrible of wars, stripped to its essentials,
offers as its lessons — blunders and endless bad luck and misjudgment
on all sides, “blindness and loss of perspective,” and what Meyer calls
“the strange dark poetry of The Great War.” (154)
Only a comprehensive account of “the killing machine” that claimed
so many million lives can convey the scale of tragedy the war became
for a whole society, in nation after nation.
Describing one fruitless action by the British Gen. Douglas Haig in
1914, one of the war’s few breakthroughs and one of its many missed
opportunities, Meyer writes:
“His gains included little beyond the ghost town of Neuve Chapelle.
He had lost 11,600 men, the Germans 8,600 — the numbers being mere
abstractions that, as always, veil thousands of stories of lives lost
and ruined.” (240-41)
Why did the war go on for so many months and years of stalemate,
with no gains and millions dead and mutilated in its endless failed
offensives? The answer is succinct, and requires only two sentences:
“None of the warring governments thought they could possibly
accept a settlement in which they did not win something that would
justify all the deaths. The war had become self-perpetuating and
self-justifying.” (192)
David Walton, who teaches at the University of Pittsburgh in Oakland,
is the author of “Ride” and winner of the Flannery O’Connor Award
for his short-story collection “Evening Out.”

Heritage Survives A Complicated Past
The New York Times
July 23, 2006 Sunday
Late Edition – Final
By JEFF SCHLEGEL
OUT of the blue, my nine young companions broke into a folk song, their
plaintive melody sung in Ukrainian and delivered slightly off-key. I
hadn’t a clue what it was about, but the cognac-fueled tune was moving.
It was around midnight at a cafe in Lviv’s historic city center,
and we were the only customers in the house.
Earlier that evening, Katarina, a woman with auburn hair and one of
this clique of early 20-something artist types, had described the
burgeoning arts scene in Lviv. Yuriy, bright-eyed and happy-go-lucky,
wanted to practice his English and wrote down each slang word I
uttered. Several others were curious about what I thought of Ukraine
and their city.
Such friendliness was in short supply during my prior four days in
Kiev, the capital of this Eastern European nation. But this was Lviv,
a city of 830,000 people, the so-called capital of western Ukraine,
an architectural gem of a city that’s the hub of a culture in a
country that, in many ways, still feels Russian.
Roughly 45 miles from the Polish border, Lviv has a polyglot past and
precious few years of independence during its 750-year history. In
the 20th century alone it changed hands between Austria-Hungary,
Poland and the Soviet Union, and was called Lemberg, Lwow and Lvov
depending upon who was in charge.
With its ornately handsome buildings and its gala Viennese ball,
Lviv still bears vestiges of its days as part of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire. But behind the Old Europe vibe is a city that has reclaimed
its Ukrainian heritage in a bi-polar country still trying to find
its identity after gaining independence from the Soviet Union in 1991.
The Orange Revolution in 2004 installed a West-leaning government
with aspirations of European Union membership, but the nation’s
predominately Russian-speaking eastern half wants to maintain strong
ties with Russia. The peaceful, populist-driven Orange Revolution
essentially was a free marketing campaign that raised Ukraine’s
profile and helped attract more tourists to one of Europe’s last travel
frontiers. The attention, coupled with Lviv’s proximity to the West,
provide the city a spotlight to shine alongside better-known Eastern
and Central European cities similarly rich in history and architecture.
Lviv’s medieval layout can be a warren of confusion, as I discovered
last May soon after I arrived and tried to find breakfast at Cafe
Veronika, one of the city’s more popular restaurants. But my meandering
along cobblestone streets lined with shoulder-to-shoulder buildings
and centuries-old churches of various faiths was a pleasant way to
meet the city’s people and its history.
My wanderings took me through a downtown market where old women in
scarves sold flowers and vegetables from the countryside. I ambled
past the trove of old buildings in Renaissance, Baroque, Rococo and
neo-Classical styles in central Lviv that make the district a Unesco
World Heritage site, and stopped at the bronze statue of Danylo,
a 13th-century Galician prince who founded the city as a trade route
fortress and named it for his son, Lev.
Lviv’s location along trade routes made it a gathering place of
Germans, Poles, Austrians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Armenians, Jews
and others. But its east-west straddle also left Lviv vulnerable to
military and political invasions over the centuries.
Yet, somehow, Lviv maintained its Old World charm. Unlike Kiev, which
was devastated by both the Nazis and the Soviets during World War II
and, some might say, devastated even more after the war by Soviet
architects, Lviv survived its conquerors with its old structures
intact.
I arranged a tour with Oleksandr Ruchko, an artist and tour guide.
Alex, as he’s called in English, looked to be in his mid 30’s and
bore a resemblance to the late Clash frontman Joe Strummer. He took
me to Plosha Rynok, or Market Square, the heart of the old city where
the 210-foot-tall Town Hall is ringed by 44 three- and four-story
buildings in earth tones and charcoal that were once 16th-century town
houses for the nobility and wealthy merchants. Over the centuries,
the buildings have been refurbished and reflect various styles,
including Baroque, Gothic and Renaissance. Fountains with statues of
Greek gods and goddesses frame the four corners of the square.
Here, German and Polish tour groups wandered about, and at the cafe
in front of the Town Hall people sipped beer under the green and
white Lvivske beer umbrellas.
During our tour, Alex and I looked up at many ceilings. “We have
the most beautiful frescos in our town,” said Alex as we gazed upon
those in the Armenian Cathedral, one of the city’s oldest buildings.
But Alex seemed more of a street-level person with his finger on
the pulse of Lviv. We stopped at an outdoor cafe near Market Square,
ordered a round of Lvivske Premium Lagers, a potent local brew, and
Alex talked about his participation in the Orange Revolution, of how
the throng that was jammed into Independence Square in Kiev drummed
its feet to create an earthquakelike effect he believes rattled the
powers that be.
Lviv has become “an open-minded place that’s good for creative people,”
he said. “Those over 40 years old here don’t interest me because
they’re too old to change. They complain too much and they’re too
complacent. My 20-year-old friends here are very optimistic and are
trying to do good things.”
It was here, at a cafe on Shevska Street called Bookva Punkt, or
Letter Point, that we met up with his young friends who would give
me a taste of Ukrainian folk music as we drank late into the night.
The next morning I returned for breakfast at Cafe Veronika, a
Vienna-style coffee shop and restaurant on Shevchenka Street. The day
before, I had dined downstairs in the dark, cozy brick grotto lighted
only by Tiffany-style lamps. This time I dined alfresco on homemade
pastries and an omelet full of veggies. My meals there were delicious,
but the service — like that just about everywhere in Ukraine —
was very slow.
Later I returned to a museum that Alex and I visited the day before on
Virmenska Street, a narrow thoroughfare that encapsulates both old —
the 1363 cut-stone Armenian Cathedral, for instance — and new.
A couple of blocks up is the Dzyga Cultural Center, a museum of
contemporary art housed in a former Dominican monastery of an
18th-century Baroque church that is currently showing the ceramic
artworks of two local artists, Lesya and Oleksandr Ros. The indoor
cafe displayed a portrait of the former President Leonid D. Kuchma
dressed as a peasant woman.
DZYGA, or “spinning top,” is the nexus of bohemian life in Lviv.
It’s run by an association that puts together music and ballet
performances and art events across the city. A few people wandered
through the gallery; others sipped beverages in the indoor cafe or
sat, as I did, under an umbrella on the patio. From my vantage point,
I could see that Lviv was showing its age. Virmenska Street, for
instance, is lined with 19th-century buildings painted rust, tawny,
yellow and pale green. Some were pockmarked by crumbling cement and
frayed cornices. The cobblestone street itself was sunken in spots.
Although outwardly attractive, Lviv is a relatively poor city, and
many centuries-old buildings that seem in need of a little plastic
surgery will have to wait because the city has other pressing needs,
like trying to provide a 24-hour water supply to the outlying sections
of the city.
“It’s hard to make money here,” said Katarina, one of the artists
I had met the night before, as we walked along Prospekt Svobody,
or Freedom Avenue, the main thoroughfare.
Tough economic conditions aren’t as evident on the avenue’s wide,
chestnut-lined esplanade,which is usually crowded with strollers
and lined with packed benches, some with chess matches going on that
never fail to attract spectators. Nearby, the plaza in front of the
Lviv Opera and Ballet House, a majestic 1900 building with a richly
decorated, neo-Renaissance facade, is a busy playground of horseback
rides and kiddie go-karts. At night, people cram the restaurants and
outdoor cafes along Prospekt Svobody, and ubiquitous Eurobeat dance
music is everywhere.
The following day at dusk, I was near Prospekt Svobody when I heard
the throaty, operatic roar of beautiful singing coming from what
I thought was an outdoor performance at the Opera House. Instead,
it came from a crowd of older people standing informally farther
down the esplanade. They sang a song, stopped, chatted and lingered,
then sang again. And on it went for an hour or so.
“You have seen people who enjoy their independence and they prefer
to demonstrate it by singing folk songs,” Alex, my guide, explained
later. “This is possible to see quite often.”
LIVING IN THE EAST, LOOKING TO THE WEST
GETTING THERE
Direct flights from New York to Kiev cost about $1,100. The
overnight train from Kiev to Lviv costs $30 a person in a four-person
compartment.
The country dialing code is 380; the city dialing code, 322.
WHERE TO STAY
The Grand Hotel, 13 Prospekt Svobody; 72-40-42 or 72-76-65,
The Grand, in the heart of Lviv, is the city’s
most upscale hotel. Built in 1892, it reflects the ornate stylings of
turn-of-the-last-century Austria-Hungary. Doubles from 795 to 1,590
hryvnia (about $170 to $340 at 5.35 hryvnia to the dollar).
Hotel George, 1 Mickiewicz Square; 72-59-52,
Also in central Lviv, this 1901
Neo-Renaissance structure combines Viennese charm with amazingly
affordable rates. Doubles range from 185 to 535 hryvnia, including
breakfast.
Apartments in or near central Lviv are a slice-of-life alternative
to hotels. I rented a comfortable apartment for $50 a night through
Astro Travel, 2204 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario, M6S 1N4;
(905) 804-8826;
WHERE TO EAT
Cafe Veronika, 21 Shevchenka Street; 97-81-28. Best breakfast in
Lviv, including fabulous pastries. Full-scale dinner menu, too. Dine
outdoors, or choose from two downstairs dining rooms. Entrees from
25 to 100 hryvnia.
Videnska Kavyarnya, 12 Prospekt Svobody; 72-20-21. Fine food, with
ground-level and rooftop patios. Entrees 25 to 75 hryvnia.
WHAT TO SEE AND DO
Dzyga Cultural Center, 35 Virmenska Street; 75-21-01. A contemporary
art space with a music hall and bar.
The National Museum in Lviv comprises two buildings: the original
museum at 42 Drahomanov Street, 72-57-45; and the newer museum at 20
Prospekt Svobody, 74-22-82 or 72-89-60, across from the Grand Hotel.
Highlights includes Ukrainian icons from the 14th through the 17th
century.
The 220 spiral metal steps of Castle Hill, northeast of the city
center, lead to the crumbling remains of a castle that is supposedly
on the spot where Danylo founded Lviv. Here you’ll find spectacular
views of the city and the distant Carpathian Mountains.
Oleksandr Ruchko, 75-59-35 or 38 067 9243309 on his cellphone,
, serves as guide and interpreter in and around
Lviv. Very reasonable prices and reliable service.
URL:
GRAPHIC: Photos: Above Cafe Veronika, a popular coffee shop and
restaurant. below The Armenian Cathedral, one of Lviv’s oldest
buildings. (Photographs by Joseph Sywenkyj for The New York Times)Map
of the Ukraine highlighting Lviv.

EU rep for southern Caucasus to hold talks in Yerevan
ITAR-TASS News Agency, Russia
July 23, 2006 Sunday 07:04 PM EST
By Tigran Liloyan
Peter Semneby, the EU representative for southern Caucasus, will
discuss issues of European integration and political and economic
reforms in Armenia at the meetings here on Monday and Tuesday.
Semneby will be received by the republic’s leaders, the press office
of the Armenian Foreign Ministry told Itar-Tass. He will also visit the
office of the country’s ombudsman and the Central Electoral Commission.
On Monday, the EU representative will hold a joint news conference
with Armenian Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanyan.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

The Middle East is a puzzle – and no two pieces fit together
Plain Dealer (Cleveland)
July 19, 2006 Wednesday
Final Edition; All Editions
By Dick Feagler, Special to the Plain Dealer
We were sitting around in the coffee shop, trying to figure out the
Middle East. But it was beyond us.
“I’ve been watching it all on TV,” said Frank. “And what I get is
that some of the missiles they’re shooting at Israel were made in
Iran and shipped in through Syria.”
“That’s what they say,” John said.
“So my question is this,” said Frank. “What the hell are we doing
in Iraq?”
“Nobody knows,” I said. “By now, we’ve forgotten why we went there.
If we ever knew.”
“I mean our archenemy now is Iran, right?” said Frank. “And Saddam
went to war against Iran, right? So when we stomped out Saddam,
the Iranians should have liked us, right?”
“You might think so,” I said.
“Not over there,” said Joe. “There’s no logic to what goes on over
there. They’ve all been fighting each other for more than 50 years.
It makes no sense.”
“Sure it does,” said Dan. “They all hate Israel. They don’t want Israel
there. You think 50 years means anything to these people? Their version
of God tells them that the land of Israel is their land. But Israel’s
God says that Israel has reclaimed the land promised by God.”
“Well, man, those two Gods were really slugging it out over the
weekend,” said John.
“Not really,” I said. “Israel could have done far more than it did.”
“What are you talking about?” said Dan. “Israel is bombing the hell
out of Beirut. You saw that picture on Page One of that poor Lebanese
woman bleeding.”
“They’re bleeding in Haifa, too,” I said. “But that’s not the point.
Suppose somebody launched a bunch of missiles at Cleveland. And
suppose we knew where they were made, how they got there and who
fired them. What would we do?”
“I don’t know,” said Frank.
“Whaddaya mean, you don’t know?” said John. “We’d bomb the hell out
of them and take them down.”
“Like we did after 9/11,” said Frank. “Except after 9/11, we invaded
a country that had nothing to do with 9/11. We might as well have
invaded Indiana.”
“I knew a woman, she’s dead now,” I said. “She used to go to Lebanon
every year. She was Armenian, and she had her own history to tell
about the slaughter of the Armenians.
“But she always brought back such pretty things. Brass coffee tables
with inlaid wood on the legs. The brass was so wonderfully etched,
you could have hung it on the wall.
“Her family had suffered terrible atrocities in that part of the
world – things we didn’t hear about in history class. But she always
told me, ‘Richard, you have to go to Lebanon. Richard, you have to
go there. It’s better than Paris.’ ”
“Did you ever go?” said Joe.
“No,” I said. “All I know about Lebanon is what I saw on TV this
weekend. I don’t think my friend would have liked to have seen it.”
“My mother wouldn’t have liked to see Haifa,” said Joe. “It’s a
beautiful resort town, you know.”
So we sat around trying to figure out the Middle East. Men have tried
for centuries and have always failed. Lines have been drawn in the
sand and been covered over and lost as meaningless.
Laureen came over to pour us a round of coffee.
“I heard you talking about Lebanon,” she said. “My boyfriend’s parents
are from there.”
“What does he think about what’s going on?” I asked.
“Oh, no,” she said. “He’s an American. He don’t think at all.”

Alleged Smuggler Says Confession Was Coerced
The New York Sun
July 20, 2006 Thursday
By BENJAMIN WEINTRAUB, Special to the Sun
A lawyer for one of the 20 defendants indicted in an international
arms smuggling ring argued in federal court yesterday that his client
deserves a separate, pre-trial hearing to strike a confession the
lawyer says was forced by Armenian authorities who tortured his client.
George Goltzer said that after the Armenian police tortured Armen
Barseghyan, they told him to confess to the American officials or
face further abuse. Armenian police then sat in the same room with
FBI officials as they questioned Mr. Barseghyan, Mr. Goltzer said.
“The Armenian agents repeatedly beat him with, among other things,
rubber pipes” and “administered electric shock,” Mr. Goltzer wrote
in the motion. As Mr. Barseghyan “was questioned by Americans, an
Armenian agent was in the room staring at him.”
Mr. Goltzer said that by allowing the Armenian officials who tortured
Mr. Barseghyan to be in the same room as the American officials, the
Americans did not sufficiently separate themselves from the Armenian
police. As a result, Mr. Goltzer said, the Armenians’ torture of Mr.
Barseghyan can be linked to the Americans, thus allowing the confession
to be thrown out in an American court.
In earlier cases, the Supreme Court has ruled that a confession can
only be deemed coerced and stricken if an American official was the
abusive party; independent coercion by another country’s official is
not enough.
Mr. Barseghyan was extradited from Armenia in April 2005, a month
after the FBI simultaneously arrested the other defendants in New York,
Los Angeles, and Fort Lauderdale, Fla.
The defendants are alleged to have imported surface-to-air missiles,
grenade launchers, anti-tank missiles, mortar launchers, and machine
guns from Russia, Georgia, and Ukraine. The FBI used wiretaps and a
confidential informer who posed as an arms buyer with links to Al Qaeda
to compile hundreds of hours of conversation among the defendants,
who were indicted in March 2005.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress