Majority of Armenian Consumers Are Not Aware of Their Rights

MAJORITY OF ARMENIAN CONSUMERS ARE NOT AWARE OF THEIR RIGHTS, CRP
CHAIRMAN SAYS

YEREVAN, AUGUST 11, NOYAN TAPAN. A sociological survey conducted under
the program “Social Initiative on Consumer Rights Protection in
Armenia’s Public Service Sector” has identified the public service
sector’s problems that most concern citizens. Abgar Eghoyan, Chairman
of the Consumer Rights Protection (CRP) NGO, stated this during the
August 11 press conference. According to him, consumers are mainly
concerned with issues related to gas, water, electricity supply and
telecommunications. “There are numerous complaints about the low
quality of Internet connection service provision, especially regarding
bills sent against services that were not delivered,” A. Eghoyan
said. The survey revealed that the majority of Armenian consumers are
not aware of their rights. Particularly, most of them are not
informed about tariffs of gas supply network installation in their
houses or apartments. A. Eghoyan said that in order to fill this gap,
with the assistance of the Eurasia Foundation the CRP has implemented
a program of measures aimed at informing the population. A “Consumer
Guide” was published, posters with information about water, gas and
electricity supply and telecommunication were put up at minicipalities,
condominiums and some banks’ branches. Thanks to a hot line at the
CRP, consumers can get free advice. “Consumer Guide: Book 2” was
published by CRP’s Civil Interests Protection Assistance Program
jointly with Counterpart International, it is distributed free of
charge. The book contains examples of applications, complaints and
claims, as well as information about the appropriate state bodies and
organizations.

German remembrance provokes the Poles

German remembrance provokes the Poles
Irish Times; Aug 12, 2006

GERMANY: A new exhibition threatens to sour relations between Berlin
and Warsaw, writes Derek Scally.

The bronze bell that went on display in Berlin this week last tolled
aboard the ship Wilhelm Gustloff when it was sunk by Soviet torpedoes
on the night of January 30th, 1945.

More than 9,000 people, including thousands of children, died in the
icy waters of the Baltic Sea that night in history’s worst maritime
disaster.

Compared to the sinkings of the Titanic and the Lusitania though, that
of the Wilhelm Gustloff is largely unknown, because it occurred in the
chaos of wartime and because the victims were German.

It marked the beginning of a dramatic episode in German history: the
westward march of 14 million Germans and ethnic Germans expelled from
their homes in eastern territories handed over in 1945 to the
countries who suffered the worst horrors of the Nazi regime and had
lost territory further east.

Between one and two million Germans died during the march, from hunger
and disease and at the hands of victims of Nazism out for vengeance.

However the story of the expulsion was played down in West German
history books, denied in East Germany and ignored in the West.

Now, four years after G’nter Grass published the novella Crabwalk
about the Wilhelm Gustloff, the debate about German civilian victims
of war has culminated in a new and controversial exhibition, “Enforced
Paths: Flight and Expulsion in 20th Century Europe”. The exhibition,
dubbed the end of six decades of German penance, opened in a charged
atmosphere on Thursday evening in Berlin.

At least three different Polish and German groups protested outside
and their bitter arguments showed how and why this issue above all
others still taints German-Polish relations.

Two dozen Polish protesters held their national flags in a silent
vigil outside the museum. They see the exhibition as the thin end of
the wedge, an attempt to spin history so that future generations will
view expelled Germans as another victim group of the second World War,
alongside Jews and Poles.

“You cannot put German victims in the same pot with Polish victims,”
said Krystian Kaminski, one of 20 protesters from the All Polish
Youth, a far-right youth organisation.

“These people are known revisionists. This exhibition is just the
beginning for them: if we don’t raise our voices now they will think
they can say anything they like in the future.”

Near the Polish protesters, a left-wing German group held up banners
reading “German Perpetrators are not Victims” while an extreme-right
group held up banners that read “No Statute of Limitations on
Genocide: Justice for Expelled Germans”.

Seen one way, the exhibition is a further step in Germany’s new,
unburdened exploration of its past, similar to another Berlin
exhibition exploring 2,000 years of German history or even this week’s
Der Spiegel cover story on the Holy Roman Empire.

There is a fine line though between taking a lighter approach to
Germany’s Nazi history and retelling that history by showing disregard
for the feelings of Nazi victims.

That’s the line walked by Erika Steinbach, the chairwoman of the
Federation of Expelled Germans and the driving force behind the
exhibition.

In Germany she is a Christian Democrat (CDU) backbencher little known
outside political and media circles. In Poland she is public enemy
number one.

“We would like everything that is linked to the name of Erika
Steinbach to end as quickly as possible because nothing good will come
out of it for Poland, Germany or Europe,” Polish prime minister
Jaroslaw Kaczynski said on Thursday.

He called the German expulsion “sad, even tragic”, but said it was
important to remember “who was the perpetrator and who was the
victim”.

For Ms Steinbach, Poland’s allergic reaction has become a means to the
end of reviving interest in the fate of the German expelled.

“We have to take note of [ Polish] concerns but we cannot do nothing
as a result. For us in Germany there is a need to work through our
history, in particular the expulsion that affected a quarter of the
population,” she said.

“We have to find our identity and sooner or later they will have to
realise this. I wouldn’t over value the mood in Poland. I hope it will
one day reach a moderate level where it is possible to discuss these
things calmly.”

The exhibition, privately funded by the Federation for the Expelled,
is a sober, modest affair that tells the stories of nine European
peoples who were displaced as the consequence of the idea of an
ethnically homogenous nation state.

This broad historical approach was taken to counter criticism that an
exhibition solely about the German expulsion would lack historical
context.

The exhibition frames the German expulsion as a consequence of Nazi
crimes, but some critics have suggested that juxtaposing it with the
Armenian genocide and the ethnic cleansing of Bosnians is an attempt
to achieve a moral equivalence between all mass expulsions.

Ms Steinbach is deliberately ambiguous when pressed on this point.
“Expulsions have a completely different background but there’s always
the same reason behind them: wanting to get rid of a people who are
stigmatised and then either driven away or simply killed,” she says.

The German government sees this as a no-win situation and has so far
kept its distance.

The temporary exhibition may be allowed to run beyond its October
closing date and Ms Steinbach is optimistic that it will serve as a
stepping stone to her long-standing goal of a publicly funded centre
documenting the fate of the German expelled.

If so, a new diplomatic ice age between Berlin and Warsaw lies ahead.

Digging her way with words

Digging her way with words
Irish Times; Aug 12, 2006

Turkish novelist Elif Safak might seem the perfect writer to become an
interpretive guide to the east. But no one person can be the
representative of a culture, she tells Nick Birch

‘No word polarises more than the word genocide,” observes Halil
Berktay, a well-known historian of the late Ottoman Empire. “If you
use it, Turks get angry. If you don’t, Armenians do. Either way, it
stops the conversation.”

It’s an observation internationally renowned Turkish novelist Elif
Safak has learnt to her cost since her sixth novel came out in Turkey
this March. The Bastard of Istanbul topped the country’s bestseller
lists for three months here and received largely positive critical
reviews for its description of the growing intimacy between two
families, one Turkish and one Armenian-American.

But it also attracted the attention of ultra-nationalist lawyer Kemal
Kerincsiz, whose rise to prominence as an opponent of free speech has
paralleled Turkey’s European Union accession efforts. He was the one
who tried to close down a conference on the Armenian issue last
year. He is novelist Orhan Pamuk’s nemesis. In the case of Elif Safak,
he has surpassed himself.

His gripe is not with something she said, but with comments made by
Armenian characters in her book. “I am the grandchild of a family
which lost all its relatives to the Turkish butchers in 1915,” says
one. “I learned to betray my roots, I was brought up to deny the
genocide.”

An insult to Turkishness, Kerincsiz claims, citing the notoriously
vague terms of Article 301 of Turkey’s new criminal code, used against
dozens of writers since its ratification last year. A first prosecutor
laughed him out of court this June, but his appeal was accepted by a
higher court on July 6th.

Elif Safak can’t help seeing the absurd side. The thought of Uncle
Barsam and Auntie Varsenig, both figments of her imagination, being
called to the dock to testify feels like something out of Gogol, an
author she’s always loved.

With her first child due in September, though, she’s in no mood to
laugh. Her case is likely to be long.

And after a High Court decision last week to convict a
Turkish-Armenian journalist under Article 301, the first such
conviction in Turkey, the threat of three-year sentences at the end of
it for her, her publisher and translator no longer seems so empty.

It’s not that she denies having an interest in 1915; far from it. The
daughter of a diplomat mother, she remembers growing up in western
Europe at a time when Turkish embassy staff were the targets of ASALA,
the Armenian terrorist group.

“We all have our personal dictionaries, and my first perception of the
word Armenian was somebody who wanted to kill my mother,” she
says. “It took me a long time to ask where all this hate was coming
from.”

Yet she insists The Bastard of Istanbul is much more than a novel
about 1915 and its aftermath.

“First of all it’s a book for and about women,” she says, referring to
the four generations of female characters who make up the novel’s
fictional universe. “Indirectly, it’s about the role women have played
in fighting against historical amnesia in Turkey.”

THE POINT WAS understood well by a woman who approached her at a
recent book-signing in the south-eastern Turkish city of Diyarbakir.

“She wore a headscarf, she was obviously conservative, and she told me
she cooked biscuits every Easter,” Safak remembers. “I was intrigued.”

The biscuits turned out to be the woman’s way of honouring the memory
of her grandmother, whom she had discovered to be an Armenian
orphan. Did other family members know the significance of her cooking,
Safak asked her. “The men just eat,” she replied.

“If we want Armenians to forget what happened in 1915, we have an
obligation to remember it first,” Safak says. “To do that, we must
find an alternative to the aggressive, macho language of
nationalism. An alternative voice can be created by following women’s
stories and women’s memories.

“Many people think 1915 is the only thing we in Turkey are unable to
talk about. That is not the case. This is a country built on a rupture
in time. For many people, time starts with the founding of the
republic in 1923, and everything before that is a foreign country. You
feel as if you are walking over rubble, trying to hear if there’s
anything alive inside. If there is, you try to dig it up, bring it to
light.”

It’s a perception she says has informed her fiction since she
published her first novel in 1998. It has earned her success, in the
form of three Turkish bestsellers and a handful of prizes. But it has
also earned her enemies.

“I’ve been called everything from a traitor to a so-called Turk,” she
says. In a twisted way, the latter insult is surprisingly
apposite. With her perfect English and her western ways, Elif Safak
seems the epitome of what her countrymen call “white Turks” – members
of the country’s westernised elite.

Both in her life and her work, though, Safak is an enemy of easy
categorisations. Her novels are peopled with outsiders, a dwarf and an
obese woman in The Gaze, foreign postgraduates at an American
university in The Saint of Incipient Insanities, named Araf in Turkish
after the Koranic word for purgatory.

“My ideal is cosmopolitanism, taking elements from wherever I choose,
refusing to belong to either side in this polarised world,” she
says. The attitude lies behind her decision, much criticised in
Turkey, to begin writing columns for a newspaper closely linked to an
influential religious leader.

In the eyes of Kemalists, she says, referring to the followers of the
architect of Turkey’s secularist revolution, Kemal Ataturk, Turkey is
divided into us and them, westernisers and Islamists.

“They see modernisation in dualistic terms. You choose the West and
get rid of the other side of the duality. That’s wrong. Ambiguity,
synthesis, hybridity: these are the things that compose Turkish
society. We are western-oriented and eastern, and that is not
something to be ashamed of.”

In a society increasingly fascinated with its multi-cultural,
imperial, Ottoman past, it’s an argument that is gaining ground
fast. But Turkey is still a country where polarising cultural politics
inform everything from the cut of your moustache to the way you say
“hello”, and where writing is the last thing a writer is judged by.

TIRED OF THE attention that came with her growing fame, Elif Safak
fled to the United States in 2001, only to return this year. In many
respects, she says, the five-year period of exile was a
revelation. Well-known in Turkey for her efforts to recuperate Persian
and Arabic words purged from Turkish by the nationalists of the early
Republic, she vividly remembers the first time she heard the word
“chutzpah” used.

“Some in Turkey still get upset if you use ‘ihtimal’ rather than
‘olasilik’,” she says, referring to two words – one Arabic, one
Turkish – for possibility. “The English language is blind to ethnic
origins.”

Using it, she adds, also gave her what she calls “an additional zone
of existence”. She illustrates the point with a story about the
upper-class Turkish women she met while in the States. Like all
well-bred Turkish women, swearing in Turkish was out of the question
for them, but the same self-censorship disappeared when they spoke in
English. Safak used the same linguistic freedom to rather more serious
ends: in 2004, The Saint of Incipient Insanities was published, the
first of two books she has written in English. Hardly surprisingly,
the linguistic switch angered some in Turkey.

“There were articles saying I belonged to American literature now,
that I was no longer one of ‘us’,” Safak remembers. “But I don’t see
language as an either/or choice. Sometimes, it is good to be right on
the threshold in between things, both an insider and an outsider.”

Despite personal satisfactions, though, she ultimately found that the
US remained as inimical as Turkey to the cosmopolitan vision she has
espoused.

“For the average American, I’m a Muslim woman writer, and expected to
produce accordingly,” she says. “Why should I? Why can’t I tell the
story of a Chinese man?”

Smiling, she remembers a book-reading evening in Boston that she
shared with an Indonesian novelist and a Canadian of Indian origin.

“I assumed we would have something in common, maybe our style or our
choice of themes,” she says. “In fact, all we shared was our
non-western origin. You sometimes feel like something you add to a
salad to give it colour, something which has no taste.”

In a rare critical review of Orhan Pamuk’s Snow, published in the
Atlantic Monthly late in 2004, Christopher Hitchens observed that the
West had for some been searching for “a novelist in the Muslim world
who could act the part of dragoman, an interpretive guide to the
east”. The Egyptian novelist, Naguib Mahfouz, was one, he added, Orhan
Pamuk another. With one foot firmly planted in two worlds, and as
rational as the most rational-minded westerner could possibly wish,
Elif Safak might seem a perfect writer to take up the baton. Already
some critics see her as challenging Pamuk as Turkey’s foremost
novelist.

Despite the disappointment she feels at the West’s limited interest in
Turkish literature, she has no desire to be anybody’s dragoman. For
her, the fetishisation of “exotic” authors is profoundly dangerous, an
implicit acknowledgement that cultures are as monolithic as the
advocates of a “clash of civilisations” would like us to believe.

“No one person can be the representative of a culture, least of all
one as multi-faceted and confused as Turkey’s is,” she says.

Above all, an author employed to play the role of dragoman is
implicitly expected to tell his own story. That, Safak concludes, is a
travesty of the role of writing.

“Literature is not telling my own story. It is the ability to stop
being myself, to transcend the self that has been given me by
birth. That includes religious boundaries, ethnic boundaries, and
national boundaries.”

Polish foreign ministry says Berlin exhibition bad for trust

Polish foreign ministry says Berlin exhibition bad for trust

PAP news agency
11 Aug 06

Warsaw, 11 August: German expellee activist Erika Steinbach’s
Thursday-opened Berlin exhibition on European displaced persons “did
not serve the building of mutual trust and understanding between Poles
and Germans”, Poland’s Foreign Ministry said on Friday [11 August].

Poland protested against the display claiming it showed a one-sided
view of post-war deportations of Germans from east Europe and
whitewashed Germany of its responsibility for World War II.

Steinbach’s display shows examples of 20th-century deportations in
Europe, including Turkey’s repressions against Armenians during World
War I, 1945 expulsions of Germans from east Europe and Balkan ethnic
purges in the 1990s.

“This exhibition is no positive contribution to the Polish-German
historical dialogue. Showing (…) post-war resettlements of Germans
outside their historical context is dangerous and suggests
relativization of war responsibilities”, the ministry wrote in a
statement sent to PAP.

In its statement, the ministry also wrote that war remembrance “could
not take effect without respect for the truth and understanding for
the feelings of nations who suffered enormous losses in the war, and
could not ignore issues like genocide, the Holocaust and concentration
camps”.

Georgia not informed of Armenia’s Internet problems – minister

Georgia not informed of Armenia’s Internet problems – minister

Rustavi-2 TV, Tbilisi
11 Aug 06

Presenter] Our correspondent now joins us live from the State
Chancellery. [Passage omitted]

[Correspondent] At the government meeting they also discussed
Armenia’s Internet problem. As you know, the Armenians have accused
Georgia of sabotage, although Economic Development Minister Irakli
Chogovadze stated that he had not received any official notification
about the problem. [Passage omitted]

[Chogovadze] I have a very good, friendly relationship with Armenia’s
transport and communications minister. We have not received any kind
of official or unofficial statement from Armenia so I think that
whatever website is reporting this is exaggerating.

Therefore, until we have an official, or even unofficial, inquiry from
Armenia about this issue I cannot respond in any detail.

NKR budget up by 31.7 per cent in first half of 2006

Nagornyy Karabakh republic’s budget up by 31.7 per cent in first half
of 2006

Arminfo, Yerevan
11 Aug 06

Stepanakert , 11 August: In the first half of 2006, the revenues of
the Nagornyy Karabakh republic’s state budget totalled 4.6bn drams
[11.4m dollars], which is 31.7 per cent more than in the same period
of 2005.

The budget revenues came mainly from taxes that made up 79.7 per cent
of all revenues, the finance and economy ministry of the Nagornyy
Karabakh republic told Arminfo. In the same period, the current
expenses of the state budget increased by 10.4 per cent and totalled
7.3bn drams [18.3m dollars].

[Passage omitted: minor figures]

British Airways Planes Continue Flying From Yerevan to London

BRITISH AIRWAYS PLANES CONTINUE FLYING FROM YEREVAN TO LONDON Yerevan,
August 11. ArmInfo. The flights of British Airways planes from
Zvartnots (Yerevan) to Heathrow (London) have not been cancelled, says
the sales director of the Yerevan office of British Airways SImon
Avakyan.
At the same time, because of the public emergency declared in the UK
over the possibility of terrorist acts, the last two days’ flights
from Yerevan to London have been delayed for indefinite time.
Avakyan says that Yerevan-London flights are carried out 4 times a
week. From Yerevan British Airways planes fly to Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan,
and from there back to Yerevan and then to London.
Avagyan says that the emergency in the UK has not reduced the
passenger flow. On the country, the flow is so big that the company
had to replace Airbus A-320 (124 seats) by A-321 (149). The first
after the emergency British Airways plane will fly from London to
Yerevan today 06:35 PM but they in the company could not say if the
plane will come on time.

Govt Approves Draft to 2007 Annual Program of Invalids’ Social Prot.

RA GOVERNMENT APPROVES DRAFT TO 2007 ANNUAL PROGRAM OF INVALIDS’
SOCIAL PROTECTION

YEREVAN, AUGUST 11, NOYAN TAPAN. The RA Government approved at the
August 10 sitting the draft to the 2007 annual program on invalids’
social protection which, according to the fixed order, will be
presented to the National Assembly in the draft to the RA law “On RA
2007 State Budget.” According to the information submitted to Noyan
Tapan by the RA Government’s Information and Public Relations
Department, the program was worked out in correspondence with the RA
law “On RA Invalids’ Social Protection.” Events scheduled for 2007 in
the sphere of invalids’ social protection are defined by the annual
program.
Those are addressed to invalids’ integration into the society,
creating of them without obstacles surroundings in the social and
public life and to security of accessibility in all spheres of their
vital activity, stressing invalid chlidren’s embracing education,
young invalids’ enployment issue and inprovement of the life quality.

Civil Servicemen Base Salary To Rise 5.5K Drams Early Next Year

CIVIL SERVICEMEN’S BASE SALARY TO RISE 5.5 THOUSAND DRAMS FROM EARLY
NEXT YEAR

YEREVAN, AUGUST 11, NOYAN TAPAN. The RA Government acknowledged at the
August 10 sitting the annual report presented by the RA Ministry of
Labour and Social Issues concerning the size of civil servicemen’s
base salary and the payment system. Noyan Tapan was informed about it
by the RA Government’s Information and Public Relations Department. It
is mentioned in the report that in the civil service system, according
to professions, the average salary was 2.1 times lower in 2006
compared with the same index existing in the private sector. To reduce
the difference existing among sizes of salaries of the state and
non-state sectra as well as to reduce the inequality existing among
sizes of salaries at civil sevice system bodies, it is proposed in the
report to raise civil servicemen’s base salary by 5500 drams, starting
from January 1, 2007, fixing it 35500 drams (about 85 U.S. dollars)
what is also envisaged by the RA State Program on Medium-Term
Expenses.

Families with 3 or more Schoolchildren To Get Assistance This Year

FAMILIES HAVING THREE AND MORE SCHOOLCHILDREN TO GETT ASSISTANCE THIS
YEAR AS WELL

YEREVAN, AUGUST 11, NOYAN TAPAN. It is already the 5th year that the
RA Ministry of Labour and Social Issues implements the program
entitled “When September Comes.” As Martin Mkhitarian, the Chief of
the Charity Programs Coordingating Department of the Ministry’s staff
informed the Noyan Tapan correspondent, the goal of the program is to
assist families having three and more children by giving stationary
and schools accessories to every child. According to his words, this
year it’s envisaged within the framework of the program to give
stationary and school accessories of 5000 drams (about 12.5 U.S.
dollars) to every child of school age. M.Mkhitarian mentioned that the
program has already been implemented in the marzes of Lori, Tavush and
Vayots Dzor. About 28 thousand children will get assistance in the
mentioned marzes. It’s envisaged to implement the program till
September 1 in other marzes as well.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress