Panarmenian.net
Several members of the Supreme Spiritual Council have received notices from Armenia’s Investigative Committee ordering them to appear for questioning.
According to Aysor.am, those summoned include Bishop Hovnan Hakobyan, primate of the Gugark Diocese; Bishop Makar Hakobyan, primate of the Syunik Diocese; Archbishop Haykazun Najaryan; and Bishop Mushegh Babayan.
Lawyer Armine Fanyan said the clergy were called to the Investigative Committee within the framework of the same criminal case as before — allegedly obstructing the enforcement of a court decision.
The Investigative Committee declined to comment on the matter.
“We do not comment,” the committee’s spokesperson told the media.
On March 12, the lay members of the Supreme Spiritual Council had also been summoned to the Investigative Committee.
Currently, six bishops and one priest from the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin hold the status of defendants in the case.
They are accused of obstructing the enforcement of a court ruling that requires the reinstatement of Arman Saroyan as primate of the Masis Diocese.
Earlier, the Investigative Committee had summoned Bishops Makar, Hovnan, Nathan, Haykazun, Mushegh and Vahan, as well as Father Movses.
As a preventive measure, the authorities imposed a ban on leaving the country for them.
—
Armenian language courses open at Azerbaijan’s National Defense University
This was reflected in the “Report on the activities of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Azerbaijan for 2025,” which was discussed at Friday’s session of the country’s parliament.
The Donroe Doctrine Explained by the Blimp
By Jirair Tutunjian
Hello, hello…good evening to the Super Incredible Fans of the Great MAGA family. It’s a tremendous, beautiful, and smashing superevening. Although it’s 3:35 ayam, I am fully awake and roaring for action. I don’t need more than two hours of sleep a night. I am super-powerful…like a bull. Every pound of my 300 lbs. is hard muscle. Ask Melania, hah. Tonight I will not talk about the corrupt Ayatollahs, the assorted towel heads, and Governor Carney of Canada. Instead, I will talk about something personal.
You might have heard that our enemies have tagged my foreign policy the Donroe Doctrine, a reference to the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. I am extremely unhappy about the comparison. I am insulted. Compared to me, President Monroe was a big-time loser, a pipsqueak, milquetoast…and worse. By the way, milquetoast means an ineffectual girlie man compared to me…the leading macho man of the century. More macho than Rambo, Tarzan, and James Bond put together.
Inter alia…it means “by the way.” So, inter alia, to be compared to a fuddy-duddy U.S. president is demeaning to me because, as you know, I am the greatest president ever.
Lemme explain what I mean.
Compared to that 30-word wishy-washy declaration, my version warns the whole wide world to think twice before sticking its nose into our Americas.
Compare the above with my doctrine: “From Nome, Alaska to Tierra del Fuego (Chile-Argentine), we will not allow non-American countries to set root on our hemisphere. We will knock the crap out of these carpetbaggers who want to steal our natural resources, poison our water, our blood, our Western Hemisphere.”
One more thing: Although the U.S. occupied less than 30 percent of the North American land mass when Monroe was president, Monroe made no effort to conquer the rest of the continent and assert our divine right to the continent. Do you realize that when Monroe was president, 24 North American regions were still not part of the Great United States…states like Texas, California, Arizona, Michigan, Florida, Wisconsin…joined the U.S. long after Monroe was toast. He also made no effort to move the so-called Natives to the deserts of the Southwest.
Now I will take calls. Hello, hello.
Caller: I would like to ask you something.
Trump: Shoot.
Caller: I understand you wear pampers because you can’t control your urination. I carry a portable gizmo which I call S—t detector. It counts the number of lies one fabricates in one day.
Trump: Shud up. Get lost.
Caller: My gizmo exploded while you were babbling.
Trump: What’s your last name…My people would like to talk to you.
Caller: You say you hate the Donroe Doctrine. I have a better word for your hallucinations: Dumbroe Doctrine.
Statement on Aliyev’s Recent Holocaust Analogy
The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention expresses grave concern over recent remarks by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in which he compared Armenian political detainees and prisoners of war to Nazi leaders convicted at the Nuremberg trials. During a 13 February interview with France 24 TV channel, Aliyev stated: “[c]alling for the release of the former [Nagorno-]Karabakh leaders is the same thing, even worse. Their crimes are worse than what the Nazis did during World War II.” Aliyev then argued that requests that he release Armenian detainees are akin to asking the Allies to free Nazi officials before their sentences. This statement is particularly dangerous in the context of the Israel-U.S. war of aggression against Iran, which has catapulted Azerbaijan into a position as a critical wartime ally, granting President Aliyev even greater impunity than he has thus far enjoyed.Aliyev’s comparison does not reflect historical reality. It distorts it. It weaponizes it.
Aliyev’s comments were made just a few days after his meeting with U.S. Vice President JD Vance, in which Vance raised the issue of releasing Armenian hostages still being held by Baku. Aliyev’s comments demonstrate his ongoing disrespect for U.S. leadership, whose small requests on behalf of Armenians he routinely dismisses. His rhetoric is further a prime example of “mirroring,” a common tactic used by leaders accused of serious abuses of international law. While there is absolutely no credible evidence that any of the Armenians currently being held by Baku have committed any crimes, much less crimes against humanity and genocide (some of them are in fact POWs that Azerbaijan was supposed to return to Armenia in 2020), Aliyev and his government stand accused by credible observers and international legal experts, including at the Lemkin Institute, of genocide and crimes against humanity for conduct in Nagorno-Karabakh.
In September 2023, Azerbaijan’s military attacked and invaded the Republic of Artsakh, a de facto independent state with a population that was 99 percent Armenian, resulting in the forced displacement of the entire population of the region – more than 100,000 Armenians. Independent experts, including former International Criminal Court Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo, have determined that Azerbaijan’s prior 10-month blockade and the September military assault demonstrated genocidal intent. The Lemkin Institute’s 127-page report, Risk Factors and Indicators of the Crime of Genocide in the Republic of Artsakh: Applying the UN Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes to the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, published on 5 September 2023, discusses Azerbaijan’s genocidal intent towards Artsakh Armenians in detail. The International Association of Genocide Scholars later also found that Azerbaijan had committed acts of genocide against Armenians. As part of its attack, Azerbaijan took many officials in the Artsakh government hostage. They have since been subjected to inhumane conditions of detention and show trials.
The Lemkin Institute considers President Aliyev to be the leader of a genocidal state – a state whose institutions are suffused with genocidal ideology, whose policies are formed by genocidal agendas, and whose genocidal rhetoric serves as an important ballast for domestic legitimacy. President Aliyev has institutionalized genocidal Armenophobia across state agencies and public life. Before 2023, he frequently referred to Armenians as “dogs,” “jackals,” “rabbits,” and terrorists in public speeches. After the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, he built a “Trophy Park” in Baku to celebrate Azerbaijan’s supposed victory in the war, which included dehumanizing wax models of dead and dying Armenian soldiers with exaggerated, grotesque features that Azerbaijani visitors were encouraged to mock. Being one of the most openly and unapologetically racist acts of the 21st century, the Trophy Park garnered some attention and criticism in the Western world, and Azerbaijan was forced to remove the figures. However, the Trophy Park itself remains, as does the genocidal Armenophobia that informed it.
It appears that in exchange for a green light from the international community to invade Artsakh, the Azerbaijani President has had to tone down his Armenophobic rhetoric. Now, instead of shouting epithets, he pursues false charges against the Armenians still in his control and justifies his illegal actions by comparing them to Nazi war criminals and architects of genocide. The only “crime” committed by the Armenian representatives of the former Artsakh government being held in Baku is that they exercised their right to self-determination and sought to protect the Armenian residents of the enclave – whose presence dates back four thousand years – from Azerbaijani aggression. Unfortunately, the leaders of the world seem all too willing to countenance international crimes from the now respectable genocidal dictator whom their appeasement has enabled, even granting him the honor of hosting COP29 in 2024.
Beyond mirroring, President Aliyev’s remarks are illustrative of another common and very effective tactic employed by genocidal states – what psychologists call DARVO: Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender. Aliyev denies credible allegations of atrocity. He attacks Armenians as supposed war criminals. He then reverses reality by portraying Azerbaijan as the real victim and Armenians as existential threats. Such rhetoric does more than increase tensions. It encourages people to see genocide as justified.
Aliyev’s remarks constitute a dangerous form of genocide denial. In a few sentences that diminish the Holocaust, he simultaneously denies the destruction of Armenian life in Nagorno-Karabakh. He denies responsibility for the mass forced displacement his government engineered. And he inexcusably minimizes the Holocaust by abusing its memory as cover for his overall genocidal aims in the South Caucasus. The Holocaust, it must be remembered, was a systematic attempt to annihilate European Jewry and is one of the most comprehensive and all-encompassing genocides in human history. Six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis and millions more people were killed in the global war that the Nazis started. It is impossible for any international crime to be “worse than” the Holocaust, or, to quote Aliyev, “worse than what the Nazis did.” Invoking it to justify the continued detention of Armenian prisoners who were defending their homeland diminishes the Holocaust’s unique history and moral weight.
Genocide prevention requires accuracy. It does not allow leaders to use false comparisons to distract from present abuses. The international community must push back against President Aliyev’s ongoing genocidal rhetoric against Armenians and sovereign Armenian territory in order to support clarity within discussions of genocide. It must not tolerate his genocidal denial.
The continued detention and prosecution of Armenian prisoners in Azerbaijan raise serious concerns under international humanitarian law. The Third Geneva Convention requires humane treatment and prohibits coercive prosecutions of prisoners of war. Throughout the entire process of the trial, there has been evidence of torture of the Armenian prisoners by the relevant Azerbaijani agencies. Amnesty International and others have expressed concerns over the rights of the captured former leaders of Artsakh, particularly in terms of their right for fair trial. Azerbaijan must either release these detainees or provide transparent legal proceedings consistent with its international obligations.
History shows that perpetrators of atrocity often rely on extreme rhetoric to legitimize extraordinary measures. They cast targeted groups as criminals, terrorists, or existential enemies. They invoke past traumas to justify present repression. They frame collective punishment as a moral necessity. Such patterns function as early warning indicators of further abuse.
The Lemkin Institute calls on the Azerbaijani government to cease its dehumanizing, genocidal rhetoric against Armenians, to refrain from using the Holocaust to justify its crimes, and to release all Armenian prisoners immediately. Since President Aliyev has himself stated that he will not do this, the international community must pressure him to do so. Coordinated pressure must be placed specifically on the person of President Aliyev, who relies a great deal on the good graces of the Western world in particular for his continued power. If the Western world does not act and continues to embolden the Azerbaijani President, they will face even worse problems down the road. The greater the impunity extended to President Aliyev, the more he will seek to realize his dreams of a “Greater Azerbaijan” encompassing the current independent Republic of Armenia.
Genocide prevention requires clarity. Leaders who project their own actions onto victims promote mass atrocity rather than address it. They undermine justice rather than uphold it. The international community must not allow historical memory to be manipulated in service of ongoing genocidal agendas.
CC: Grokipedia AI Presents Harut Sassounian’s Life-long Activities
Born in Aleppo, Syria, Sassounian immigrated to the United States in 1969, earning a Master’s degree in international affairs from Columbia University in New York in 1975, and after moving to Los Angeles , he earned an MBA from Pepperdine University in 1977, while working for Bank of America.[2] Fluent in five languages, including Armenian, Arabic, Turkish, and French, he has built a career centered on Armenian advocacy, serving as a non-governmental delegate on human rights at the United Nations in Geneva for a decade.[1][2] His syndicated opinion columns, which address topics such as the Armenian Genocide and geopolitical challenges facing Armenia, are reprinted in numerous outlets worldwide and have positioned him as a prominent voice in Armenian media.[3]Sassounian’s humanitarian efforts include presiding over the United Armenian Fund, and subsequently, the Armenia Artsakh Fund which together raised $1.1 billion of aid to Armenia and Artsakh from 1979 to 2026. He also held a vice chair role at the Lincy Foundation, contributing $242 million in Armenian infrastructure projects.[1][2] In recognition of his journalistic impact, he received Armenia’s Golden Pen Award—the nation’s highest journalism honor—in 2016, and he authored The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2015: Documents and Declarations to compile historical evidence on the topic.[1] In 2024, he digitized The California Courier, expanding its reach to daily updates and a global online audience without subscriptions.[3]
Early Life and Background
Childhood and Family
Harut Sassounian was born in 1950 in Aleppo, Syria, to Armenian parents within a diaspora community shaped by the aftermath of the Armenian Genocide, as some of his grandparents’ relatives had survived the Ottoman-era massacres.[4] Aleppo hosted one of the largest Armenian populations outside Armenia, fostering institutions for cultural preservation, language maintenance, and communal solidarity amid historical displacement and minority status in the region.[5]Sassounian later recalled a happy childhood in this environment, free from overt discrimination during his early years in Syria, which allowed immersion in Armenian traditions and family narratives of resilience.[4] These familial ties to genocide survivors instilled an early awareness of Armenian historical trauma and the imperatives of cultural continuity in exile.[6]In 1965, at age 15, Sassounian’s entire family departed Aleppo for Beirut, Lebanon, reflecting broader patterns of Armenian migration amid regional instabilities.[2] He immigrated to the United States independently in 1969, arriving at age 18, with his family reuniting and settling in California in the following years, marking the transition from Middle Eastern diaspora life to American integration.[2]
Education
Sassounian completed his secondary education at Sofia Hagopian Armenian High School in Beirut, Lebanon, an institution emphasizing Armenian language, history, and culture alongside standard curricula, which cultivated his early proficiency in Armenian studies and multilingualism.[7][8]He then earned a Master’s degree in International Affairs from Columbia University in New York City, between 1973 and 1975. This graduate-level training focused on global political dynamics, diplomacy, and international relations, equipping him with analytical frameworks for examining ethnic conflicts and state policies.[9][5][10][2]Subsequently, Sassounian obtained a Master of Business Administration (MBA) from Pepperdine University’s Graziadio School of Business and Management in Los Angeles, where coursework in business strategy, management, and operations provided practical skills in organizational leadership and media economics.[9][5][10]
Professional Career
Journalism and The California Courier
Harut Sassounian assumed the role of publisher of The California Courier in 1983, taking over from its original founders, George Mason (Elmassian) and Reese Cleghorn, who had established the English-language weekly newspaper in Fresno, California, in 1958 to serve the Armenian-American community, particularly those less fluent in Armenian.[11] Under Sassounian’s leadership, the newspaper relocated its operations to Los Angeles in 1988 to better reach the expanding Armenian diaspora in the region, which had become the largest outside Armenia.[11]The publication grew from an initial base of approximately 700 subscribers, primarily in Glendale and Fresno, by serving as a dedicated platform for diaspora news, community achievements, and non-partisan discourse on Armenian matters.[10] Under Sassounian’s management, the newspaper evolved into a consistent voice for English-speaking Armenians across California and beyond, reflecting the community’s demographic shifts from the Central Valley to urban centers.[11]Editorially, The California Courier under Sassounian prioritized factual reporting and open discussion of social, cultural, civic, and political issues affecting Armenians, with a commitment to countering distortions of historical events such as the Armenian Genocide.[12] This approach included dedicated coverage of genocide recognition efforts and regional conflicts involving Armenia, emphasizing vigilance to preserve accurate narratives amid denialist claims.[12] The newspaper maintained a non-partisan stance, fostering debate without endorsing specific political factions, which helped solidify its role as a milestone in Armenian-American journalism.[11]
Syndicated Column and Media Presence
Harut Sassounian authors a weekly syndicated column originating in The California Courier, distributed to Armenian-American publications including the Armenian Weekly.[13][14] The column emphasizes detailed examinations of Armenian diplomatic and security matters, drawing on verifiable reports and historical records to support its assessments.[15] Its syndication extends Sassounian’s commentary to broader diaspora audiences, with contributions also appearing in outlets like LA Progressive.[16]In addition to print syndication, Sassounian serves as a frequent television commentator on Armenian networks, providing analysis during key events in regional politics.[17] He has appeared on programs such as Horizon TV, offering insights into diaspora organizational efforts.[18]Sassounian also engages in audio media, guesting on podcasts including the Armenian News Podcast and WiseNuts, where episodes focus on historical philanthropy and community structures without delving into partisan endorsements.[19][20]Sassounian is among the most widely circulated writers addressing Armenian topics internationally, attributing this to the column’s consistent publication since 1983 and its reliance on documented evidence over unsubstantiated narratives.[3] This reach positions his work as a staple reference for diaspora readers seeking fact-based perspectives on geopolitical developments.[21]
Other Professional Roles
Sassounian served as an international marketing executive for Procter & Gamble in Geneva, Switzerland, from 1978 to 1982, focusing on business development in a multinational corporate setting.[17] This early role involved applying strategic marketing principles across global operations, distinct from his later media endeavors.[22]Leveraging his MBA from Pepperdine University’s Graziadio School of Business, Sassounian has held CEO positions emphasizing media production and operational scaling, including leadership in entities that expanded fundraising and infrastructure initiatives.[9] These experiences highlight his entrepreneurial approach to business growth.[17]In addition to executive roles, Sassounian chairs the Board of Directors for HyeID, a diaspora-focused organization, where he directs strategic governance and development efforts.[23] This position underscores his involvement in leadership structures beyond publishing, prioritizing organizational trusteeship and policy direction.[19]
Activism and Philanthropy
Armenian Genocide Advocacy
Harut Sassounian has utilized his platform as publisher and columnist for The California Courierto advocate for the recognition of the Armenian Genocide, emphasizing historical evidence from Ottoman-era telegrams, U.S. diplomatic records, and eyewitness accounts that document systematic deportations and massacres resulting in approximately 1.5 million Armenian deaths between 1915 and 1923.[24] In his columns, he critiques Turkish denialism as a state-funded effort to distort primary sources, such as German and Allied archival materials confirming Ottoman orders for extermination, arguing that these policies causally led to the near-total eradication of Armenian populations in Anatolia, with pre-war numbers exceeding 2 million dropping to under 100,000 by 1922.[24] [25] Sassounian attributes denial to political expediency rather than evidentiary disputes, citing scholarly consensus and U.S. acknowledgments, including a 1951 State Department filing to the International Court of Justice and Ronald Reagan’s 1981 proclamation referencing the genocide.[24]As a former United Nations human rights delegate, Sassounian led the lobbying effort for the 1985 recognition of the Armenian Genocide by the U.N. Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, which adopted a report affirming the Armenian Genocide by the overwhelming vote of 15 to 1.[26] He continues educational efforts through lectures and events, such as his scheduled keynote address on April 6, 2025, at the “Forgotten, Unforgettable” commemoration marking the 40th anniversary of this U.N. milestone, hosted by Armenian organizations in Watertown, Massachusetts, to highlight the sub-commission’s role in countering revisionist narratives.[26] These initiatives focus on disseminating verifiable documents, including Ottoman memos revealing centralized planning of relocations that resulted in documented mass atrocities, to educate diaspora communities and policymakers on the empirical basis for genocide classification.[24]During the 2015 centennial commemorations of the genocide’s onset, Sassounian participated in global events to amplify calls for U.S. federal recognition, including speaking at the “Responsibility 2015” conference in New York City, where he addressed reparations grounded in legal precedents like insurance claims awarded to survivors’ heirs in U.S. courts.[27] He also attended the launch of the “100 LIVES” initiative, engaging with international figures to underscore the demographic and cultural devastation evidenced by pre- and post-war censuses, while advocating against normalization of denialist claims that minimize causal links between Ottoman directives and the resulting humanitarian catastrophe.[27] [24] His work prioritizes primary-source-driven arguments over symbolic gestures, linking recognition to demands for restitution based on successor-state liability under international law.[24]
Armenia Artsakh Fund and Donations
Harut Sassounian serves as president of the Armenia Artsakh Fund, a non-profit organization he founded in 2015 to continue humanitarian aid efforts to Armenia and Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) that began following the 1988 Spitak earthquake, with cumulative deliveries exceeding one billion dollars.[13][10] The fund’s contributions include medicines, food, and support for displaced populations, with public financial reports from GuideStar verifying distributions to economically disadvantaged families and medical aid recipients in these regions.[28]In response to the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, the Armenia Artsakh Fund provided $15 million in humanitarian assistance to Armenia and Artsakh over the subsequent five months, aiding war-affected civilians through direct shipments of essentials.[29] This included partnerships for delivering $486,000 worth of medicines to displaced Artsakh Armenians sheltered in Armenia, as documented in fund announcements and partner reports from organizations like Direct Relief.[30] These efforts prioritized verifiable outcomes, such as medical distributions tracked via shipment logs, rather than unquantified appeals.
Political Commentary on Armenian Issues
Harut Sassounian has sharply critiqued Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan for interfering in the Armenian Apostolic Church, accusing him in a July 28, 2025, column of seeking control over ecclesiastical leadership amid governance failures, including demands to verify the moral integrity of Catholicos candidates without clear mechanisms.[31] He further alleged Pashinyan’s use of divide-and-rule strategies, such as pressuring Catholicos Karekin II to resign and inciting clergy divisions, as detailed in a December 1, 2025, piece, which Sassounian framed as undermining the church’s independence to consolidate power.[32] These criticisms align with Sassounian’s broader concerns over Pashinyan’s hostility toward religious institutions, dating back to early tensions where the prime minister denigrated church figures.[33]Sassounian has also questioned the integrity of Pashinyan’s political operations, highlighting irregularities in donor lists for his party’s Yerevan mayoral candidate in February 2024, where fake names appeared, contradicting claims of transparent elections and suggesting systemic deception.[34] In external affairs, he has voiced skepticism toward concessions in Artsakh disputes, citing a May 26-28, 2022, Gallup poll showing 89% of Armenians opposing placement under Azerbaijani rule, and arguing that yielding territory signals weakness that invites aggression rather than ensuring security, as concessions historically dishonor sacrifices without deterring threats.[35]On diaspora relations, Sassounian has advocated unity with Armenia, warning in a February 2010 analysis that policy rifts—such as over Turkish protocols—must not fracture ties, as diaspora support bolsters national resilience, even amid criticisms of government actions that alienate overseas Armenians.[37] He contends that internal divisions, fueled by Pashinyan’s rhetoric, weaken collective bargaining power against external foes, prioritizing causal links between cohesion and deterrence over short-term political expediency.[38]
Writings and Publications
Books and Edited Works
Sassounian compiled and introduced The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2005: Documents and Declarations, published in 2005 by the 90th Anniversary Committee of the Armenian Genocide to mark the Ottoman Empire’s systematic extermination campaign against Armenians.[39] The volume aggregates dozens of primary documents, including diplomatic cables, eyewitness testimonies, parliamentary resolutions, and media reports from 1915 onward, prioritizing raw archival materials over interpretive narratives to substantiate the genocide’s scale and international awareness at the time.[40]An expanded edition, The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2015: Documents and Declarations, was released in 2015 for the centennial commemoration, incorporating additional post-2005 materials such as U.S. presidential statements, European Parliament declarations, and scholarly analyses grounded in declassified records.[1] Sassounian’s editorial approach emphasizes verifiable evidence from governmental archives and contemporary observers, avoiding unsubstantiated claims while highlighting patterns of denial and delayed recognition by major powers.[17]
Key Columns and Opinions
Sassounian’s columns frequently address tensions between the Armenian Apostolic Church and the Armenian government, particularly highlighting divisions in 2024-2025 over ecclesiastical appointments and state influence. In a January 2024 piece, he criticized Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s administration for attempting to install a government-aligned candidate as Catholicos, arguing that such moves undermine the church’s autonomy and risk alienating the diaspora, which views the institution as a symbol of national resilience. He contended that historical precedents, including Soviet-era interferences, demonstrate the perils of politicizing religious leadership, potentially eroding public trust in both entities.On economic matters, Sassounian has opined on Kirk Kerkorian’s investments in Armenia, acknowledging their tangible benefits. He balanced this by noting Kerkorian’s philanthropy but emphasized that sustained foreign investment requires domestic reforms to convert capital inflows into self-sustaining growth.Sassounian advocates for Armenian self-sufficiency in columns debunking over-reliance on foreign aid, arguing that diaspora remittances—totaling over $2 billion annually to Armenia—foster dependency rather than innovation. In a 2023 analysis, he countered narratives of perpetual victimhood post-Armenian Genocide by urging policy shifts toward export-driven economies, citing Israel’s model of technological self-reliance despite similar historical traumas as evidence that internal reforms outperform aid petitions. He supported this with data showing Armenia’s GDP growth stagnating at 4-5% pre-2020 without diversification, warning that unchecked aid expectations could perpetuate cycles of corruption observed in post-Soviet states. This stance includes critiques of U.S. congressional resolutions for genocide recognition, which he views as symbolic but insufficient without accompanying economic empowerment strategies.
Controversies and Criticisms
Stances on Armenian Government and Diaspora Politics
Sassounian has been a vocal critic of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s administration, particularly regarding alleged corruption and electoral manipulations. In a 2021 column, he accused Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party of fabricating funding documents for Yerevan mayoral candidate, citing discrepancies in reported donations from diaspora sources that were later revealed as non-existent or misattributed. He argued this undermined electoral transparency, drawing on public financial disclosures and opposition reports to substantiate claims of systemic favoritism toward ruling party candidates.On ecclesiastical politics, Sassounian has questioned Pashinyan’s influence over the Armenian Apostolic Church, alleging in 2019 that the prime minister harbored ambitions to install a loyalist as Catholicos to consolidate power. He referenced Pashinyan’s public statements and church election interferences, such as the 2018 push against Karekin II, as evidence of politicization eroding the church’s independence. Sassounian defends his positions with verifiable timelines of government actions, such as delayed church reforms post-Velvet Revolution.In diaspora politics, Sassounian advocates for a confrontational stance toward Turkey, opposing Pashinyan’s normalization protocols signed in 2022, which he deemed a betrayal of Genocide recognition efforts without reciprocal concessions. He has praised diaspora organizations for funding military aid to Artsakh, contrasting this with government policies he views as appeasing Ankara at the expense of historical justice, supported by analyses of trade data showing minimal Turkish economic benefits to Armenia by 2023. Sassounian asserts with evidence of Turkey’s unfulfilled 2009 protocol commitments, emphasizing causal links between diplomatic softness and territorial losses in 2020-2023.
Responses to Opposing Viewpoints
Sassounian has countered Turkish denial of the Armenian Genocide by exposing state-sponsored efforts to fabricate doubt through academic funding. In a 2011 report, he detailed Prof. Taner Akçam’s findings from a Turkish insider source, revealing that the Turkish Foreign Ministry transferred substantial funds to U.S. scholars around 2004–2005 to author denialist books, with transactions documented by signed receipts retained in ministry records.[41] He cited works like Michael Gunter’s Armenian History and the Question of Genocide as exemplars of this strategy, which aimed to normalize skepticism rather than outright rejection, thereby undermining empirical evidence of the 1915–1923 extermination of 1.5 million Armenians.[41]Against Azerbaijani narratives asserting territorial integrity over Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), Sassounian rebutted claims of sovereignty by emphasizing demographic realities and historical self-determination, arguing that Baku’s blacklisting of Artsakh visitors since 2013 violated international norms and masked revanchist ambitions evidenced by post-2020 encroachments into Armenian territory.[42]In engagements with pro-Pashinyan diaspora factions defending concessions for purported peace, Sassounian highlighted causal failures in the 2023 Artsakh crisis, where Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s directives to Artsakh leaders for direct talks with Azerbaijan abandoned 120,000 Armenian citizens—entitled to protection under Armenia’s constitution—to a blockade initiated in December 2022 and a September 2023 invasion, yielding hundreds killed, thousands missing, and near-total ethnic cleansing via mass flight.[43] He refuted Pashinyan’s assertion that pre-2018 Armenian leaders recognized Artsakh as Azerbaijani, deeming it a falsification unsupported by official records or actions, and warned that such miscalculations ignored Aliyev’s documented expansionism, including occupation of Armenian border villages and rhetoric framing Armenia as “Western Azerbaijan.”[44][43]Sassounian has addressed left-leaning critiques labeling Armenian advocacy as excessive nationalism by invoking data on appeasement’s perils, paralleling Pashinyan’s deference—which sidelined military readiness despite Azerbaijan’s 44-day war victory in 2020—to historical precedents where territorial concessions emboldened aggressors, as seen in the Genocide-era Ottoman expansions unchecked by early deterrence.[43] This approach underscores that verifiable strategic inaction, not defensive nationalism, precipitated Artsakh’s fall, with over 100,000 refugees straining Armenia’s resources by late 2023.[43]
Legacy and Impact
Influence on Armenian Community
Sassounian’s tenure as publisher of The California Courier since 1983 has sustained the newspaper’s role as a primary platform for Armenian diaspora discourse, with his columns on political advocacy reprinted across U.S. and international outlets, fostering heightened awareness of Armenian issues among readers over four decades.[11][45] The publication, established in 1958 as the oldest independent English-language Armenian weekly, has amplified calls for unity and action, influencing community engagement on topics from humanitarian aid to international lobbying.[11]As president of the United Armenian Fund—a coalition of seven Armenian-American charities—Sassounian oversaw the delivery of $575 million in humanitarian assistance to Armenia and Artsakh from 1989 to 2009, exemplifying successful diaspora resource mobilization for post-Soviet reconstruction and crisis response.[45] This effort underscored the diaspora’s capacity to provide economic support independent of government constraints, channeling funds into infrastructure and relief that bolstered Armenia’s stability during vulnerable periods.[46]Sassounian received the ANC-WR Legacy Award from the Armenian National Committee of America, Western Region, in recognition of his over 30 years of volunteer support for the ANC and other organizations.[45]His advocacy advanced Armenian Genocide recognition, including a pivotal role as a non-governmental delegate in securing the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities’ acknowledgment in 1985.[45][47] Sassounian’s documentation in The Armenian Genocide: The World Speaks Out, 1915-2005 compiled global declarations, aiding educational and lobbying campaigns that pressured policymakers toward formal recognitions.[45]These initiatives elevated genocide awareness and diaspora activism. Sassounian’s uncompromising rhetoric denounced participation in Turkish-hosted events like the 2010 Akhtamar church service as propaganda. Proponents credit this approach with sustaining vigilance against denialism.[46]
Recent Activities
In response to the 2023 Artsakh refugee crisis, the Armenia Artsakh Fund, under Sassounian’s presidency, intensified humanitarian aid efforts, delivering $486,000 worth of medicines to displaced Armenians in Armenia by November 2023.[49] This included shipments facilitated by partners like Direct Relief, which donated $27 million in medicines to Armenia in the first 10 months of 2023 alone.[49] By October 2024, the fund airlifted an additional $630,463 in medicines to Armenia, addressing ongoing needs from the displacement of over 100,000 Artsakh residents.[50]Sassounian continued publishing critical columns on Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s policies in 2024, arguing in July that only 13% of Armenians supported Pashinyan, urging new elections due to lost mandate amid territorial concessions.[51] In September, he critiqued Pashinyan’s Diaspora summit remarks as misguided, timing errors that alienated overseas Armenians by downplaying eternal struggle narratives.[52] He further accused Pashinyan’s government of internal dismantling through economic mismanagement and foreign policy shifts.[53]On church divisions, Sassounian warned in late 2024 of Pashinyan’s encroachments on the Armenian Apostolic Church, suggesting potential self-declaration as Catholicos amid disputes over Catholicos Karekin II’s authority.[54] These commentaries highlighted tensions between state policies and ecclesiastical independence.In media appearances, Sassounian discussed U.S. election impacts on Armenian issues in a November 2024 podcast, emphasizing diaspora advocacy.[55] He followed with a February 2025 Armenian News podcast interview detailing Kirk Kerkorian’s investments in Armenia, covering Kerkorian’s discovery of the country, funding projects until his 2015 death, and lessons for future philanthropy.[56]
References
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https://podcasts.Armenian News.org/guest/hsassounian/
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https://podcasts.Armenian News.org/409-harut-sassounian-kirk-kerkorians-benevolent-engagement-with-armenia/
168: They decreased sharply. Look what happened to wages
March: 16, 2026
Stele was an integral part of the CP members’ power. But lying also has a limit.
The other day, Economy Minister Gevorg Papoyan was talking about last year’s salary increases, making discoveries, publishing figures unknown to official statistics, saying that we see how the average salary in Armenia is constantly increasing.
“For the first time, in December, we had an average salary of 400,000 drams, taxes included, of course.
I look at all this not with the pre-election and electoral logic, but as the economic development of our country,” the Minister of Economy insisted.
Let’s leave aside how well this statement of Gevorg Papoyan fits into the pre-election or election logic, let’s look at the figure he gave about the average salary.
But before that, let’s note that a few days ago, the Minister of Labor and Social Affairs made such a statement.
“2025 in December, the average salary in Armenia was 401 thousand drams.
Moreover, in November of the same year, that indicator was 327 thousand drams,” Arsen Torosyan advertised their recorded salary increases during the meeting with the CP faction, probably excited by their own salary gains.
Gevorg Papoyan and Arsen Torosyan are the ministers of this government who are directly related to salaries and hardly knew what the average salary in Armenia was in December. They probably knew, but they lied or gave false numbers, exaggerating the salary indicators.
The data published by the official statistics show that the average salary in Armenia in December last year was 400 thousand drams, moreover, it was not more than that.
According to official data, the average salary was much lower in December. It amounted to 376.7 thousand drams, 23.3 thousand drams less than 400 thousand.
But as we can see, this did not prevent Gevorg Papoyan, who holds the position of Minister of Economy, and Arsen Torosyan, who holds the position of Minister of Social Affairs, to talk about the average salary of 400 thousand or more than 400 thousand. Moreover, to try to create the impression that salaries are growing at a high rate.
Arsen Torosyan says that in November the average salary was 327 thousand drams, in December it became 401 thousand drams.
If Arsen Torosyan and the other officials had given them, let’s say, 17-18 million bonuses in December instead of 7-8 million, the difference would definitely be bigger. But the ministers who received millions of bonuses naturally avoid talking about it. Isn’t it clear that they won’t say that they were given millions in bonuses, that’s why average salary indicators jumped in December? But with that, they did not reach 400 thousand, as they try to present.
The average salary, after the widespread payment of bonuses in December, was much lower than intentionally, perhaps also unknowingly, these people declare. And what we see already in January of this year reveals the secret of salary growth.
In January of this year, compared to the previous month, the average salary in Armenia decreased significantly. If in December last year it was 376.7 thousand drams, in January of this year it was 293.3 thousand drams.
It decreased at once by 83.4 thousand drams or by more than 22 percent.
When we subtract the unseen high bonuses and bonuses distributed to government officials at the end of the year, we see what remains below the average salary. It is still not the real salary, it is the nominal salary, that is, before taxation.
If taxes are deducted, the real average salary is much lower. In January of this year, it was only 217 thousand drams.
This is despite the fact that the average salary in some sectors reaches 900 thousand, sometimes up to 1 million drams, which means that the salaries of hundreds of thousands of citizens in many other sectors are even much lower than the average. There are many people who receive the minimum wage, sometimes even lower.
Last year, the average salary in Armenia increased by 15.9 thousand drams. The growth is not high, only 5.5 percent, but it was also due to higher than average increases in several areas. Let’s say that the average salary in the mining industry increased by 53.5 thousand drams last year, almost 3.4 times more than the average salary.
The average salary increase in the financial system exceeded 50.6 thousand. The rate of growth is almost 3.2 times more than the average salary.
Instead, wages in many sectors of the economy have been much more modestly increased, and sometimes even decreased. And this means that there are no tangible changes in the lives of the citizens included in these groups from the high economic growth that they try to present as a world-viewing event or a world-level achievement. Not counting the fact that they are affected by inflation, increases in taxes and fees for individuals.
Imagine, in January of this year, compared to the same month last year, the average salary in Armenia increased by only 5.4 percent. At the same time, food inflation was 5.9 percent, 0.5 percentage points higher than average wage growth. It is obvious that only due to inflation, there has been a decline in the purchasing power of the society and deepening of poverty.
HAKOB KOCHARYAN
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“I don’t know what building they are moving to, no one has asked me about it.” M:
March: 16, 2026
Still in early 2024 168.am referred to closing a number of departments in Meghri to the alarm.
At that time, various Telegram channels wrote that: “A number of branches of departments were removed from the city of Meghri in Syunik Marz and moved to Goris or Kapa, in particular, the SRC and Cadastre branches, and the cadastre branch was closed on August 16, 2023, the hospital is in a state of disrepair, there are no doctors there, and it is not heated at all.” On February 1, 2024 scheduled to close The Court of First Instance of Meghri, the mortuary has also been closed, along with the military laundry, even to get a driver’s license, people go to Kapan or Goris again.”
The residents of Meghri were also worried about the fact that the morgue was being taken out of Meghri and Kapa was being moved to the morgue. Armine Avagyan, assistant to Syunik governor, said that by the governor’s office The proposal made to the Ministry of Health was approved, according to which a new morgue will be built in Meghri with state funding.
Back then Cadastre Committee spokesperson Marine Sahakyan Regarding the closure of the Cadastre Committee in Meghri 168.am–had transferred to
“A long time ago, when we started digitizing our electronic platform, the positions in the offices were reduced. In the offices, citizens can only enter an application, we have operators through which they can also do it, for example, there is “Haypost”, banks. Specifically, in the case of Meghri, the few positions I have are actually vacant for objective reasons. We have one employee there who has a serious health problem. I think there were three employees there, the office is there, and it was temporarily closed, at the moment, the positions are simply not filled.”
Bagrat Zakaryan, the former mayor of Meghri, had a negative assessment of the closure of the branches of the departments, saying.
“Meghri is not a less important city for Armenia, and the citizens cannot get to Kapan from Meghri to get any papers from the Cadastre. As for the Meghri hospital, the mayor said that the hospital has always had a serious personnel problem.
Recently, we received another alert from Meghri regarding the closure of a number of departments.
We tried From Khachatur Andreasyan, head of Meghri community to find out which department will be closed in Meghri, does the relocation of these departments not cause problems among the residents?
“To be honest, I don’t know what building they are moving to, I can’t say, I haven’t heard, no one has asked me about it, I can’t answer this question.
They say that they are closing the Prosecutor’s Office building, but we don’t have such a building, there was such a building a long time ago, but now it is not there, it is regional, it is not in Meghri.
As for the building of the morgue, we are opening a new one in Meghri, the new building of the morgue will be handed over in 2 months.” 168.amKhachatur Andreasyan briefly mentioned in a conversation with
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Ruben Vardanyan tried to make a public appeal to the Ombudsman of Azerbaijan, b
March: 16, 2026
On March 13, during a telephone conversation with his family, Ruben Vardanyan tried to make a public appeal to the Ombudsman of Azerbaijan, Sabina Aliyeva, but the telephone conversation was forcibly interrupted. This was stated in the statement released by Ruben Vardanyan’s family.
“Ruben Vardanyan had to resort to this step, because the attempts to contact the ombudsman through a lawyer, written applications and phone calls in the previous 10 days did not yield any results. The trials ended a month ago, but neither Ruben nor, as far as we know, the other Armenian prisoners, have yet received their official sentences in any language, Russian, Armenian, or Azerbaijani. They do not know under what articles they were convicted, when or where they will be transferred. We are deeply concerned about the situation. The lack of reliable information about his and other Armenian prisoners’ whereabouts and the elimination of independent human rights mechanisms in Azerbaijan, including the removal of the International Committee of the Red Cross from the country, deprive all prisoners of any institutional protection. We also fear that even short phone calls, the only surviving means of communication, may be cut off. We are publishing the audio recording of Ruben’s appeal to Azerbaijan’s ombudsman Sabina Aliyeva, which he was not allowed to finish. We hope it reaches the recipient.
RUBEN VARDANYAN’S URGENT APPLICATION TO AZERBAIJAN OMBUDSMAN SABINA ALIEVA (Transmitted during a telephone conversation with the family) 2026 March 13 “I would like to… Ombudsman of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Mrs. Aliyeva. I have to address you. Although you generously provided your phone number during our first on-camera meeting in October 2023, I have not been able to contact you in the last 10 days, despite my best efforts through a lawyer, written submissions and phone calls. Therefore, I have to address you publicly. And unfortunately, I have no other way to convey to you what is happening here with me and my colleagues.
I request a meeting with you. You are the head of the only public institution that I can turn to in this situation, because all other Azerbaijani bodies either exercise state control or… (Ruben Vardanyan is interrupted here and is not allowed to continue his speech to the Ombudsman of Azerbaijan) And now they don’t even allow me to do that. I want to say that, unfortunately, they do not allow me to turn to you, so that you, the only person who can in this situation, there… I have not been able to receive the verdict for a month. neither Russian, nor Armenian, nor Azerbaijani. I don’t know what I was convicted for and under what articles. I am requesting a meeting so we can discuss all of this. Because, unfortunately, the Red Cross is gone. There is no other institution here that can keep in touch with us. The RA government does not have a representation here and is busy with supplies…” (The call is interrupted by the Azerbaijani side, not giving Ruben Vardanyan a chance to finish his speech to the ombudsman),” the statement said.
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Pashinyan confirmed our information. Is it a verbal agreement with Aliyev?
March: 16, 2026
On February 4, with the article “Will Pashinyan show the new weapons to keep the power?” in the article we wrote that at some point, Nikol Pashinyan may not consider the reaction of individual groups to be sufficient after getting acquainted with the new weapons, and organize a public demonstration in the period close to the elections. After all, one must somehow try to prove that the external debt has grown justifiably. We had clearly stated reliable information by writing.
“By the way, just these days 168.am received information, according to which it is not excluded that on May 28, Nikol Pashinyan will organize a military parade of the newly purchased weapons. Information about a possible location has also been provided, but due to security reasons, we will not speak. Regarding this topic, we tried to get an explanation from the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia, but it was not possible to contact the officials, so we sent a written request, we will present it as soon as we receive the answer.
And our question to the Ministry of Defense was clear: Is a demonstration-military parade of the newly purchased weapons planned for May 28, that is, in Sardarapat?
On February 10 we have published The response letter of the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia, which states:
«As of now, there are no discussions on holding an arms show-military parade in Sardarapat.”
In our second article on this topic, we drew attention to the fact that the Ministry of Defense in its response mentioned only the possible location of the military parade, Sardarapat, and not the date, May 28.
Accordingly, we assumed that a few days before the National Assembly elections, in any case, there would be a public display of newly purchased weapons in some format, especially since the Ministry of Defense stated that “there is no such discussion at the moment.” In other words, the possibility of this has not been ruled out.
And here is Nikol Pashinyan in Kapan on March 15 confirmed 168.amin early February, as well as our observations in this regard, saying in a conversation with citizens.
“There is a lot of talk about weapons, we also say why the state debt has increased. I made a statement 2-3 months ago that I will take and show those citizens who want to see what we have achieved. I have already invited several groups, we have gone, but the number of people is so large that we came to the conclusion that we should show it to everyone, we should show it publicly. And we are thinking of making a public demonstration in the near future so that our citizens can see what we are talking about. We will present a report to the people, probably in May, to show what we have done and what we have achieved. Moreover, we will show only the weapons acquired during our government and after 2022.”
Let’s remind that earlier Nikol Pashinyan is against to express in response to the display of modern weaponry purchased in the military exhibition version, including the proposals of ordinary citizens.
“There are opinions that it should be done, there are opinions that it is not necessary, for various reasons. Yes, after the military parade in Azerbaijan, the topic became active in Armenia as well. If we organized a military parade in November or December, it would be impressive, but we are preparing for the peace agenda.” in November 2025 had announced he
And in order, according to him, to “not spread wrong information”, at that moment they decided to organize a closed demonstration for individual groups.
But as we mentioned in one of our articles, if Pashinyan understands that a public demonstration or a military parade will help to keep the power, as a result of some “negotiations” with the Azerbaijani side, Pashinyan may go for it as well. It turned out that we were not mistaken.
Considering the need for a public display of the weapons purchased in Kapan during the last 2-3 years, Pashinyan also said.
“However, we do this by emphasizing peace and in the context of peace. there is peace, there is no tension with our neighbors, we hope that our neighbors will not perceive this as a show of aggression.”
In other words, months ago, in the logic of the peace agenda, it was not advisable to show weapons, now it is possible in the context of peace. And why, we have already mentioned.
By the way, published in February of this year, “From Pinaka to Gripen. Armenia opens its cards, Azerbaijan buys 6.5 billion worth of fighter jets” according to our article we wrote in the article: when during the visit of General Anil Chauhan, Chief of the Defense Staff of the Indian Armed Forces to Armenia, the samples of Armenian and Indian weapons were made public, Azerbaijan accepted it quite mildly, even though Azerbaijan once is a danger seen even at the level of the armed forces of the special forces of the Republic of Armenia.
Can we say that Pashinyan is trying to get a verbal agreement from Aliyev in such matters, otherwise how can we understand the change in approaches to the appropriateness of a public display of weapons over the months?
As for the increase in the state external debt based on the purchase of weapons, there are also interesting episodes related to it. we have reminded.
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One person, one sister, millions of drams. 76 million drams: Zhanna Andreasyan’s house
March: 16, 2026
Yerevan Medical University named after Mkhitar Heratsi has made its next major purchase from “Ar.Medtechnika” LLC.
We learn from the recently publicized contract in the armeps electronic procurement system that this LLC, through a non-competitive one-person procurement procedure, undertook the obligation to provide annual maintenance services for the GE CT Revolution EVO model computed tomographic complex and the GE Allia IGS 540 model angiographic system with the replacement of spare parts for the purpose of organizing the works of the “Heratsi” No. 1 hospital complex.
The price of the contract is 75 million 988,800 drams.
168․amthe referred to to “Ar.Medtechnika”, specifically informing that the director of this LLC is Nune, the sister of Minister of Health and Medical Sciences Zhanna Andreasyan.
According to the register of legal entities, the company has been operating since 2012, and since then Vahram Torosyan has been a shareholder of the company. today his share is 100 percent.
By the way, the company, which has been operating since 2012, has been participating in state procurement since 2017, but it has been very active especially after 2018, signing hundreds of large contracts with various government departments through various procedures.
By the way, at the end of the previous year, the Ministry of Health made a purchase of around 105 million drams from “Ar.medtechnika” LLC under an urgent one-person procedure in a non-competitive manner.
According to this purchase procedure, purchases from LLC have been made since 2018. already 5 purchases, in the case of 4 of which the customer is YSUBU.
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