World Armenian Congress Proposes Coord. of Armenia-Diaspora Relns

Panorama.am
16:22 16/09/06

WORLD ARMENIAN CONGRESS PROPOSES TO SET UP COORDINATION UNIT OF
ARMENIA-DIASPORA RELATIONS
The World Armenian Congress (WAC) proposes to set up a ministry or any
other structure for coordination of Armenia-Diaspora relations, Ara
Abrahamyan, WAC chairman and head of Union of Armenians in Russia,
told a press conference Saturday.
In his words, 10 years ago the political situation in Armenia was much
better than today. Any conflict in the region and any sanction to this
or that country negatively affect the political situation in Armenia.
`To meet the challenges, Armenia and Diaspora must unite,’
Abrahamyan said indicating to the need of a joint national program.
Abrahamyan says the Diaspora uses only 1-2% of its potential but it
can become much stronger if close ties are established with the
government. `We need the support and mediation of the Armenian
authorities,’ WAC chairman said.
Abrahamyan indicated that the major issues for WAC today is the
recognition of the Armenian genocide. The organization has submitted
mechanisms for such recognition to the Armenian foreign ministry in
May proposing to apply to the International Court in Hague. Besides,
Abrahamyan said WAC lawyers have found documents in Russian archives
that have been closed to everyone until today. /Panorama.am/

ARF Warns Baku against Trying to Shift NK Settlement Efforts to UN

ARMENPRESS
ARF WARNS BAKU AGAINST TRYING TO SHIFT KARABAKH
SETTLEMENT EFFORTS TO UN

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 15, ARMENPRESS: A senior member
of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) has
warned authorities in Azerbaijan that Yerevan will
pull out of the negotiations over the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict if Baku persists in trying to get the United
Nations to deal with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; as
a result, he said, Baku would have to negotiate with
authorities in Stepanakert.
Spartak Seyranian from the ARF ruling board,
denounced Azerbaijan for its efforts to shift the
conflict process to the UN, saying Baku is doing this
because of facing serious difficulties in the OSCE
Minsk group.
The UN General Assembly decided on September 13 to
include a new item on conflicts in the Black Sea-South
Caucasus region in the agenda of its 61-st session.
The decision to include the issue in the General
Assembly session -which was pushed for by GUAM-member
states Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova – was
adopted `following a contentious procedural debate.’
Sixteen countries, including the Baltic States,
GUAM-member states, the United States and United
Kingdom voted in favor of including the item entitled
`protracted conflicts in the GUAM area and their
implications for international peace, security and
development.’ Fifteen countries, including Russia and
Armenia, voted against, while 65 abstained.
Seyranian said Armenia has always been opposed to
UN involvement in Karabakh peace talks, insisting that
the Minsk Group of the OSCE is the most effective
international peace-brokering body to help settle the
Armenian-Azerbaijani dispute.

Armenian President Receives Lincy Foundation Vice-President

ARMENPRESS
ARMENIAN PRESIDENT RECEIVES LINCY FOUNDATION
VICE-PRESIDENT

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 15, ARMENPRESS: President Robert
Kocharian received today Harut Sassounian, the vice
president of the U.S.A-based Lincy Foundation.
Kocharian’s press office said the two men discussed
the progress in a set of projects implemented here on
Lincy Foundation’s funds. They also referred to some
issues which are on the agenda of the third
Armenia-Diaspora Conference.
Kocharian and Sassounian also exchanged ideas on a
range of issues in which the American Armenians take a
particular interest.

Cochairs Try to Revive the Proposed Peace Deal

Panorama.am
15:05 16/09/06
COCHAIRS TRY TO REVIVE THE PROPOSED PEACE DEAL
The move of Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement to
U.N. is a new challenge for Armenia, Vartan Oskanyan,
foreign minister of Armenia, said pointing out to some
qualitative and quantitative changes. `We will have to
deal with four different countries and not only with
Azerbaijan. Each of these countries has its circle of
friends. So, the scope of interests enlarges,’ he
said. However, Oskanyan expressed his readiness to
`enter into concrete discussions when there is a
resolution.’ Anyway, he said it changes the focus of
attention from the main process.
The minister said OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs want to
revive the peace deal which was approved by the
Armenian side and to record positive move by the end
of this year. He also said if the conflict gets into
U.N., Nagorno Karabakh should become part of the
negotiations. `U.N. is comprised of 159 countries
which have no idea about the process and have no
interests. They can vote based on political sympathies
for this or that side. We cannot leave the fate of
Karabakh to the vote of some countries in Latin
America and the Caribbean islands. This means that
Karabakh must be a part of the process. It does not
mean that Armenia will not be involved. It will but
only with Karabakh,’ the minister said. /Panorama.am/

CR: Honoring 50th Anniversary Of The Holy Virgin Mary and Shoghagat

Congressional Record: September 14, 2006
>From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access
wais.access.gpo.gov
HONORING THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE HOLY VIRGIN MARY AND SHOGHAGAT
ARMENIAN CHURCH
HON. JERRY F. COSTELLO
of illinois
in the house of representatives
Thursday, September 14, 2006
Mr. COSTELLO. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to ask my colleagues to join
me in recognizing the 50th Anniversary of Holy Virgin Mary and
Shoghagat Armenian Church located in Swansea, Illinois.
The Church has historically been an integral part of the Armenian
community. Armenia was the first country to adopt Christianity as its
official religion in 301 A.D. So it was natural that the Independent
Club, an organization of Armenian Americans, would seek to start a
church for their community in 1956.
The new Church, then named Holy Shoghagat Armenian Church, began in a
small white structure at 13th and Summit Avenue in East St. Louis,
Illinois. A neighboring parish house and additional parcel of land were
later acquired.
Circumstances required that the original church properties be sold in
the early 1970’s and for several years the congregation had to
celebrate the liturgy in different local churches. Throughout this
difficult period, the parish family stayed together and finally, in
1978, the new Church in Swansea, Illinois was consecrated.
On the occasion of their 50th Anniversary, in addition to celebrating
that milestone for their local Church, the members of Holy Virgin Mary
and Shoghagat Armenian Church are paying tribute to their ancestors who
were victims of the Armenian Genocide, both those who lost their lives
and those who survived. A large khatchkar, carved in Armenia, will be
dedicated to honor those who suffered during that terrible period in
history.
For 50 years, Holy Virgin Mary and Shoghagat Armenian Church has
served, not only as a place of worship, but as a unifying religious
center for the local Armenian community. Though their numbers may be
small, their dedication to their Church and their culture remains
strong.
Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in honoring the 50th
Anniversary of Holy Virgin Mary and Shoghagat Armenian Church and to
wish the best to them for many years to come.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

2006 Little Armenia Clean Up

PRESS RELEASE
Armenian Youth Federation
104 N. Belmont St.
#206 Glendale, CA 91206
Contact: Vic Sosikian
Tel: 818-507-1933
Contact: Marie Minassian
Wednesday, September 13, 2006

COUNCILMEMBER ERIC GARCETTI TO DELIVER SPECIAL REMARKS DURING LITTLE ARMENIA
CLEANUP
Hundreds of Youth Will Participate in the 4th Annual Little Armenia
Clean Up Organized by the Armenian Youth Federation

What: Little Armenia Cleanup
When: Saturday, September 16, 2006
9:00 a.m.
Where: Little Armenia, Hollywood
Rose & Alex Pilibos High School
1615 N Alexandria Avenue, Hollywood

Details: Hundreds of participants, including youth from the ages
of 8-30, will come together in Hollywood on September 16 to clean the
streets of Little Armenia. This initiative is organized by the Armenian
Youth Federation and co-sponsored by Los Angeles City Councilmember Eric
Garcetti’s office.
The opening ceremony will take place at Rose & Alex Pilibos High School on
1615 N Alexandria Ave. in Hollywood beginning at 9:00 a.m. The ceremony is
open to the public. Councilmember Garcetti will be present to deliver
remarks during the opening ceremony.
The clean up will include youth removing litter from sidewalks, weeds from
streets, and curbs. Volunteers will be cleaning Santa Monica Blvd, Sunset,
Blvd., and Hollywood Blvd. All volunteers will be provided t-shirts, lunch,
and water free of charge. The event is expected to conclude no later than
4:00 p.m.

For more information on the day of the event, contact
Marie Minassian at (213) 910-4664.

NGOs in Azerbaijan Criticized for Contacts with Karabakh

Eurasia Daily Monitor, DC
NGOS IN AZERBAIJAN CRITICIZED FOR CONTACTS WITH KARABAKH
By Fariz Ismailzade
Friday, September 15, 2006
Public protests have erupted in Azerbaijan after the chair of the
Azerbaijan branch of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly visited the
disputed Karabakh region and met with the leadership of the
unrecognized Karabakh republic. Arzu Abdullayeva and several young
activists from her organization went to Armenia’s Lori region as part
of their participation in the `Gugark’ youth summer camp from July 28
to July 30.
Several local NGOs, such as the pro-governmental youth movement IRELI,
the Forum of NGOs of Azerbaijan, and mass media outlets have lambasted
Abdullayeva for her `treasonous’ action and for her cooperation with
Armenians. The private TV stations ANS and ATV have even gone so far
as to accuse Abdullayeva of `mis-educating our youth and visiting an
Armenian cemetery after drinking with Armenian hosts.’
Public diplomacy, exchange visits by the media and NGO
representatives, are strongly condemned in Azerbaijan. This attitude,
mainly coming from the government and pro-government circles, is
derived from the belief that such reciprocal visits will help draw the
Karabakh republic out of its international isolation and eventually
legitimize its existence. `These visits only favor the interests of
Armenia and harm the interests of Azerbaijan,’ says Akif Nagi,
chairman of Karabakh Liberation Organization and a strong opponent of
such visits. Nagi believes that both the government and the public
must do everything possible to prevent such contacts.
The head of the Information and Press Department at the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan, Tahir Tagizadeh, refuses to accept the
blame on the part of the authorities. He says it would be improper to
`put limits on the exchanges.’ But he suggested that the visits not
take place until after the first stage of conflict settlement is done;
that is, until the occupied territories are freed and the status of
Karabakh is being determined. Only then we will consider them as a
strong and important part of the peace process, he said.
Thus, any direct political and people-to-people contacts between
official Baku and the authorities of the unrecognized Karabakh
republic have been minimal throughout the past decade. The liberation
of the occupied territories is held up as a pre-condition for any
possible contacts between Baku and Khankendi. Contacts are allowed
for human rights activists and media representatives, who still are
branded traitors in Azerbaijan. Such individuals typically work in
collaboration with international organizations, often the donors
supporting such bilateral meetings, to allegedly aid the separatists.
Similarly, international sport and cultural events that include
participants representing Karabakh lead to protests in
Azerbaijan. Several days ago, Azerbaijani NGOs sent a protest letter
to the municipal government of the eastern Turkish city of Kars for
inviting folk groups from Karabakh to participate in the city’s
cultural festival. As a result, organizers withdrew their the
invitation to the Armenian delegation. Last year, official Baku
denounced chess tournaments and Independence Day concerts in
Khankendi. The Azerbaijan national soccer team even refuses to host
the Armenian team in Baku as part of the European qualification games
in order not to appear to be cooperating with the Armenian government.
There are, however, some politicians and activists who believe that
public diplomacy and the gradual build-up of trust between Armenians
and Azerbaijanis are vital for the peaceful resolution of the
conflict. `Visits to Armenia will produce dividends in five to ten
years,’ says Avaz Hasanov, the chairman of the Humanitarian Research
Center and a frequent visitor to Armenia.
With the peace process on Karabakh deadlocked and both sides using
bellicose rhetoric, conflict analysts around the world are once again
pushing the idea of public diplomacy. It is widely believed that the
political leadership of both Armenia and Azerbaijan understand the
benefits of the painful compromises and seek a way to settle the
conflict, but they are either unable or incapable of convincing their
respective publics. More than 15 years of war propaganda portraying
the opposite side as a mortal enemy make a peace-settlement process
based on compromise very difficult, because the Azerbaijan and
Armenian peoples do not want to accept anything less than what they
believe belongs to them. The longer this problem continues, the more
difficult it will be for the governments of both countries to open the
minds of their citizens.
(ATV, ANS TV, Musavat, Day.az, Trend, Olaylar, September 10-15)

Armenia’s Strategic Lachin Corridor Confronts a Demographic Crisis

EurasiaNet, NY
Saturday, September 16, 2006

EURASIA INSIGHT

ARMENIA’S STRATEGIC LACHIN CORRIDOR CONFRONTS A DEMOGRAPHIC CRISIS
Onnik Krikorian 9/15/06
The flag of the unrecognized Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh flies over
the local administrative buildings in the center of Lachin, the
strategic lynchpin connecting the disputed territory with the Republic
of Armenia. The town and surrounding area, regarded as vital for
Karabakh’s security, appear to be experiencing an unsettling
demographic shift.
Over the past 14 years, Lachin has been reshaped by the ebb and flow
of humanity. In May 1992, during the height of the Karabakh conflict,
Armenian forces captured Lachin. [For background see the Eurasia
Insight archive]. Typical of most military operations against towns
and villages during the war, buildings were razed and entire
populations forced to flee. Accordingly, at least 20,000 Azerbaijanis
and Kurds evacuated the area when Armenian forces approached the town.
Armenians remained in possession of the Lachin corridor, renamed
Kashatagh, and several other Azerbaijani territories after the signing
of a Karabakh cease-fire in 1994. Shortly thereafter, Armenia
implemented a resettlement policy. Robert Matevosian, head of the
department of resettlement for the region, says that the first
Armenian arrivals came to the region out of a sense of
patriotism. These territories, “regardless of the consideration of
diplomats, must be inhabited by Armenians,” he says.
The official line is that most of the Lachin corridor’s new residents
are refugees and internally displaced persons. The situation on the
ground, however, suggests otherwise. It seems many of the new arrivals
were socially vulnerable families from towns and cities such as
Yerevan, Sisian, Jermuk and Gyumri in Armenia proper, as well as from
Karabakh itself. They appear to have been recruited to relocate with
promises of land, livestock and social benefits.
Gagik Kosakian, deputy governor of the region, has no choice but to
stick to the official line. But he does admit that others came as
well. “There are those specialists that couldn’t find work in their
chosen profession in Armenia who also come here to find employment,”
he says from his run-down and cramped office in downtown Lachin, which
Armenians have renamed Berdzor.
Varouzhan Grigoryan, 48, is one of those professionals who sought a
new start in Lachin. The economic chaos associated with the 1991
Soviet collapse hit Grigoryan hard. In the late Soviet era, he
operated his own dance studio in the southern Armenian town of Sisian.
Yet, amid Armenia’s economic transition, he was forced to close his
business and seek other work.
Six years ago, he moved with his family to Lachin and now he teaches
traditional Armenian dance to school children in the town, while
living with his wife and five children in a newly renovated hostel on
the outskirts. With a combined income of 70,000 drams (about $177) a
month in addition to 20,000 drams (about $50) in benefits for his five
children, things are better than they had been in Armenia. He also
receives another 20,000 drams in disability allowances for his two
chronically ill sons.
But while life might be better for the Grigoryans, the situation is
very different for others. The Lachin corridor covers some 3,000
square kilometers and stretches from just below Kelbajar in the north
to the Iranian border in the south. Yet, while Lachin’s pre-war
[Azerbaijani] population stood at well over 67,000, Kosakian puts the
number of [Armenian] settlers in the entire region (that also includes
the former Azerbaijani regions of Qubatli and Zangelan) at 9,800
people, including 2,200 living in the town of Lachin itself.
Unofficial estimates, however, put the number far lower.
Because of poor social conditions, as well as a lack of investment and
the recent transfer of the regional budget from Armenia to the
Karabakh territorial government, both officials and activists in
Lachin say that many families are leaving. Indeed, while the region’s
population was estimated at 15,000 in 2002, there are concerns that
out-migration is now reaching epidemic proportions. Sources within the
local administration estimated the population to be in the 5,000-6,000
range in 2006.
In recent weeks, Armenian newspapers have reported that that families
living in the territory are complaining that initial promises have
been broken. Moreover, while a budget estimated at 2.2 billion drams
has been allocated to Lachin, nobody in the administration appears to
know how the money is being spent. Benefits averaging 4,000 drams
(about $10) per child a month on average are also reportedly paid
late.
At the outset of 2006, an incentive for new settlers — the provision
of free electricity of up to 200 kw per month for the first two years
of residency — was rescinded. Meanwhile, there are questions about
misappropriations and malfeasance, including allegations that of 750
million drams allocated for the construction of new homes, only 50
million drams have actually been spent.
“I think that the Karabakh authorities have no real understanding of
the importance of this region,” laments Samuel Kocharian, Director of
the AGAPE Children’s Home in Lachin. He is also one of the most vocal
critics of the local administration as well as the transfer of the
Lachin corridor’s budget from Armenia to Karabakh. He estimates the
regional population now at approximately 5,000 people.
Marine Petoyan, head of the village of Karegah, located a few
kilometers outside of Lachin, touts her village as one of the most
successful in the region. Nevertheless, she is concerned about the
future. “Sixty percent of residents don’t have water because of the
drought,” she says. “When the natural springs dried out, this became a
serious problem,” She also says that there are numerous cases of
residents in Karegah having their electricity cut off because they
have been unable to pay their bills.
Fears of a resumption of armed conflict between Armenians and
Azerbaijanis also seem to be influencing Lachin’s demographics. “The
process of resettlement started on a large scale at the beginning
because of patriotism,” says Kocharian, “but now [Lachin] is emptying
with the same enthusiasm and on the same scale. When people heard
[Armenian Defense Minister] Serzh Sarkisyan say on television:
“`People, is Aghdam ours? Do you want another war?’ they were
worried.”
Robert Matevosian does not deny that there has been an exodus in
recent years. While not disputing the allegations and articles
published in the Armenian media, he nonetheless reacts angrily to
them. “If these reports do not result in changes here, they will do
more harm than good,” he says. “Already they are having a negative
effect.”
“These articles do raise various issues that are of concern, and that
do exist here,” he admits. “These problems have affected
resettlement. … Our officials and national [political] parties need
to think about elaborating a strategic plan for this region.”
But with the international community still pushing for a Karabakh
peace agreement, few believe any national plan of action will
surface. Samuel Kocharian, for example, doesn’t. Indeed, he even
wonders if the situation is one by design. “How wide do they want the
Lachin corridor to be?” he asked rhetorically.
Editor’s Note: Editor’s Note: Onnik Krikorian is a freelance
journalist and photojournalist from the United Kingdom working for a
variety of local and international publications and organizations in
the Republic of Armenia. He maintains a blog from Armenia and the
surrounding region at
Posted September 15, 2006 © Eurasianet

Rights & Concerns of the Lebanese Armenian Community Must Be Honored

American Chronicle, CA
Saturday, September 16, 2006
Rights & Concerns of the Lebanese Armenian Community
MustBbe Honored
Elias Bejjani
September 15, 2006
The LCCC (Lebanese Canadian Coordinating Council) strongly denounces
the Lebanese Government’s unjust refusal to call off the Turkish
Army’s participation in the UN Peacekeeping forces (UNIFIL) mandated
by the UN Security Council to deploy in South Lebanon in the aftermath
of the devastating 34-day long Israeli-Hezbollah war. The denied
request was made officially by Lebanon’s Armenian community in all its
denominational, political and social sectors and representatives. The
same appeal was made to the UN General Secretary, Mr. Kofi Annan.
The government’s refusal of the request is not merely a harsh response
of indifference and an act of condescendence in dealing with one of
Lebanon’s basic eighteen communities that make up the multicultural
and multiethnic Lebanese society, but it is in fact a blatant
infringement on a central article of the Lebanese constitution that
states: “No authority violating the common co-existence character
shall be legitimate”.
Alienating the Armenian community, ignoring its genuine concerns and
keeping a blind eye on its painful history hinders Lebanon’s national
unity, indicates plainly and sadly that the Saniora government is
ruling with the same oppressive strategies of marginalization and
discrimination inflicted by the Baathist Syrian regime on numerous
Lebanese communities during Syria’s 29-year long horrible occupation
that came to an end 16 months ago.
The Lebanese Armenian’s community cry for justice is well understood
and well supported by the majority of the Lebanese people. This
well-respected community does not believe that the Turks should be
allowed under any given circumstances to be a part in any peacekeeping
mission before their state admits publicly the genocidal massacres the
Turkish Ottoman rulers committed in 1915 against the Armenian people.
1.5 million Armenians were brutally murdered in cold blood by the
Ottoman Turkish Army in 1915 and many territories of their country
were confiscated and still are.
This is besides the fact that the Turkish Army is not qualified to
play a neutral role between the parties involved in the current
conflict unfolding on the Lebanese soil. The Turkish Parliament has
made the participation of its troops in UNFIL conditional on not
taking part in any assignment aiming to disarm Hezbollah.
Meanwhile the Lebanese people did not yet forget the hardships,
oppression, starvation, displacement, torture and humiliation
committed by the Ottomans during their 400 years of bloody and
criminal occupation of Lebanon and neighboring countries that ended
with World War I.
The LCCC appeals to both the Lebanese Government and the United
Nations to call off immediately the participation of the Turkish Army
in the peacekeeping mission of UNIFIL in Lebanon, and to block any
other UN similar task involving the Turks before the Turkish
Government publicly and officially admits the Genocide Massacres the
Ottomans committed in 1915 against the Armenian people and accepts all
ethical, moral and legal responsibilities.
The LCCC affirms the fact that any marginalization of any of Lebanon’s
eighteen distinct cultural, ethnic and religious communities is in
effect a flagrant infringement on the Lebanese constitution, the
principle of shared living, consensual democracy, national unity and
the UN Human Rights Charter .
We salute the Lebanese Armenian community in its longing for justice
and fully support its legitimate request submitted for both the
Lebanese government and the UN.
*Elias Bejjani
Chairman for the Canadian Lebanese Coordinating Council (LCCC)
Human Rights activist, journalist & political commentator.
Spokesman for the Canadian Lebanese Human Rights Federation (CLHRF)
E.Mail [email protected]
LCCC Web Site
CLHRF Website
—————————- ——————————————–
*Th e lccc is a Federal umbrella for the following nonprofit municipal,
provincial and federal Canadian registered groups:
Canadian Lebanese Human Rights Federation, (CLHRF), Canadian Lebanese
Free Patriotic Movement (FPM-Canada), Phoenician Club of Mississauga
(PCOM),/Canadian Phoenician Community Services Club (CPCSC),Canadian
Lebanese Christian Heritage Club (CLCHC),World Lebanese Cultural Union
(WLCU)-Canadian Chapter.

Writers on Trial, State in the Dock

Scotsman.com
Saturday, 16th September 2006
Writers on trial, state in the dock
ELIF SHAFAK IS A TURKISH NOVELIST WHO has spent much of her life in
Europe and the US. She fills her books with characters who defy all
orthodoxy, and in her journalism she lives by the same code, mixing
feminism and nuanced political analysis with a deep interest in
Ottoman culture. She is also unafraid of censorship, which is why this
Thursday she will come before the courts in a case the world would do
well to watch.
In her latest novel, The Bastard of Istanbul, already a bestseller in
Turkey, one character declares: “My father is Barsam Tchakhmakhchian,
my great-uncle is Dikran Stamboulian, his father is Varvant
Istanboluian, my name is Armanoush Tchakhmakhchian, all my family tree
has been Something Somethingian, and I am the grandchild of genocide
survivors who lost all their relatives in the hands of Turkish
butchers in 1915, but I myself have been brainwashed to deny the
genocide because I was raised by some Turk named Mustapha!”
These are strong words in a country whose official historians maintain
that the Armenian genocide at the hands of Turks is a fiction. In
February last year, when Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s most famous novelist,
said in passing to a Swiss journalist that “a million Armenians had
been killed in these lands, and I am the only one who talks about it,”
he was branded a traitor and prosecuted for “denigrating
Turkishness”. Shafak must have known that she was risking the same, as
she has frequently challenged Turkey’s treatment of its minorities. A
year ago, she spoke at the first Turkish conference to challenge the
official line on the Ottoman Armenians , and though she went on to
state her own position in several newspapers, the censors left her
alone. But in July, Shafak learned that she was to be prosecuted for,
among other things, allowing a character of partly Armenian heritage
in her novel to utter the forbidden G-word.
Since its inception in 1923, Turkey has policed its writers
fiercely. Its penal code, taken from Mussolini’s Italy, puts serious
curbs on freedom of expression, but leading writers have never toed
the line. The great modernist poet Nazim Hikmet spent much of his
adult life in prison and died in exile. The novelist Yashar Kemal, for
many decades Turkey’s most famous writer, has been serially harassed
and prosecuted. Between the 1970s and 1990s, so many writers,
journalists and scholars were imprisoned that a prosecution became a
badge of honour.
But 18 months ago, the game looked set to change. The European Union
had at last set a date for talks on Turkish accession. The long
conflict with Kurdish separatists was apparently over, and the Kurds
had been accorded limited cultural rights. Encouraged by the prospect
of entry into the EU, other Muslim and non-Muslim minorities were
beginning to make themselves heard. It was finally possible to tap the
rich multicultural Ottoman legacies that nationalist ideology had so
long repressed. There was a new vogue for family memoirs. Some showed
how peacefully the empire’s diverse “nations” had coexisted. Others –
like Fethiye Cetin’s My Grandmother, in which she recounts her
discovery that her grandmother was Armenian – explored suppressed
histories. In Europe, a new generation of bicultural Turks were mixing
Turkish and Ottoman traditions with European forms and winning
prizes. As Pamuk’s star rose in the West, many other novelists –
Shafak, Latife Tekin, Asli Erdogan and Perihan Magden – had their
works translated. All refused to conform to national – or nationalist
– modes.
In so doing, they seemed to be reflecting the mood of the country as a
whole. An overwhelming majority wanted to join the EU. Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, the pro-market, pro-Europe Islamist prime minister, had
committed himself to a new penal code to bring Turkey into line with
Europe. However, Article 301 of the code recommends sentences of up to
three years for “denigrating Turkishness” or insulting the judiciary
or other state organs, while other articles make it an offence to
insult the memory of Ataturk or “seek to alienate people from military
service”. A recently revised anti-terror law is so broad that human
rights groups say it will make it a crime to espouse any view shared
by an outlawed group, or even to publish a statement by an illegal
organisation.
To date, there have been more than 60 cases against novelists,
publishers, journalists, scholars, politicians and cartoonists. Hrant
Dink, editor of the Turkish-Armenian weekly Agos, currently has two
cases against him. The publisher Fatih Tas is on trial for a book that
looks critically at the Turkish army. Two eminent professors faced
charges for saying, in a never-published government-commissioned
report, that Turkey’s treatment of its minorities fell short of
European standards, while the magazine Penguen and one of its
cartoonists were prosecuted for portraying the prime minister as a
kitten and an elephant, among other animals.
So far, no-one has been sent to prison. Some defendants have been
acquitted; others, like Pamuk, have seen their cases dropped on
technicalities. Many were given suspended sentences that were then
converted to fines. However, it should not be assumed that writers
have nothing to fear.
Behind most of the high-profile prosecutions is an ultra-nationalist
lawyers’ group called the Unity of Jurists. Its main spokesman is a
lawyer named Kemal Kerincsiz. His rabidly xenophobic sound-bites have
turned him into a celebrity, and his words are echoed by the thugs who
have taunted and assaulted defendants in the corridors of the
courthouses, denouncing them as traitors and “missionary children” (a
reference to the foreign schools many of the defendants attended) and
spouting racist slogans that call to mind Berlin in 1935, while the
riot police look on .
There must be others within the state apparatus who believe, like
Kerincsiz, that “the European Union means slavery and a prisoner’s
chains for Turkey”. They must be pleased that the trials have damaged
the case for Europe inside Turkey, while also giving fodder to
anti-Turkish nationalists in Europe. They must be rejoicing that the
EU sees the 301 trials as serious impediments to accession. This is
not a tug of war between East and West as the West likes to understand
it: while some of Turkey’s ultra-nationalists are Islamists, most are
old-guard secularists. The battle is about democracy, with supporters
of EU membership hoping for peaceful change and opponents hoping for a
return to authoritarian rule.
How best to help the writers caught in the middle? Because Kerincsiz
and his colleagues have successfully labelled foreign trial observers
as spies and agitators, many in Turkey believe that non-Turkish human
rights groups should keep their mouths shut. But if the
ultra-nationalists are allowed to continue their campaign
unchallenged, they stand a very good chance of winning. And if they
do, the oldest stable secular state in the Muslim world will cease to
democratise, and a brave new literature will die.
– Maureen Freely is the author of five novels and the translator of
Orhan Pamuk’s Snow, Istanbul and The Black Book. She teaches creative
writing at the University of Warwick.
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Last updated: 16-Sep-06 01:12 BST