CIS: ARMENIA LATEST TO AGONIZE OVER ANTHEM
By Robert Parsons
Radio Free Europe, Czech Rep.
Aug. 24, 2006
Emblems, flags and national anthems. There are few things, it seems,
more likely to stimulate the energies and passions of legislators in
the fledgling states of the old Soviet Union. Now, it is Armenia’s
turn.
PRAGUE, August 24, 2006 (RFE/RL) — The mood is a little fractious in
the Armenian capital this summer, and the weather isn’t helping. The
mercury has climbed inexorably above 40 degrees Celsius.
But not even the boiling sun can match the heat generated by the
debate over whether Armenia should ditch its national anthem and adopt
something more modern, more attuned to today’s national aspirations.
The very idea, according to the nationalist Dashnaktsutiun Party —
which forms part of the coalition government — is tantamount to
sacrilege. The Dashnaks like things just as they are.
“Mer Hayrenik,” or “Our Fatherland,” was penned by Mikael Ghazavi
Nalbandian, one of the most revered nationalist figures of the 19th
century, and adopted as the national anthem by the short-lived Armenian
state of 1918-20.
Thereafter it was banned by the Bolsheviks and became a hymn of protest
before being reinstated as the national anthem when Armenia declared
its independence in 1991.
So why change it now?
Take a look on Armenian blogsite blogrel.com and you get an idea why.
The song is too wimpy, complains one visitor — and too gloomy.
Take verse three. None of the usual chest-thumping banality of national
anthems here. But perhaps not calculated, either, to fill the hearts
of young schoolchildren with patriotic joy.
Death is the same everywhere; People die only once.
Lucky are the ones that are Sacrificed for the freedom of the nation.
Armenia is, of course, not the first post-Soviet state to go through
the agonies of this debate.
Russia fretted over it through the 1990s, briefly replacing the Soviet
anthem with a temporary lyric-free piece by 19th-century composer
Mikhail Glinka.
A 22-person commission made up of Armenia’s wisest and best has been
sifting through 85 candidates to come up with a new anthem.
In 2000, it once again reverted to the Soviet-era melody — albeit with
new words to replace paeans to “Lenin’s ideas” and the “unbreakable
union” of the Soviet state.
“Sacred Russia,” the new version proclaims, “protected by God.”
But divine care was not enough to persuade liberals like Grigory
Yavlinsky, leader of the opposition Yabloko party, who warned that
the reversion to the Soviet tune was a harbinger of terrible things.
Georgia’s Trials
In Georgia, too, the debate was fierce. But no nostalgia there. Two
years ago, it ditched the existing post-Soviet anthem in favor of a
new song.
Legislators said the fresh tune had more appropriate lyrics and —
so they hoped — a catchy new melody.
But many Georgians were unimpressed — like this man on the street
speaking to RFE/RL’s Georgian Service.
“They used to criticize our football and rugby international players
because they didn’t sing the last national anthem,” the man said.
“But you tell me how they’re going to sing this one. Very
interesting! Nobody will be able to sing it. Then everyone will ask
again why they’re not singing. Because they won’t be able to sing it!”
Or this man, who clearly thought the old Soviet Georgian anthem
couldn’t be bettered.
“It needs the sort of words that will give you goose pimples,” he
said. “I remember how the anthem used to be. ‘Eternal glory to the
nation’ — what do you think of that, eh? Pretty damn good!”
Anthem Tidbits
For every republic of the former Soviet Union, there is a similar
saga. Post-Soviet Moldova briefly adopted the Romanian anthem,
but abandoned it in favor of a new song to reflect the individual
Moldovan identity. That anthem is called “Our Language” — which in
Moldova is virtually identical to Romanian.
In Kyrgyzstan, a debate continues to simmer over its post-Soviet
anthem. The source of contention is a single word, “beikut,” which —
according to which Kyrgyz dialect you’re speaking, can mean either
“peace” or “bad luck.”
Russia’s Republic of Tatarstan, meanwhile, had no individual anthem
during the Soviet era. But it adopted an anthem after the revival
of its statehood. That song is now played at all official events,
together with the Russian anthem.
But to return to Armenia, where a 22-person commission made up of the
country’s wisest and best has been sifting through 85 candidates to
come up with a new anthem.
It’s a heavy burden, as one of the judges, Culture Minister Hasmik
Poghosian, makes clear in remarks to RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.
“When we really are no longer ‘wretched’ and ‘forsaken,’ I’ll enter
the anthem competition myself.” — Felix Bakhchinian”It’s been very
difficult. When you have to listen to one song after another… And
clearly you can’t feel the same way about all of them,” Poghosian
said. “And it would have been wrong to make a quick decision and
immediately announce the winner.”
It’s hard work made harder still by some unrelenting criticism of
the whole project.
Felix Bakhchinian, director of the Charents Literature and Art Museum
in Yerevan, is one of many who think this is not the time for choosing
a new anthem.
“I too want to get rid of references to the motherland as ‘wretched
and forsaken,’ like we have in the existing anthem,” Bakhchinian
said. “But we need to solve more pressing problems before we begin
talking about the anthem and other state attributes. Right now we
have higher priorities to meet. And when we really are no longer
‘wretched’ and ‘forsaken,’ I’ll enter the anthem competition myself.”
Harsh words from a man highly respected in the world of Armenian art.
But not harsh enough to stop the commission. It’s narrowed the field
down to five finalists — and word is that one song is head and
shoulders above the rest.
Its lyrics, based on a poem by early 20th-century poet Yeghishe
Charents, drops much of the grim imagery in favor of praise for the
“sun-baked taste of Armenian words.”
Whatever their views on the tune and its lyrics, Armenia’s legislators
would be wise to pay attention. If parliament adopts its planned new
code of ethics, legislators will have to demonstrate that they can
sing all the words.
A Million Ramseys: Groups On Mission To Stop Genocide
A MILLION RAMSEYS: GROUPS ON MISSION TO STOP GENOCIDE
By Ben Ready
Longmont Daily Times-Call, CO
Aug. 24, 2006
Armenians’ journey reaches Longmont
LONGMONT – Imagine JonBenet Ramsey had a sister and both were murdered
10 years ago. Would the international media and billions of people
worldwide care twice as much with two victims instead of one?
And imagine that the killers were thousands armed to the teeth and
committed to killing all little white girls in America. Might you
see this on the front page for a few weeks?
So why is it that when you hear about not one or two but thousands
of murder victims in Darfur today, so few seem to care?
Two groups committed to stopping genocide asked these questions in
Longmont on Wednesday.
“One death is a tragedy; a million is a statistic,” said Kim
Christianian, chairwoman of the Armenian Genocide Commemoration
Committee.
Six Armenian students left Los Angeles on foot June 27 and arrived
in Longmont on Wednesday during their Journey for Humanity genocide
awareness and prevention campaign.
For the students’ stops in Denver, Boulder, Longmont, Loveland, Fort
Collins and Greeley, they were joined by the Colorado Coalition for
Genocide Awareness and Action.
Together the groups hope to remind Americans of the slaughter of
millions of human beings – each as unique and precious as JonBenet
Ramsey, the loss of each individual worthy of the same public outrage
shown after the loss of Ramsey’s life, the group said.
A photo exhibit of starved bodies, rape victims and mass graves
along Main Street in front of Longmont Free University said it with
numbers too:
1895-1923 – 1.5 million Armenians massacred
1932-1933 – 7 million Ukrainians killed from manmade famine
1938-1945 – 11 million massacred in the Nazi Holocaust
1970-1980 – 3.3 million Cambodians massacred
1994 – 1 million Rwandans massacred
2003-present – 400,000 and counting killed and 2.5 million displaced
in Darfur.
“This is the thing we have on our hearts. We are survivors,” said
Levon Sayadyan, whose Armenian great-grandparents were forced
to watch Turkish soldiers behead their daughter. “We cannot be
bystanders. … We need to take action.”
Sayadyan and 12 others joined for a discussion after their walk from
Boulder. The students will walk to Loveland today, Fort Collins on
Friday and Greeley on Saturday. Their 3,200-mile Journey for Life
will end in Washington, D.C., before November.
Not only do the students in “Stop Genocide Now” T-shirts want to
remind people along their path of past atrocities, but they also hope
their discussion circles will reduce American complacency about the
killings in Darfur today. Seeing U.S. humanitarian efforts following
9/11, Hurricane Katrina and the tsunami in Indonesia, students said
they have no doubt Americans are generous.
But after being ignored or rebuffed by throngs of reporters in Boulder
on Tuesday, who were gathered under a tent and doing little but waiting
for a breaking bit of information in the Ramsey murder case saga,
the students said, walker Edward S. Majian wondered how the press and
public could be so indifferent to the genocide of an African people.
“When we have a genocide, political actors and their allies become
complicit for tolerating it. We ignore certain things because it’s
not politically comfortable to talk about,” Majian said.
According to the groups, understanding genocide – defined as “the
systematic destruction by a government of a racial, religious or
ethnic group” – is the first step in fighting it.
When people then familiarize themselves with the world’s recent
history of genocides and grasp the combination of social complacency
and hatred that fuels them, taking action to stop today’s genocide
is the easy part, said Hasmig Tatiossian.
“You donate time, talk to friends, donate money to coalitions, contact
the media, call your congressmen, talk to your kids, encourage your
teachers to teach students about this,” she said. “You don’t have
to be Armenian or Jewish to take action. … Just realize that we’re
all human and all interconnected.”
For more information about stopping genocides, go to
, www .journeyforhumanity.com or
Communists Ready To Contest Elections Separately
COMMUNISTS READY TO CONTEST ELECTIONS SEPARATELY
By Ruzanna Stepanian
Radio Free Europe, Czech Rep.
Aug. 24, 2006
Armenian communists are determined not to ally themselves with other
political forces in next year’s parliamentary elections, their leader
Ruben Tovmasian said on Thursday, stressing that they don’t want
‘to share their loss or victory.’
“We had been talked into giving our support to groups and parties we
had nothing in common with before,” Tovmasian said. “Now if we lose
we will accept this loss as ours, and if we manage to get into the
parliament, it will become a huge step of the Communist Party.”
Tovmasian attributed the communist fiasco at the 2003 parliamentary
elections, when the party failed to win a single seat in the National
Assembly for the first time in 87 years, to its cooperation with
different opposition forces at different stages of the election
campaign. Among those supported by the Communist Party of Armenia
(HKK) then were opposition leaders Stepan Demirchian and Artashes
Geghamian. The party had also joined the so-called 17+1 opposition
alliance.
“That cooperation completely disorientated our electorate,” Tovmasian
said, adding that they also want to field their own candidates at
the 2008 presidential elections ‘to redress those mistakes’.
The HKK that had its last presidential candidate in 1998 suffered
several major splits after the death of its respected leader Sergey
Badalian in 1999, which gave rise to several parties calling themselves
communists. Recently, Tovmasian brushed aside the calls of the splinter
groups to join efforts to succeed in the upcoming elections.
The leader of the staunchly pro-Russian party that stands for the
restoration of state control of the economy, says that the only
condition on which they can agree to form an alliance with other
forces today is: “If they agree to struggle for social justice,
against corruption and criminals, to improve the lives of ordinary
people, to push for Armenia’s joining the Russia-Belarus union.”
Armenian Communist Party: "There Were, There Are And There Will Be N
ARMENIAN COMMUNIST PARTY: “THERE WERE, THERE ARE AND THERE WILL BE NO FAIR ELECTIONS IN ARMENIA”
Regnum, Russia
Aug. 24, 2006
The Communist Party of Armenia is going to participate in the 2007
parliamentary elections on its own, on August 24, CPA Central Committee
First Secretary Ruben Tovmasyan stated during a press conference
in Yerevan.
According to him, the party has completely reconsidered outcomes of the
2003 parliamentary elections (the CPA did not collect necessary number
of voices and did not get into parliament – REGNUM); it is sure of its
success in 2007. Also, Ruben Tovmasyan stated, the Communist Party
“is not going to share its power and strength with other political
parties even in aspect of cooperation and joint struggle for the
sake of fair elections.” “The Communist Party has been repeating its
slogan for honest and fair elections for more than 80 years. However,
there were, there are and there will be no fair elections, however
hard you try to unite,” the communist is sure.
Also, Ruben Tovmasyan stressed, cooperation is possible under
four conditions, which may be fulfilled by no parties except for
the Communist one now: struggle for social justice, improvement of
living standards of ordinary people, striving for Armenia’s joining the
Russian-Belarusian union, and struggle against criminality, corruption,
and bribes. According to Mr. Tovmasyan, the whole Armenian people
are electorate of his party. As for possibility of social revolution,
the communist stressed that Communist Party had come to power through
revolution, but “revolution is not a children’s toy.”
Celebrate With Local Armenian Dance Company
CELEBRATE WITH LOCAL ARMENIAN DANCE COMPANY
Belmont Citizen-Herald, MA
Aug. 24, 2006
The 20th anniversary celebration of the Sayat Nova Dance Company
of Greater Boston is in full swing, with plans for an elegant gala,
in addition to two special performances at Boston’s Majestic Theater.
Belmont resident Apo Ashjian, the founder, choreographer and artistic
director of the dance company, said he is both amazed and humbled by
this milestone.
“When we first started, I didn’t think we would last at all. We
were an independent group, when that was rare among Armenian
organizations. People felt funny. Now we’re celebrating our 20th
year and holding up our heads,” Ashjian said of the Watertown-based
dance troupe. “We never, ever thought we would reach this far. And
this success is all thanks to the community and the intense support
we got from them.”
Kicking off the 20th anniversary celebration is a gala banquet at
Boston’s Fairmont Copley Plaza on Saturday, Sept. 16. The evening
will feature cocktails, dinner and dancing to the Melik Ohanian Band.
A guest speaker will also be featured, helping with the silent and
live auction.
The second phase of the celebration is two shows at the Cutler Majestic
Theater in Boston, on Saturday, Sept. 30 at 8 p.m., and Sunday,
Oct. 1 at 3 p.m. The two performances, titled “Power in Rhythm,”
will stress cultural and ethnographic dances.
“We want to show non-Armenians the deep-rooted cultural heritage that
we have. We want to show our culture to everyone,” said Ashjian.
Sayat Nova Dance Company of Boston has toured the U.S. and the world
since 1986. Most recently, in July the dance troupe had several
sold-out performances in Armenia.
About 80 crew members, dancers and choreographers make up the core of
Sayat Nova Dance Company. The nonprofit group relies on donations and
community support for maintaining its rigorous weekly dance sessions
and numerous performances annually.
Ashjian and his team of volunteers also regularly visit Armenia
to learn about traditional Armenian dances, costumes and music,
in order to better represent the art of Armenia to Diasporans and
non-Armenians alike.
Tickets for both shows at the Majestic are available by calling
617-901-2758, or calling Telecharge at 1-800-233-3123. Tickets may
also be purchased at
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
BAKU: "Zerkalo": Armenia Troubles Its Neighbors
“ZERKALO”: ARMENIA TROUBLES ITS NEIGHBORS
Ïðaâî Âûaîða, Azerbaijan
Democratic Azerbaijan
Aug. 24, 2006
Youths representing different world countries gradually join
discussion of Garabagh conflict. Yesterday “round table” was
organized on initiative of youth movement “Ireli” at international
press center. Representative of Georgia, Turkey, Macedonia, Czech
Republic, India, Saudi Arabia joined partook in the event. The issue
of frozen conflicts by the example of Garabagh problem was discussed.
Azerbaijani political scientists, Rasim Musabekov, briefly informed
participants about the problem. “As a result of military intervention
of Armenia 17% of Azerbaijani territories are occupied. Some sources
having overestimated the figure, inform that 20% of territories are
occupied. Following occupation policy 850,000 Azerbaijanis had to
leave their homes”.
R. Musabekov stressed that Armenia violates international laws,
ignores resolutions of UN Security Council concerning liberation of
Azerbaijani territories: “Armenia fails to understand that in five
years military budget of Azerbaijan will be three times as much, and
Azerbaijan may not accept today’s proposals on conflict regulation”.
As expert told about consequences of occupation of Azerbaijani
territories on the part of Armenia, and about main point of peace
talks within the frames of OSCE Minsk Group, interests of young people
concerning the issue in question increased. Peak of activity was
mainly observed when after brief essay R. Musabekov at last started
answering questions. Representative of Czech Republic was first to
ask. As it turned out, she failed to understand the fact of ignoring
of 4 resolutions of UN Security Council on liberation of Azerbaijani
territories on the part of Armenia. UN has to influence upon
aggressor-country, she applied to political scientists with surprise.
“What does UN need? To stop the war and bloodshed. And as both
countries neither fight, nor live in peace, apparently it is convenient
to this international organization. Perhaps war is necessary in order
that UN seriously tackle this matter?!, Musabekov answered.
Then, Gulshad from Turkey expressed her bewilderment. “Turkey and
Georgia also have problems with Armenia. Governments of three countries
can join in strengthening their activities to disclose hostile policy
of Armenia”, she said. While replying, political scientist wasn’t
completely agree with young Turkish lady.
Accordingly to him, Turkey actively cooperates with Azerbaijan and
Georgia. “Airport which in future will be used with military purposes
was built in Marneuli with the help of Turkey. It would be wrong to
underestimate importance of tripartite cooperation”.
Georgian representatives were the most active. Natia said
that Georgians face the problem of territorial claims on the
part of Armenia. “Armenians living in Samzkhe-Javakhetia demand
self-government”. Musabekov stressed that such provocations in South
Caucasus is backed by Russia.
–Boundary_(ID_/Q+EGeNk8XLMB4ME4OhbVA)–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
BAKU: European Court Of Human Rights To Consider Azerbaijan’s Compla
EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS TO CONSIDER AZERBAIJAN’S COMPLAINT ON ARMENIAN CRIMES
Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
Aug. 24, 2006
“European Court of Human Rights will consider Azerbaijan’s complaint
regarding the crimes committed by Armenia,” Chingiz Asgarov,
Azerbaijani representative at the European Court of Human Rights told
the APA.
He said the number of appeals to this court from Azerbaijan has
decreased recently due to the judicial reforms. Asgarov also said
most of the complaints were made by refugees.
“More than 800 appeals have been made by refugees. There are almost no
complaints on election irregularities,” the representative said.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Interview With Elif Shafak: "In Turkey, A Novel Is A Public Statemen
INTERVIEW WITH ELIF SHAFAK: “IN TURKEY, A NOVEL IS A PUBLIC STATEMENT”
Interview by: Lewis Gropp
Yemen Times, Yemen
Aug. 24, 2006
Elif Shafak’s latest novel, “The Bastard of Istanbul”, has been
tremendously well received in Turkey. However, Shafak is now facing
a trial for “denigrating Turkishness” – because of comments made by
one of her characters in the novel.
After having already tried to, unsuccessfully, sue Orhan Pamuk
for “denigrating of Turkishness”, Turkey’s prominent and infamous
right-wing lawyer, Kemal Kerinsciz has now filed a lawsuit against
you. In how far are liberal intellectuals in Turkey networked to resist
right-wing, nationalist pressure, how do they support one another?
Elif Shafak: Unfortunately the liberal intellectuals are not as good
at combining forces as the ultranationalists. I liken the Turkish
society to a tapestry of clashing and coexisting forces. The liberal
intellectuals do indeed constitute a weighty force in this context,
but oftentimes they fail to work together.
Unlike the state and the bureaucracy, both the media and the civil
society is multilayered and composed of multiple actors. Thus, these
ultranationalists do not represent the majority of Turkish society.
Their number is small and yet their voices are so loud. There is an
ongoing clash of opinions. On the one hand are the ones who want Turkey
to join the EU, democratize further and become an open society. These
are the ones who support the reforms and question the status quo.
On the other hand are the ones who want to keep Turkey as an insular,
xenophobic, nationalistic, enclosed society. And precisely because
things are changing in the opposite direction, the panic and backlash
produced by the latter group is becoming more visible and audible.
You have stated that the Turkish language has become a battleground.
Is the country in the middle of a “kulturkampf”, a cultural struggle,
and if so, what role is the Islamist government playing?
Shafak: Culture was the cement of the “nation-building process”
in Turkey. After 1920s, the homogenization, Turkification and
centralization of culture were at the top of the Kemalist elite’s
political agenda. In order to be able to establish a new state
the reformist elite first and foremost created a new language and
culture. In time Ottoman words were discarded, Sufi words were
taken out.
As for the other side of the coin, both the government and the
conservative forces in the society aim at venerating the Ottoman
past, at the expense of critical thinking. There is a duality: the
modernists Kemalists are future-oriented and pay no attention to the
past and historical continuities. The conservatives, on the other hand,
in the endeavor to value all that was devalued by the reformists, have
made the past unquestionable. Both are reductionists, in my opinion.
Your novels are drawing on a wealth of literary resources, and you
have purposefully employed Ottoman language in them. Would you say
that Ottoman language culture was more pluralist and richer than
today’s Turkish? Has the Kemalist language revolution “flattened”
the linguistic varieties the Ottoman Empire provided?
Shafak: Ottoman language and culture was much more multilingual,
multicultural and multireligious. It was, after all, a multiethnic
empire, widely extended and deeply varied. I am one of the very few
authors who openly criticizes the Turkification of our language. I
use a lot of old words and Sufi concepts in addition to new ones.
That is why my linguistic style has upset many among the Kemalist
elite.
I think in time we became more intolerant and bigoted regarding
“cosmopolitanism”. In the late Ottoman era there were for instance
woman writers writing in both Turkish and English and French. That
was considered normal.
Today, I am being extensively criticized for writing fiction in
English. Many see this as a “betrayal”, as if I am betraying my
language and therefore my nation.
Ataturk had introduced a rigid nationalism in order to safeguard
Turkey’s political stability with an iron fist policy. At the same
time, he was also a bold reformer who admired Europe for its cultural
achievements and wanted Turkey to profit from them. So does Turkey have
any post-Kemalist intellectuals that promote a moderate nationalism
while, at the same time, rejecting the chauvinist-nationalist
excesses we’re currently witnessing? In other words: in order to be an
intellectual in Turkey today, do you have to be liberal and left-wing?
Shafak: Not necessarily. There are intellectuals left and right,
sometimes collaborating, sometimes clashing head-on. By and large
to be an “intellectual” is an important public role in Turkey. In
this sense we are closer to the French tradition rather than the
British tradition. An intellectual has a public role here. There are,
however, glass barriers when it comes to gender and age. It is not a
coincidence that the intelligentsia is mostly composed of men above
middle age. To be a woman and to be young is a disadvantage.
In a country like Turkey, a novel is first and foremost a public
statement and a novelist is always more than a novelist. In the
interviews I give in Turkey I talk more about politics than aesthetics
or art. In Turkey novelists are public figures. As a result, we have a
writer-oriented literary world rather than writing-oriented. Literary
criticism has remained feeble but the criticism of writers has
soared. We are either loved or hated.
Ironically, it is under the Islamist government of Erdogan that
Turkey that far-reaching social, political, and economic reforms
were introduced. The country has taken major steps towards Europe
within the past few years. How do you think can deep-rooted fears of
identity that were induced by these changes be alleviated?
Shafak: I personally do not label the AKP government “Islamist”. I
think we need another concept to define them – either “Muslim
democrats”, like Christian democrats, or perhaps “Muslim conservative
party”. But “Islamist” can be quite confusing.
It is true that major steps have been taken by this government in
terms of accelerating Turkey’s EU bid. They supported the EU process
more wholeheartedly than the conventional political and military elite
who wanted to keep the status quo intact. At the same time the world
is becoming increasingly polarized.
People on both sides draw cultural frontiers. In such a framework
it is extremely important for Turkey and the EU to prove that yes,
indeed Islam and Western democracy can coexist. It is important to
blur the boundaries that many people dangerously take for granted.
“The Bastard of Istanbul” is the second novel you have written in
English; your first novels were all written in your native tongue. Do
you think the attacks on your book would have been less severe had
you written it in Turkish?
Shafak: It is a whole package. When you choose to write in English,
“the language of imperialism”, some people get all the more annoyed
and reactionary. This kind of knee-jerk inflexibility can come from
both leftists and right-wing.
That said, I also would like to add that, although the novel was
difficult to digest for some people, in general, the reception in
the society and media has been very positive. The novel has become
a bestseller and sold more than 50,000 copies and was discussed,
circulated and read freely. I gave numerous readings, talks, book
signings all over Turkey, extending from Y’zmir to Diyarbaky’r. The
feedback I received from people of different walks, extending from
leftists, minorities, Kurds, housewives, mystics, Alevis to headscarved
female students has been very, very positive.
Interestingly, the hate messages that I received mostly came from Turks
living abroad. The Turks living abroad as immigrants can be much more
nationalist and conservative and rigid-minded than the Turks in Turkey.
Your new novel deals with the Armenian tragedy. Do you know of any
other Turkish novel who has explicitly dealt with the issue?
Shafak: There are traces here and there but for decades and decades,
Turkish literature has been startlingly silent in this issue.
How much research have you been doing in preparation for the novel?
Shafak: I wrote this novel while teaching and living in the USA. In
addition to doing my own research, I also collected oral histories,
watched documentaries and interviews, talked to numerous Armenians
in the Diaspora, visited many Armenian homes, and had the chance to
observe both the Turks and the Armenians in the USA.
I am a Turkish writer and wherever I go I will take those cultural
traces with me. And yet at the same time, my writing is nomadic and I
want to surpass national and nationalistic boundaries. The boundaries
of a nation-state do not constitute the boundaries of my imagination.
Where do you think are the limits to freedom of expression? Would
you want to see novels banned that promote, for instance, racial
hatred, terrorism, the superiority of men over women or other silly
and uncivilized ideas?
Shafak: I do not want to see novels being banned for even outrageous
reasons, such as racism. “The written word” should be free to
circulate. Human individuals are not sheep that can be guided as
designed by an invisible hand. Readers should have the right to but
whichever book they want, to read it and then to make their own mind
about it. Oppression only yields to further subjugation.
The novel has originally been written in English, and is to be
published by Viking Press in spring 2007. Why is it taking so long
to get the English version onto the market?
Shafak: The two literary markets operate so differently. The literary
world in Turkey is smaller but more dynamic and flexible. The one in
the USA, though larger and robust, can be confined in other ways.
Yet, on a separate note, the novel being so critical and controversial
for the Turks, I too wanted to have the novel published in Turkey and
Turkish first because it was important to me to see the reaction of
the Turkish readership first.
amp;p=report&a=4
BAKU: Armenian Armed Forces Fire On Azerbaijani Army Positions In Ag
ARMENIAN ARMED FORCES FIRE ON AZERBAIJANI ARMY POSITIONS IN AGDAM
Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
Aug. 24, 2006
Armenians have intensively violated the ceasefire in Agdam front.
They regularly fire on Azerbaijan Armed Forces’ positions and villages,
APA’s Garabagh bureau reports. Armenians violated ceasefire at the
night of August 23 to 24. From the occupied Bash Grevend position they
fired on opposite positions from 02.35am. No casualties were reported.
Local residents near the front line told APA’s correspondent that
Armenian soldiers are observing Mirashelli and Chiragli villages
from occupied Bash Gervend, Shikhlar and from Gulchuluk sovkhozu with
projectors.
BAKU: "In Book The History Of Caucasian Albania Azerbaijan’s Frontie
“IN BOOK THE HISTORY OF CAUCASIAN ALBANIA AZERBAIJAN’S FRONTIERS ARE DISTORTED”
Ïðaâî Âûaîða, Azerbaijan
Democratic Azerbaijan
Aug. 24, 2006
“Recently anti-Azerbaijanian forces trying to weaken the State inside,
leaving face to face with problems are activated especially.
Farida Mammadova’s book devoted to the history of Caucasian Albania
is also anti-Azerbaijanian,” informed at recent press-conference
Tahmasib Novruzov, chairman of Unity of Freedom Partners.
Speaking at the arrangement Jamil Bahramov, deputy Chairman of the
Institute of History of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences
said that the mentioned book is not scientific work: “Farida
Mammadova started working over the book The History of Caucasian
Albania by request of the State, but she did not present her work for
discussion. By instructions of the President of ANAS, Mahmud Karimov,
each book can be published just after the relevant discussion. The
document initiated and signed by M. Karimov consists of 10 points
should be maintained by the latest. But F. Mammadova published book
without presenting to discussion. Thus, we do not know the name of
publisher, and book has not editor and review.”
According to J. Bayramov, in book, information of Azerbaijan’s
historical territory as well as its historical frontiers have been
distorted: “The book composed of 798 pages is anti-Azerbaijanian. The
author indicates that Azerbaijani nation unites Caucasian Albans,
Persian-language and Turkic-language peoples. In addition, the book
says Safavi State. In 601st and 602nd pages of book inform that after
the 1828 Turkmenchay Treaty and 1829 Adirna Treaty the tsarist Russia
began resettlement of Armenians to the territory of Azerbaijan.
Furthermore, in 645th page the map of Albania and neighbor countries
in II-I B.C., in which the map of ‘The Great Armenia’ is cited, has
been given. The book gives the map of Armenian scholar Yeremian,
in which there are not signs of Azerbaijan. In F. Mammadova’s map
Ardabil forms a part of ‘The Great Armenia’. In spite of this map
involves II-I B.C., it indicates that in III B.C. Azerbaijan was an
organic part of so called ‘The Great Armenia’. According to historian,
the book cites the map of Armenian eparchy: “The cited toponomy has
neither Azerbaijani, nor Turkic words.”
As J. Bayramov informed, F. Mammadova had been worked over the book for
a twice – in 1977 and 1988. But at that time Ziya Bunyadov and Igrar
Aliyev were against its publishing. It is known that the historians
were against third version.
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