New coach boosts Ararat
Thursday, 14 September 2006
by Khachik Chakhoyan
from Yerevan
FC Pyunik continue to dominate the standings in the Armenian
championship but in the chasing pack FC Ararat Yerevan are the form
team, having won five games out of five under new coach Varuzhan
Sukiasyan.
Erzrumyans influence Sukiasyan was put in charge of the capital-based
side just before the season’s second half opened in August and under
his guidance they have cut the gap to third-placed FC MIKA to just
four points. As well as the coach’s influence off the park, brothers
Nshan and Sergey Erzrumyans have made a significant contribution on
it. Nshan has scored seven goals in four matches for his new club,
including a hat-trick against former club FC Kilikia.
Banants impress FC Banants have also enjoyed a fine spell, bouncing
back from defeat against Ararat to get nine points from three
matches. Nikolay Kiselev’s team followed up a 3-0 victory against FC
Shirak with impressive wins against reigning champions Pyunik and last
year’s cup winners MIKA – results that have taken them above MIKA into
second spot.
Leaders slip-up Banants still have some way to go to catch Pyunik, who
lead the way by ten points. However, the chasing pack can draw hope
from the fact that the leaders unexpectedly dropped five points during
their last four games.
Tight group Elsewhere, FC Gandzasar Kapan, FC Kilikia, FC Shirak and
FC Ulis Yerevan are all out of contention for the leading positions
but have formed a tight group at the bottom. With ten matches to play
bottom side Ulis are only seven points behind fifth-placed Gandzasar –
yet also five adrift at the foot of the standings.
©uefa.com 1998-2006.

DOCUMENTS SHED NEW LIGHT ON MENDERES YASSIADA TRIAL
By Erdal Sen
Zaman Online
Thursday, September 14, 2006
1960 MILITARY COUP 09.15.2006 Friday – ISTANBUL 10:21
[YASSIADA ARCHIEVES MADE PUBLIC-4]
After conducting the first investigation into the Turkish premiership,
Zaman continues to shed light on historical documents.
Former Prime Minster Adnan Menderes and his fellow Democrat Party
(DP) members were tried in 14 cases in Yassiada. The result was
three death penalties; 12 life sentences and hundreds of long-term
imprisonments. There were surprising accusations made during the
11-month trial, when the evidence supporting these accusations was
presented to the court. Many interesting documents from among the
evidence evaluated by the jury during the trial have surfaced, and
includes: donation bills for mosques built in Turkey, the publication
of Qurans, renovation investments made for Eyup Sultan Mosque in
Istanbul and even private “thank you” telegrams from citizens.
The 22nd file of the case even includes a Quran.
The government had ordered printing presses from Germany to publish
Qurans in 1960.
Their goal was to export the Qurans to Muslim countries in order to
earn more foreign currency for the treasury. Former State Minister
Izzet Akcal had given the necessary instructions to the Department
of Religious Affairs. They were planning to receive the presses by
June and begin publishing the Qurans by mid-July. The proof printings
were perfect; however, these plans were never realized because of
the military coup. Even this attempt was used as evidence in the case
against the Menderes government, and it was one such accusations that
sent Menderes to his death. Some of these Quran pages, proof prints
for later publishing, were also included in the court’s 22nd file
of misconduct.
Most of the private letters sent to Menderes related to citizen’s
gratitude for the renovations works carried out at Istanbul’s Eyup
Sultan mosque. Menderes had launched an extensive project to refurbish
147 historical and religious artifacts, and of his aims in doing so was
to turn Eyup Sultan mosque into a religious center, similar to Mecca
and Medina. He first mentioned his goal in 1959, and this speech was
later used against him in court evidence of his “exploiting religious
sentiments.” The court highlighted the last paragraph of Menderes’
speech, in which he said the minarets and domes of Istanbul mosques
were not only places of pray, but also masterpieces of architecture
and should be treated as such. Menderes further asserted these
masterpieces would one day be important sites to attract tourists
to Istanbul, turning the historic city into something of an open-air
museum. Some of the telegrams that citizens sent to Menderes to show
their gratitude were also included in the Yassiada files.
One of the sections that encompassed the largest volume is the file
about donations for mosque constructions. The donation statistics
of every single mosque in cities, towns and villages were documented
carefully and included in the court’s files. The number of documents
regarding such mosque donations, which were used as evidence in the
“misconduct” case, exceeds 500. The government had issued a regulation
in 1953 enabling it to set aside funds for the construction of new
mosques and renovation of historic ones. The first article of the
“misconduct” charge concerns how much money was spent for which mosque
in which year. The first article of the investigation file suggests
that the Adnan Menderes’ government spent 57,600,000 Turkish liras
on mosque construction and reconstruction during their seven-year rule.
Menderes’ Legal Defense on Sept. 6-7: Your Claim is Based on the
Greek Court
Last week marked the 51st anniversary of the Sept. 6-7 events. On
Sept. 6, 1955, violence erupted in Istanbul and Izmir and lasted
nine hours following rumors suggesting that Ataturk’s house in
Thessalonca had been bombed. Churches and workplaces were attacked,
and a number of Greek and Armenian-born citizens were killed. These
events were also handled in the Yassiada Courts established after May
27.The Democratic Party (DP) held responsible by the Greek courts
faced similar accusations five years later. For his legal defense
regarding the Sept. 6-7 events, Menderes penned his own account of
events dating back to Nov. 18, 1960. In the defense submitted to Court
of Justice High Chairmanship, Menderes criticized the Yassiada Court
for mimicking the Greek courts, and said: “We do not know whether
the only basis for the allegations that we started the Sept. 6-7
events are the ruling handed down by the Greek court or not. We also
do not know with what evidence the Greek courts used to reach this
verdict. Evidence suggests, however, that the court’s agenda was
biased. Firstly, the accusation that Turkey instigated the Sept. 6-7
events was very important in terms of the Greek national interests. We
did not have the full text relating to the Greek court’s ruling,
so we cannot defend ourselves.”
Menderes’ lawyer Talat Asal, in the written defense he presented to
the court, used the term “attorney general distressed at the lack of
evidence” in reference to the Court General Attorney Altay Egesel.
Chief Judge: Stop Speaking or I will Silence you
Presiding Judge Salim Basol’s reproachful attitude during the Yassiada
trials was one of the issues most criticized by the witnesses for
the defendants. Judge Basol went down in history for his statement,
“The force that shut you up in here wants it this way,” in a tone
intended to humiliate the accused. Politicians reacted harshly to the
attitude shown by Judge Basol throughout the trial, according to the
minutes of the trial. One example of protest came from Tevfk Iler as
he said: “They are trying to behead us here. Okay, let them play with
our heads, but do not let them play with our honor and chastity. They
talked about how the families were concerned for being called in for
questioning by the inquiry commission. What about our children who
have been suffering for 13 and a half months?” Minister of Finance
Hasan Polatkan asked “Should I not defend myself in a case that asks
my head?” to the Chief Judge, who did not allow him to speak.
At the Moment Lutfi Kirdar Suffered a Heart Attack
Lutfi Kirdar, namesake of the famous congress center in Istanbul,
was Minister of Health and Public Assistance at the time. He was 71
years old and suffered from a cardiac condition. “I am giving you a
detailed explanation, I do not know whether I will be able to appear
again or not,” he said, offering his explanation to the judge for why
he spoke for so long ahead of the fifth hearing of the third session
in the trial for the Istanbul and Ankara events. When it was his
turn to speak, he told Judge Salim Basol about his heart condition,
and although he had been impartial while in office, Basol refused
to believe him. Kirdar was again interrupted: “Is it possible to be
impartial? Is it possible to be in the Democratic Party cabinet and
work with impartiality; can this be defended?”
Basol was insistent on questioning Lutfi Kirdar about his departure
from the Republican People’s Party (CHP), and his heart could not
stand the strain.
According to the minutes of the trial, the final dialogue between
Basol and Kirdar is as follows:
Basol: How did you join the Democratic Party?
Kirdar: I was very busy with the development of Istanbul in 1954. I
struggled against the governor and mayor in Istanbul by means of the
written press on that day but this fight was unsuccessful. They came
to me again in 1954.
Basol: Who came?
Kirdar: The Democratic Party…. Let me sit for a while…(He fell
down)
(The accused, Lutfi Kirdar, could not continue as he was having a
heart attack and was rushed out of the hall.”
Basol: The court will take a ten minute break.

UKRAINE TO FORGE NEW ENERGY DEALS
By Khadija Ismayilova for Eurasianet
ISN, Switzerland
14/09/06
Pipeline politics in the Caspian basin makes for strange political
bedfellows.
Yushchenko made his first official visit on 7 – 8 September to
Azerbaijan. The trip produced seven bilateral cooperation agreements,
including a commitment to expand energy cooperation. Yushchenko said
his administration’s top priority was to forge deals concerning
“the extraction, refining and sale of oil,” the Trend news agency
reported. In talks with Aliyev, he touted Ukraine’s Odessa-Brody
pipeline as a potentially new energy conduit linking Azerbaijan,
and possibly Kazakhstan, to Western European markets. The
Yushchenko-proposed route would bypass Russia, as does the already
existing Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline.
Following his discussions with Azerbaijani leaders, the Ukrainian
president acknowledged that Kiev and Baku were not a natural fit as
partners. “Our talks were easy-going, but there are problems in our
relations that we are ready to resolve,” he said.
For much of the past two years, Ukraine and Azerbaijan have been at
political odds. Yushchenko, who led the Orange Revolution in Kiev
in late 2004, became the embodiment of the democratization movement
in the former Soviet Union. Aliyev, meanwhile, drew international
criticism in connection with the Azerbaijani government’s manipulation
of the 2003 presidential and 2005 parliamentary election. In short,
the two seemed to be polar opposites in terms of political practices.
After Yushchenko’s triumph in Ukraine, Azerbaijan was among the
authoritarian-minded former Soviet states that took action to prevent
the spread of what became known as the Orange Revolution phenomenon. In
September 2005, for example, authorities at Baku airport barred
an activist of the Ukrainian youth organization Pora, which served
as a catalyst for the Orange Revolution, from entering Azerbaijan,
prompting a protest from Kiev.
The “cold war” between Kiev and Baku reached a peak in October
of last year in a dispute over the fate of Rasul Guliyev, an
Azerbaijani opposition leader who is wanted in Baku on embezzlement
charges. Guliyev, who denies the allegations against him, was
attempting to return to Azerbaijan to take part in the country’s
parliamentary elections. Azerbaijani authorities barred his plane from
landing in Baku and he was diverted to a Ukrainian airfield. With an
international warrant against him, he was briefly detained in Ukraine,
but then released. The decision against keeping Guliyev in custody
caused displeasure in Baku, and Aliyev reportedly personally called
Yushchenko to complain.
Geopolitical circumstances in the Caspian Basin seem to have forced
the Azerbaijani and Ukrainian leaders to set aside their philosophical
differences. From Azerbaijan’s perspective, Ukrainian political support
can reinforce Baku’s stance toward a Nagorno-Karabakh settlement. In
a 7 September statement, Aliyev expressed thanks for “Ukrainian
understanding of Azerbaijan’s [Karabakh] position.”
Addressing students of Baku Slavic University on 8 September,
Yushchenko placed Ukraine firmly on Azerbaijan’s side, saying that
“recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity is a necessary
condition for settlement of the [Karabakh] conflict.”
Yushchenko’s Karabakh statement appears linked to Ukraine’s desire
for Azerbaijani support in the energy sphere. Kiev’s efforts to
reduce its energy dependence suffered a considerable blow in early
September, when Russia cut a deal with Turkmenistan on gas supplies,
thereby denying Ukraine significant access to Ashgabat’s abundant
energy reserves. The Russian-Turkmen deal will likely require that
Ukraine pay a significantly higher price for gas imports.
Russia also wields considerable influence over Ukraine’s oil
supplies. The Odessa-Brody pipeline was supposed to reduce that
dependence, but the oil route, which is capable of transporting 40
million tons of oil per year, remains underutilized. Yushchenko
sought an Azerbaijani commitment to ship a relatively modest
amount – about 4.5 million tons – via Odessa-Brody bound for Western
markets. Aliyev’s did not give a clear response, although he indicated
that diversification of Azerbaijan’s energy export routes is a basic
element of the country’s oil strategy. “We have already established
three pipelines to export our oil to world markets. However, as oil
exploration in Azerbaijan increases we consider new facilities for
export,” Aliyev said.
EurasiaNet provides information and analysis about political, economic,
environmental, and social developments in the countries of Central Asia
and the Caucasus, as well as in Russia, the Middle East, and Southwest
Asia. The website presents a variety of perspectives on contemporary
developments, utilizing a network of correspondents based both in the
West and in the region. The aim of EurasiaNet is to promote informed
decision making among policy makers, as well as broadening interest
in the region among the general public. EurasiaNet is operated by
the Central Eurasia Project of the Open Society Institute.

COUNCIL ON AGING – HENRY HAROIAN
Lincoln Journal, MA
Thursday, September 14, 2006
Henry Haroian will speak about his recently published memoirs,
Remembrances, at 10 a.m. on Monday, Sept. 21, immediately following
the Men’s Coffee. He will also be available to autograph copies of
his book. The book can be purchased at the Council on Aging or the
library for $24. Haroian has generously donated the entire proceeds
of the sale of his book to benefit the Friends of the Council on
Aging and the Friends of the Library. The book will be available to
purchase at either location.
Haroian’s memoirs chronicle the experience of his ancestors before
and during the Armenian genocide (1915-1923); their arrival in the
United States and settling in Watertown; World War II experiences;
the family move to Lincoln in 1958 and family and professional life.

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND THE ELECTIONS: WHO DOES THE GERMAN CDU-SCU HELP IN BIH?
Written by Bakhtyar Aljaf (IFIMES)
Newropeans Magazine, France
Thursday, 14 September 2006
The International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)
in Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyses events in the Middle East
and the Balkans. On the occasion of the announced general elections in
Bosnia and Herzegovina which are to take place on 1 October 2006 IFIMES
has prepared an analysis of the current pre-election situation. The
most relevant and interesting sections from the comprehensive analysis
are given below.
On the occasion of the announced general elections in Bosnia and
Herzegovina which are to take place on 1 October 2006 IFIMES has
prepared an analysis of the current pre-election situation. At the
general elections the voters will elect the new three-member Presidency
of BiH, President and two Vice-Presidents of the Republic of Srpska
(RS), the House of Representatives at the state and entity levels
(Federation of BiH and RS) and ten Cantonal Assemblies. In total, 7,245
candidates from 36 parties and 8 coalitions as well as 12 independent
candidates have decided to contest for those positions. There are in
total 2,736,886 registered voters.
POLITICAL CONFRONTATION BETWEEN DODIK AND SILAJD~NIÆ
The forthcoming general elections which are to take place on 1 October
are becoming the most important event affecting almost all political
activities in BiH. The general political situation is characterised
by the efforts of the nationalistic political elite to remain in
power also in the next term of office.
Thus in the Republic of Srpska two opposing political blocks have
been formed: (1) SNSD, Socialist Party (SP), DNS etc. (2) SDS, the
Radicals etc.
During the debate on the constitutional amendments and their
non-adoption, two opposing political blocks have been formed also
in the Federation of BiH: (1) Party for BiH, SDU, BOSS etc. (2) SDA,
SDP etc.
At the state level the main political pre-election fight will be
fought between the opposing political blocks led by Haris Silajd~^iæ
from the Federation of BiH (Party for BiH) and Milorad Dodik from
the Republic of Srpska (SNSD).
The national parties (SDS, SDA and HDZ) are trying to keep their
position feeling jeopardised by the arrival of democratic forces
which are going to tackle the period of their regime marked by war,
genocide, organised crime and corruption, isolation of the state and
its obvious lagging behind development which is, in the long-term,
the main reason for the economic decay of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
During their reign the national parties (SDS, SDA and HDZ) “ensured”
Bosnia and Herzegovina a high position among the 158 states which
were the subject of the research on the level of corruption. At the
88th place BiH is in the same group as Armenia, Benin, Gabon, India,
Iran, Mali and Moldova (Source: Transparency International Corruption
Perceptions Index 2005).
The post-Second-World-War experience showed that the European
authorities managed to revive their states in record time and to
transform them into the most promising states in Europe thus setting
the foundations to the present European Union.
However, after the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995) the
national parties have remained in power and continued to produce a
latent energy-consuming conflict between the nations which is the only
way for them to remain in power. On the other hand the economic and
social issues, despite their natural priority position, have remained
the secondary task due to which even 11 years after the war ended
Bosnia and Herzegovina has not managed to restore the infrastructure
nor to create the conditions for accelerating economic development,
which has aroused the feeling of dissatisfaction among all of its
nations and disappointment over the politics led in BiH during the
past 15 years.
In the Republic of Srpska thus SDS has, together with PDP and
supported by some radical Serbian movements, kept its citizens as
the prisoners of its politics which promoted criminal privatisation
flows, gradual undermining of the legal system and lagging behind
the modern economic and technologic developments in Europe and the
world. Merciless exploitation of national and natural resources have
impoverished the Republic of Srpska and its citizens. Extreme poverty
is especially felt in the eastern parts of the RS.
Having analysed the political and economic programmes of parties
and their political activities during the past years the IFIMES
International Institute has concluded that SNSD and SP are focused on
the economic and social issues of the four social classes and aim to
speed up the realisation of the macroeconomic programmes which can lead
to the accelerated and increased employment of the unemployed citizens.
Unemployment is namely the key indicator of social peace and
stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The citizens righteously
expect the political parties to make some radical changes which,
according to the IFIMES estimations, SNSD and SP are able carry out
in the Republic of Srpska. The forthcoming elections are therefore
of decisive importance for the Republic of Srpska.
ANNIHILATING POLITICS OF SDS, PDP and SRS
The annihilating regime of SDS, PDP and SRS has produced severe
far-reaching consequences which will have a long-term negative effect
on the development of the Republic of Srpska. Their politics has been
reduced to sheer fight for maintaining the position in the government,
using any means to win the favour of the High Representative for
BiH which often ended in a grovelling attitude towards international
officials in BiH due to which their politics often lost any sense.
Moreover, they used the methods characteristic of totalitarian regimes,
such as pre-arranged judicial processes against opposition leaders
(Milorad Dodik, Petar Ðokiæ, Marko Paviæ), unauthorised eavesdropping –
notably by “Telekom Srpske” in case of President of the Socialist Party
Petar Ðokiæ where this practices may well still continue since most of
the “Telekom Srpske” staff come from PDP and SDS. The paradoxicality
of the regime led by SDS and PDP lies in the fact that instead of
dealing with the criminal officials in SDS and PDP who have performed
various functions the competent public prosecutors are involved in
cases against opposition leaders in pre-arranged court proceedings
some of which are still ongoing.
The IFIMES International Institute has noted a characteristic behaviour
of the current RS Prime Minister Milorad Dodik. Instead of abiding
by the political programme which he presented before being elected,
especially its economic aspect, he unfortunately uses the typical
nationalistic rhetoric which may, in the next period, commit him
to the nationally oriented voters and benefit the national parties
which are noted for their nationalistic rhetoric. Milorad Dodik thus
unknowingly helps the national parties and is consequently losing
his traditional voters to other political parties.
SULEJMAN TIHIÆ ASKED THE GERMAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATS (CDU-CSU) FOR HELP?
A characteristic feature of BiH is the lack of transparency during
all previous election campaigns.
Although the Central Election Commission (CEC) is trying to control
the financing of election campaigns it is not very successful at
those attempts.
According to the results of the last elections in BiH the leading
party was SDA whose president Sulejman Tihiæ is also the current
Chairman of the BiH Presidency. According to the information IFIMES has
received from the Presidency, Sulejman Tihiæ asked the German Christian
Democrats CDU-CSU for assistance in the election campaign? Allegedly,
on behalf of CDU-CSU this assistance would be carried out by a known
German lobbying firm which is close to the right-oriented political
circles in Europe. Most probably Sulejman Tihiæ’s goal is to improve
his currently very poor position before the forthcoming elections and
thus to remain in power. IFIMES’s information on the activities in
the Presidency are alerting since it is the German energy lobby that
is hiding behind such “assistance”. As a return favour, the German
lobby would have wide open door for entering BiH. Tihiæ is to meet
the above representatives in the next few days.
The IFIMES International Institute believes that such assistance
provided by the German Christian Democrats (from the CDU-CSU circles)
to SDA which is an Islamic party would not be disputable if it
involved transparent donations and assistance not conditional on
additional favours which may be regarded as falling within the scope
of corruption and organised crime.
However, if other interests and intentions are hiding behind such
assistance from the German energy lobby, the whole case should be
examined by the competent public prosecutor and the Central Election
Commission.
–Boundary_(ID_MIdRy3h3knp/s lUd+Dok+Q)–

NEITHER ARABIC LANGUAGE, FLAG NOR POLITICAL ISLAM IN SOUTH KURDISTAN
By Kamal Rajab
KurdishMedia.UK
9/14/2006 KurdishMedia.com
Today the majority of Kurds are officially Muslim, belonging to
the Shafi School, and to a much lesser degree, the Hannafi School ,
both of Sunni Islam.
There is also a significant minority of Kurds that are Shiaa Muslims,
primarily living in the Ilam and Kermanshah provinces of Iran and
Central Iraq (“Al-Fayliah” Kurds). The Alevis are another religious
minority among the Kurds, mainly found in Turkey.
According to some claims, Kurds are also thought to be a kind of angel
worship that is an offshoot of Zoroastrianism. Today it is called
Yezidism and is only practiced by about 700,000 Kurds worldwide. It
is not strictly monotheistic, thus our Yezidis brethren have suffered
terribly under fanatical Muslims. In line with its belief in people of
the Book, Islam does not recognize Yezidism as a religion. Moreover,
the negative view of Muslims with regard to the Angel Peacock–who in
the religion of the Yezidis is second only to God–has been the cause
of conflict between Muslims and Yezidis for a thousand years or more.
Many Kurdish Jews and Christians have lived (and many Christians
still do live) in Kurdish areas.
Historically, there have been Christian converts among Kurds since
the 5th century. Nonetheless, today most insist that their ethnic
identity is “Christian,” not Kurdish. Pockets of Assyrian, Nestorian
(Jacobite Syrian-Orthodox, Armenian, and very few Protestant Christians
still live in the Kurdish areas today.
By the passage of time, Kurdistan has been exposed to a range of
political, socio-religious and geographical adjustments. But there is
one distinctive verity that most Kurds have in common. And that is
the principle of having practiced Zoroastrianism before the spread
of Islam in the 7th century CE, which is believed to be one of the
oldest religions in the world. Hence, our pre-Islamic religion must
be Zoroastrianism. It is easier for Kurds, the majority of whom are
Muslim, to accept the belief that their pre-Islamic religion was
Zoroastrianism rather than any other religious conviction.
The Islam religion started with Mohammad in the 7th century, in Saudi
Arabia of today. Mohammad included in Islam the idea of jihad (holy
war) to spread Islam by the use of force. Islam was spread rapidly
to all the Arab nations of North Africa and the Middle East.
Having fallen in to the hands of the Arab nations, Islam turned
into an apparatus of Arab nationalism and xenophobia. As lucid,
many Arab extremists are critical of Western influence and seek a
return to the authentic roots of their own traditions. Others – and
extremely small minority – are radical Islamic fundamentalists who
have stepped over the line from extremist rhetoric into the world of
political violence. What is an undeniable truth is that most Muslim
Arabs share an intense hatred of Western nations in general, and the
United States in particular. This hatred is fueled by blind religious
zeal, a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam that is not accepted
by the vast majority of the Muslim world, and the belief that the US
and Americans prevent the emergence of pure and true Islamic society
in many parts of the world. Their primary goals are to force the US
to end its involvement in the Middle East and in all other Arab and
Muslim nations, abandon its support of Israel, and stop its support
of Arab nations they perceive as “corrupt.” This is exactly in total
contradiction with Kurdish civilization, philosophy and religion.
Meanwhile, many of us “hold our Islam lightly,” meaning that we are
not so vehement about Islam and do not identify as closely with it as
the Arabs do. This is perhaps due to several factors: one being, many
of us still feel some connection with the ancient Zoroastrian faith,
and feel it as an original Kurdish spirituality that far predates
the seventh century AD arrival of Muhammad.
Being a member of the Indo-European family of languages, we are
totally distinct from the Arabs, Turks, and Persians (Iranians)
of their region.
The name “Kurd” was a generic term used to denote nomads and
non-Arabs in particular. In Kurdish, the name “Kurd” means “warrior”
or “ferocious fighter.” We are the modern descendents of the Medes,
who are mentioned in the Bible. The Kurds are the descendants of
the Medes, who helped Persia defeat Babylon. The Kurdish belief
that they are the descendants of the biblical Medes reflects this
rich background. Basing this claim on geographical, linguistic and
cultural factors, this claim is ascribed more.
History well lets slip the facts that “the earliest known evidence of
a unified and distinct culture (and possibly, ethnicity) by people
inhabiting the Kurdish mountains dates back to the Halaf culture
of 8,000 – 7,400 years ago. This was followed by the spread of the
Ubaidian culture, which was a foreign introduction from Mesopotamia. In
the 8th century we were conquered by the Arabs, who introduce Islam. We
were also subdued by the Mongols in the 11th century and later by the
Ottoman Turks, under whose rule they remained until the collapse of
the Ottoman Empire following World War I”.
Other than through intermarriage over the centuries, we are
not ethnically and linguistically close or related to Arabs or
Turks. Arabs, who form the majority in Syria and Iraq, came during
the 7th century, the period of Islamic expansion, from the Saudi
Arabian Peninsula.
Arabic language in South Kurdistan
Even though Arabic is a sacred religion language to Muslims around the
world, Ninety percent of the world’s Muslims do not speak Arabic as
their native language Arabic and Islam are complementary and mutually
reinforcing. Arabization and Islamization are inseparable parts of a
single cultural ideal that now pervades the Arab world. Every Arab
government, regardless of its political or social character, uses
the symbolic power of the Arab language in its drive toward national
modernization, authentication, and uniformization. All of them see
the Arabization of society, particularly the educational system, as
crucial to their mission. This leads, however, to an unexpected irony:
because Arabs draw so close a connection between classical Arabic and
the faith of Islam, Arabization invariably leads to identification
with the (supranational) Islamic religious tradition.
Even the most secular Arab nationalist (such as the Ba`thist variants
in Syria and Iraq) must appeal to Islamic symbolism to bolster
sagging legitimacy and to mobilize the masses (as Saddam Hussein
did in his wars against Iran and the U.S.-led coalition). Hence,
Arab nationalism has, however inadvertently, contributed to the rise
of Islamism. Indeed, today’s Islamist surge is the natural, perhaps
inevitable consequence of the Arab nationalist policies of thirty
years ago.
We must enhance our cultural and linguistic national personality;
but no, we must not allow it to deprive us of the power of universal
scientific knowledge. It is only extremist Islamists and extremists
who are able to escape such wavering and adopt firm, unequivocal
stances for or against Arabization/Islamization.
We are in need of implementing a foreign language curriculum that can
further improve intellectual skills, helps our students understand
the customs, culture and literature of other societies, and allows
them to better trace their roots. Knowledge of a foreign language
contributes to international understanding of issues and greatly
increases career opportunities for our Kurdish scholars. At present,
proficiency in foreign languages is much in demand in government,
business, industry and research. And this is an indispensable fact
having been adopted by the nations of the world.
An estimated 300-400 million people speak English as their first
language. One recent estimate is that 1.9 billion people, nearly a
third of the world’s population, have a basic proficiency in English.
English is the dominant international language in communications,
science, business, aviation, entertainment, diplomacy and the
Internet. It has been one of the official languages of the United
Nations since its founding in 1945.
Another key language is French. French is spoken by 71 million
people in France and other 24 countries which include Canada
and Belgium. French is also the official language of a number of
International organizations, among which EU, NATO and UN.
There is no incentive for Kurds to totally not eradicate Arabic
language, culture and legacy in South Kurdistan and reinstate it with
a modern and internationally recognized democratic foundation.
Some facts about the Arabization policy in South Kurdistan
Attempts to Arabize instructions in Kurdistan were one of the primary
goals of previous dictator regime. The educational system of South
Kurdistan has gone under qualitative and quantitative changes.
The Education system in Kurdistan, prior to 1991, was one of the
most backward in the region. The Higher Education, especially the
scientific and technological institutions
The majority of Kurdistan institutions of higher education were burnt,
looted, or destroyed.
Kurdistan’s educational system was the target of Iraqi military action,
because education is the backbone of any society. Without an efficient
education system, no society can function. Schools and universities
were bombed and destroyed.
The previous Iraq’s school curriculum was a Baathist -crafted
curriculum In a callous and murderous policy termed “Baathification”,
thousands of Kurdish academics, scientists and prominent were executed.
Iraq strategy against Kurdistan went beyond “strictly military
targets”. The aim was the complete destruction of the Kurdistan
society and its knowledge-based resources.
In the wake of US liberation of Iraq, Kurdistan’s educational systems
are expected to match with the finest in the Middle East .
After the ‘Gulf War’, 95 per cent of all Kurdistan school age children
are attending school. Attendance at school has gone high in Kurdistan
as primary education is being compulsory.
There are successful government programs under way aimed at eradicating
illiteracy among Kurdish men and women.

DPM AGREES TO INVEST IN CRESCENT GOLD LIMITED
Market Wire
September 14, 2006
SOURCE: Dundee Precious Metals Inc.
In accordance with regulatory requirements, Dundee Precious Metals
Inc. (“Dundee Precious”, “DPM” or “the Company”) (TSX: DPM) announces
that it has entered into a letter agreement to purchase from Crescent
Gold Limited (TSX: CRA)(ASX: CRE) (“Crescent”) and certain officers
of Crescent an aggregate of 42,000,000 ordinary shares of Crescent at
a price of AUD$0.35 per share. The purchased shares shall be divided
as to 25,000,000 shares being issued from treasury by Crescent and
17,000,000 shares being purchased from certain officers of Crescent.
It is anticipated that the transaction will close in two tranches,
the first of which shall occur on or about September 29, 2006, or such
other date as the parties may agree, and shall consist of an aggregate
of 34,000,000 shares, being 17,000,000 treasury shares and 17,000,000
secondary shares. The second tranche of 8,000,000 shares shall close
upon Dundee Precious obtaining the approval of the Australian Foreign
Investment Review Board of the proposed acquisition of the shares and
the acquisition proceeding in accordance with the Foreign Acquisitions
and Takeovers Act. Upon completion of the transaction Dundee Precious
will own approximately 17.2% of the outstanding shares of Crescent.
The completion of the transaction is subject to, among other things,
due diligence and the receipt of all necessary regulatory, stock
exchange and corporate approvals, including the approval of the Toronto
Stock Exchange and the Australian Stock Exchange. The acquisition
of the Crescent shares by Dundee Precious is consistent with its
business model of making strategic investments in issuers in the
precious metals and mineral related sector. These shares are held for
investment purposes. This investment will be reviewed on a continuing
basis and such holdings may be increased or decreased in the future.
Dundee Precious Metals Inc. is a Canadian based, international mining
company engaged in the acquisition, exploration, development and
mining of precious metals. It currently owns the Chelopech Mine,
a producing gold/copper mine, and the Krumovgrad Gold Project,
a mining development project, both located in Bulgaria, and is
engaged in mineral exploration activities in Serbia. In addition,
Dundee Precious owns the Back River gold exploration project in
Nunavut, Canada and an 80% interest in the Kapan Mining Project in
Armenia. The Company also holds a significant and strategic portfolio
of investments in the precious metals and mineral related sector.
FORWARD- LOOKING STATEMENTS
This news release may contain certain information that constitutes
forward-looking statements.
Forward-looking statements are frequently characterized by words such
as “plan,” “expect,” “project,” “intend,” “believe,” “anticipate” and
other similar words, or statements that certain events or conditions
“may” or “will” occur. Forward-looking statements are based on the
opinions and estimates of management at the date the statements are
made, and are subject to a variety of risks and uncertainties and other
factors that could cause actual events or results to differ materially
from those projected in the forward-looking statements. These factors
include the inherent risks involved in the exploration and development
of mineral properties, the uncertainties involved in interpreting
drilling results and other geological data, fluctuating metal prices
and other factors described above and in the Company’s most recent
annual information form under the heading “Risk Factors” which
has been filed electronically by means of the Canadian Securities
Administrators’ website located at The Company
disclaims any obligation to update or revise any forward-looking
statements if circumstances or management’s estimates or opinions
should change. The reader is cautioned not to place undue reliance
on forward-looking statements.
Contacts: Dundee Precious Metals Inc.
Jonathan Goodman President & Chief Executive Officer (416) 365-2408
[email protected]
Dundee Precious Metals Inc.
Gabriela M. Sanchez Vice President Investor Relations (416) 365-2549
[email protected]

EASTERN CHRISTIANS AND DHIMITTUDE UNDER ISLAM
AINA, CA
Assyrian International News Agency
Posted GMT 9-14-2006 22:9:42
[Editor’s note] The following article from the Byzantine Catholic
Culture website should give plenty to ponder on the part of all those
who seek to understand the genesis of islamo-fascism, as well as any
contemplated convivium with Islamic countries.
Eastern Christians, Orthodox and Catholic, have plenty of recent
experience with Islamic culture and polity that needs to be heard by
Westerners — Christian and non-Christian. Immigrants from Lebanon
and Armenia, from Greece and Turkey, the Balkans, Syria and Iraq,
Palestine and Egypt, all have stories of ethnic cleansing and centuries
of oppression under Islamic rule. Hispanic culture too was profoundly
marked by the centuries-long struggle with Islam on the Iberian
Peninsula, too. The crusades actually began in Spain when the first
Muslim invaders placed their feet on Spanish soil in 711. From then
on, Spain and the Christian faith struggled under Muslim masters who
at times were more or less congenial towards their infidel wards. The
struggle continued until 1492, just weeks before Christopher Columbus
landed in the Americas.
Those 700 years of struggle saw the intervention of other
Christian nations such as France and England, as well as the
person of Charlemagne himself, to rid the Iberian peninsula of
“dhimmitude”. Catholics of the Byzantine or Mozarabic rite in Spain
in some places lived alongside their Muslim masters and kept the
Faith burning like a frail lamp that could be snuffed out at any
moment. The result was a militant Catholic religion that was to make
ultimately the fateful decision to demand One Faith under One King
during the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. Even though at times
Muslim occupation brought technological and intellectual advances
(taken from the formerly Christian Byzantine Empire), the bitterness
of the struggle prevented any further melding of the cultures.
Lebanese Christian and Greek refugees from Ottoman and later Turkish
oppression came to the US during the early 1900s to find the freedom
of conscience that had been denied them at home. They fled massacres,
enforced servitude, and the gathering up of their young people to
serve in the Turk’s armies or harems.
Besides Spain, Western Europe had experience with Muslim onslaughts,
also. For example, Muslim pirates raided the coasts of Ireland,
Iceland, England, and northern France during the 1700s with impunity
and took hostages into slavery, forcing them to convert.
But these events are lost to most people, especially Americans who
have little experience with Islam. The Gulf War of the 1990s, and the
subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are comparative turkey-shoots
when seen in the historical context of Christianity’s struggles with
Islam. The armies of Saddam Hussein and the ragtag Taliban offered
comparatively little resistance. It is well to remember that Muslim
armies were not always so inept: they got as far as three days’ march
from Paris and once besieged the walls of Krakow and Vienna. The
Middle East, and Africa, were Christian until the jihadi armies of
Mohammed swept through and demanded conversion in exchange for the
lives of the vanquished.
The current war, whether it is called a war against terrorism or
to save “civilization” as President George W. Bush puts it, must be
placed in the context of the previous struggles between Muslims and
Christians. The experience of Eastern Christians is much more vital
and deserves a hearing in the West.
Yes, let us discuss with Muslims the difficulty they have in
controlling islamo-fascists. But let us have returned to us the keys
to the Hagia Sophia. — Martin Barillas, Religion news editor.
CHRISTIAN FLIGHT FROM THE MIDDLE EAST
THE REASONS
The purpose of this essay is to advise our readers of the causes of the
Christian exodus from the Middle East. We shall not discuss absolute
numbers and percentages, for they are covered in other Web sites
and books referred to herein. Rather, we want to review the social
and political environment of Muslim societies in which Christians
constitute vanishing minorities in lands where their presence precedes
the invasion of Islam and where the Gospel of Christ was preached
to them two thousand years ago. The ancient communities of Christ’s
followers are now under unrelenting pressure to abandon the lands
where they have been for 20 millennia.
We invite our readers to imagine living in a social and political
environment as members of a religious minority, Christians, where the
dominant majority, Muslims, are told by their “holy book” that they
are the noblest of creatures and the former are the vilest of animals,
where the majority constitutes the only portion of society which counts
whereas those of the minority are outside of and subordinate to that
society, where the official state religion is that of the majority and
the religion of the minority is scorned if not actively persecuted,
where the legal system by its very language prefers the majority and
discriminates against the minority, where the news media promote the
interests of the majority and ignore or defame the people of the
minority, where opportunity in education, employment and business
are tilted toward the majority and away from the minority, where in
times of political and economic misfortune those of the majority feel
free to attack, plunder and kill those of the minority out of hatred
and revenge, where the clergy of the majority preaches hatred for
the minority and issues religious decrees urging its followers to
wage war against the minority, where the men of the majority regard
the women of the minority as shameless and frequently molest them,
where the important decisions in society are based on the religion
of the majority, on ethnicity, tribe, clan and family rather than
on merit, and where ignorance, superstition, corruption, abuse &
denigration of women, oppression, and persecution of religious &
ethnic minorities are the norms, not the exceptions, then you will
understand the predicament of Christians in Muslim societies and
wonder no longer why they seek to escape by emigrating.
Increasingly in recent decades Catholic and Orthodox parishes in North
America and elsewhere have experienced the influx of Christians from
the Middle East. The movement of Christians from the lands of their
ancestors evangelized by the Apostles is perplexing and painful to
American Christians, for it is in that part of the world where our
faith had its genesis. Eastern Christians, Catholic and Orthodox,
cannot separate their religion from the places of its formative
years. The first 600 years of the Christian era saw the growth of the
Christian Churches, the gathering of the books of the New Testament
into the canon of the Bible, and the early ecumenical councils
which clarified the doctrines of the Trinity and the dual nature of
Christ. In those years many of our saintly heroes, whom we venerate
today, appeared like the Three Holy Hierarchs, St. John Chrysostom,
St. Basil the Great, & St. Gregory the Theologian, and St. Nicholas
of Myra, St. Mary of Egypt, St. Anthony the Great, St. Cyril of
Alexandria and many others.
THE THREE HOLY HIERARCHS
In the 7th century a new religion stormed out of Arabia, the religion
of Muhammad called Islam.
Muhammad taught a new monotheistic doctrine in opposition to the
polytheism of Arabia, asserting that his incorporated the best of
Judaism and Christianity and replaced both, that his was the complete
and last revelation of his deity, Allah, and that he was his deity’s
last messenger. [2] Within a century of his death his followers, called
Muslims, carried his religion by fire and sword into the Christian
world of the Middle East, overwhelming the Christian populations
[3] and carrying Islam eastward to the borders of China and westward
across North Africa and into Spain and southern France. Everywhere
the Christian populations capitulated to the armed hordes of Islam. In
dealing with the captive populations the Muslim overlords were guided
by the experience of Muhammad in subduing the pagan, Christian
and Jewish tribes of Arabia. These experiences were incorporated
into Muhammad’s book, the Quran. Pagans were commanded to convert
to Islam. If they refused they were killed and enslaved and their
property seized. If the submitted without resistance, they were spared.
Christians and Jews [4], however, were regarded as “peoples of
the Book” and treated differently. If they surrendered without
resistance, their lives and property were spared conditional on
acknowledgment of their inferiority to Muslims and the superiority
of Muslims and further on payment of the humiliation tax called
“jizya”. See further explanation of jizya in footnote 8 of
This arrangement or
understanding is called “dhimma” and the subjugated peoples of the
Book are called “dhimmi”. See Quran Surah IX, 29. The legal, social
and cultural condition of the subjugated dhimmi in Muslim societies
is called “dhimmitude”. Theoretically the dhimmi were to be allowed
free practice of their religion, but in reality that notion evolved
into mere sufferance under whatever other limitations the local
rulers might impose. For the first centuries after Muslim conquest
the Christian populations were the majorities under their Muslim
masters. Over time these majorities dwindled to minorities through
forced conversions and expulsions.
Dhimmitude
To understand the role of the dhimmi in Muslim controlled societies,
one must first examine the world view of the Muslims envisioned
by Islam’s foundation documents, namely the Quran, the Hadith or
traditions, and the Sharia or law code. Muslims view the entire
world as the possession of Allah and his surrogates on earth, the
Muslims. This world domination by Islam is called “khilafah” and it
remains the goal of Islam.
Jihad or “holy war” is the means by which the infidels are conquered
and the goal of khilafah is achieved.
All humanity must submit to Islam as the natural order of the
universe. The exception, mentioned above, allowed to Christians and
Jews, was and remains, as stated, mere sufferance, not an acceptable
alternative. Muslims divide humanity into two kinds — believers or
Muslims called by the Quran “the best of nations raised up to rule
over all others” Surah III, 110, and “kufr” or infidels defined by the
Quran as “the vilest of animals” Surah VIII, 55. Christians and Jews,
while not pagans, remain infidels, “may Allah destroy them” Surah IX 3.
The world is divided by Muslims into the House of Islam where Muslims
prevail and the House of War where infidels prevail. Between the two
abodes of mankind perpetual war called jihad reigns as the natural
condition or relationship. All Muslims are called to jihad as a moral
mandate to subdue the House of War and establish the universal rule
of Islam, khilafah.
All Muslim society everywhere is contained in the “umma”, the universal
brotherhood of Muslims. In the early centuries following Muhammad
the umma was led by the “khalif”, the Commander of the Faithful,
as the successor of Muhammad, in whom all matters of religion and
state were combined. Islam, then as now, sees no distinction between
the religion and the state.
Islam has no notion of inalienable natural or human rights
such as envisioned by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of
Independence. Moreover, Islam does not acknowledge civil rights,
i. e. rights which inure to people by virtue of their membership in a
political state. The only rights possessed by Muslims and dhimmi are
religious rights recognized in the Quran and codified in the Sharia. In
this scheme of things, the despised dhimmi fare badly, for they are
excluded from the umma and remain subordinated to it in law as well as
in practice. Muslims are even forbidden to befriend dhimmi Surah V,
51. By rough analogy the status of dhimmi may be likened to that of
the Negroes in the South during the worst days of Jim Crow. [6]
Seen in the above context and supported by 14 centuries of practice,
the Muslims are trapped in a “closed circle” of their own making
which denies them the opportunity to regard and deal with infidels in
any manner except that which is contemplated by their religion and
culture. Because the mandates of the Quran represent the complete,
final, eternal, literal and unalterable revelation of their deity,
the Muslims are frozen in the Bedouin mentality of the 7th century
and unprepared to deal with dhimmi or other infidels according to
the universal human rights standards of the present. As stated by
the author, Bat Ye’or, in her book, referenced below, entitled THE
DECLINE OF EASTERN
CHRISTIANITY UNDER ISLAM:
“Jihad and dhimma, emanations of the Creator’s will, are invested with
divine attributes: immutability, perfection, justice, infallibility;
considered as perfect systems, they brook no criticism. The subjugation
of Christians and Jews in Islam, in accordance with the
divine will, is achieved by the perfection of the dhimma. Any criticism
of jihad and dhimma — that is to say of the temporal realm —
becomes a sacrilege because of the unity
of the temporal and the spiritual.” p 242
Although the above standards apply generally to the relationships
between the umma and the dhimmi in all times and places, the practical
application in many Muslim states has yielded to outside influences
and political realities. Accordingly the practical applications
have been modified resulting in a variety of situations in which
Muslim states have deviated from the norm, allowing in some cases
more benign treatment of dhimmi. In some states like Baathist Iraq,
Baathist Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Tunisia and Morocco the governments
eschew the overt persecution of Christians, although the Jews were
run off decades ago. Other states like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan
and Sudan apply the full vigor of Quranic discrimination.
The exodus of Christians from the Middle East is varied and complex. In
the 19th century the European powers began to intervene increasingly
in the affairs of Muslim countries, pressing the rulers to grant
relief to the dhimmi from the worst of their burdens.
In addition, European Churches moved in to establish schools, printing
presses and mutual aid societies to aid the Christians thereby exposing
them to new ideas.
Those who went abroad to study seldom returned.
Awareness of greater economic opportunities and notions of liberty gave
Christians in Muslim countries a growing appreciation that conditions
elsewhere were better than those which they knew so well. Political
turmoil and periodic rampages by Muslims against Christians motivated
interest in emigration. With the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at
the end of World War I, the emigration of Christians to the Americas
began in earnest.
The second massive emigration began after World War II with the
influx of Jewish refugees into the British Mandate of Palestine. The
concomitant conflict between Palestinians and Jews created instability
and inured to the harm of the Christian communities. The Palestinian
and other Middle Eastern Christians and their Churches sided largely
with the Muslims in opposing Jewish presence in the Middle East. With
the restoration of the people of Israel to the land of Israel in the
State of Israel the conflicts grew.
Rejecting the United Nations’ partition of the Mandate into Jewish and
Muslim parts and as a result of the four wars initiated and lost by
the Palestinians and their Arab allies against Israel, the condition
of the Christians became increasingly bad. The Israelis regard Arab
Christians as untrustworthy and the Muslims continue to treat them
as despised infidels.
Consequently the movement of Christians from the region of the former
Mandate to the West accelerates.
Elsewhere in the Muslim world where there are no Jews or Israelis the
same is happening. The growth and increasing intolerance of militant
Islam, the continuing discrimination against them as despised dhimmi,
economic opportunity elsewhere and the universal longing of people to
be free, prompt Christians to leave the lands of their ancestors and
to seek a better life in freedom elsewhere. As their sons go abroad
for education, their families in an ever widening circle of kin and
friends follow which is emptying out the Christian communities of
the Middle East.
THE FINAL SOLUTION
The final solution to the Christian presence in the Middle East is
rapidly approaching. Within a generation or two, the Christians
will have followed the Jews in fleeing the bitter oppression
of the islamo-fascist social and political order of the Middle
East. Increasingly non-native Christians will take over the custody
of the major shrines and churches. In the lands evangelized by the
Apostles the church bells will go silent and from their towers will
sound the demonic wail of the muezzin summoning Muhammad’s followers
to their prostrations.
Rather than repeat what is already available about absolute numbers
and percentages of Christians emigrating, we direct our readers to two
Web sites with such information. They are “Disappearing Christians in
the Middle East ” at:
and “The Oppression of Middle Eastern Churches” at:
For English translations of
inflammatory anti-infidel agitation & propaganda emanating daily from
mosque & media in the Middle East, see the Web site of the Middle East
Research Institute at: See also our page entitled
Islam & the Church at:
and the books referenced below in footnote [8]
FOOTNOTES
[1] Hagia Sophia is the Mother Church of Eastern Christians, idealized
to appear as it might have been before its desecration by the Muslim
Turks. The life-giving cross has been restored to the dome and the four
minarets have been removed. Today it is neither temple nor mosque,
but a museum. Our Mother Church will be a metaphor of the Churches
of the Middle East, should current trends of emigration continue.
[2] The Quran. When one reads the Quran for the first time, one is
surprised to discover that Muhammad’s deity bears scant resemblance
to the Christians’ God.
Rather, it appears like an ancient Semitic war god elevated by Muhammad
above all others whose worship his followers seek to impose on mankind
by force. One chapter of the Quran, Surah VIII, entitled “The Spoils
of War”, is devoted to the plundering, killing and enslavement of
vanquished infidels and the apportionment of their property among
the followers of Muhammad.
[3] Muslims do not regard themselves as conquerors of the lands of
the infidels, but their liberators. That is based on the premise that
the lands, people and property of all the world belong to Allah and
his followers and that they are merely taking possession of what
is rightfully theirs. The author, Bat Ye’or, states the case well
in her book, ISLAM AND DHIMMITUDE, referenced below, as follows:
“The general basic principles according to the Koran are as follows:
the pre-eminence of Islam over all other religions [Surah 9: 33];
Islam is the true religion of Allah [Surah 3; 17] and it should reign
over all mankind [Surah 34; 27]; the umma forms the party of Allah
and is perfect [Surah 3; 6], having been chosen above all peoples
on earth it alone is qualified to rule, and thus elected by Allah to
guide the world [Surah 35; 37]. The pursuit of jihad, until this goal
will be achieved, is an obligation [Surah 8; 40]. The religions of the
Bible …are deemed inferior as their followers falsified the true
Revelation which their respective prophets conveyed to them — this
Revelation considered to be Islam — before Muhammad’s arrival. Albeit
inferior, these peoples, each a beneficiary of Revelation, have the
choice between war or submission to the umma, whereas idolaters are
forced to convert to Islam or be killed”. pp. 40 — 41
[4] The Jews, although one of the “peoples of the Book”, incurred
the wrath of Muhammad for their rejection of his religion. In the
Quran Surah V, 60 he referred to them as “apes and swine”. The terms
“apes and swine” or “descendants of apes and swine” continue to be
the preferred anti-Jewish pejoratives in the Muslim world.
[5] Dhimmitude is an image by Josef Yinnon and a word fashioned
by the author, Bat Ye’or, to describe the bondage, subservience,
isolation and abuse of Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, the
legal and social restraints under which they live, their culture and
attitudes which evolved under their condition, and the expectations
of the dominant umma. It refers also to Christian acquiescence to and
adoption of the prevailing policy in Muslim states which rejects the
existence of Israel and resists American foreign policy in the region
in a vain effort to curry favor with the Muslims.
[6] One dare not stretch this analogy too far. Whereas the Negroes in
America were able to prevail upon the fundamental religio-political
concept in American society of the equality of all humans in the civil
rights movement and succeed, the dhimmi in Muslim societies are not
so favored. In Islam only Muslims are equal; all others are inferior
and subordinated to Muslims by Quranic definition.
[7] The Lion of Judah. This image shows the Lion of Judah standing
guard over the Holy City of Jerusalem roaring defiance at the enemies
of Israel. The Lion of Judah represents King David and by extension
Jesus Christ as symbol of His victory over Satan. See Rev.
5, 5.
[8] We recommend to our readers the following books:
THE DECLINE OF EASTERN CHRISTIANITY UNDER ISLAM by Bat Ye’or, ISBN:
0838636888
ISLAM AND DHIMMITUDE — WHERE CIVILIZATIONS COLLIDE by Bat Ye’or,
ISBN: 0838639437
WHITNESSES FOR CHRIST — ORTHODOX NEOMARTYRS OF THE OTTOMAN PERIOD
by Nomikos Vaporis, ISBN: 0881411965
THE BODY AND THE BLOOD- THE MIDDLE EAST’S VANISHING CHRISTIANS by
Charles Sennott, ISBN: 1586481657
WHO ARE THE CHRISTIANS IN THE MIDDLE EAST? by B. J. & J. M. Bailey,
ISBN: 0802810209
THE CLOSED CIRCLE — AN INTERPRETATION OF THE ARABS by David
Pryce-Jones, ISBN: 0060981032
THE SWORD OF THE PROPHET — THE POLITICALLY INCORRECT GUIDE TO ISLAM
by Serge Trifkovic, ISBN: 1928653111
By R.L. Schwind
© 2006, Assyrian International News Agency. All Rights Reserved.
–Boundary_(ID_xznVNj2JNBL2+lSQvQnluQ)- –
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

DEPLOYMENT DEBATE CONJURES UP OTTOMAN GHOSTS
Aljazeera By Jonathan Gorvett in Istanbul
Netpano.com, Turkey
Kaynak:NETPANO.COM OZEL
14 Sept 2006
The Turkish parliament’s decision to send troops to Lebanon comes at
the end of a sometimes furious debate, countrywide.
Drawing in politicians, academics, media stars and ordinary citizens,
the discussion has not only focused on the current Lebanon-Israel
tension, but has also homed in on the distant past.
In this argument, both the heroes and the ghosts of Turkey’s
forerunner, the Ottoman Empire, have become the battleground.
Recip Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish prime minister, said in a national
TV broadcast a few days before the vote: “It would be treason to our
history, our future and the high interests or our people to stay away
[from Lebanon].”
He was urging his people and his own party to commit Turkish troops
to the UN force now being deployed in the battle-scarred eastern
Mediterranean country.
Until its final collapse following the first world war, the Ottoman
Empire, run largely from Istanbul by ethnic Turks, ruled over Lebanon,
Syria, Iraq, Palestine and much of the rest of the Middle East.
Sedat Laciner, director of the Ankara-based think-tank, the
International Strategic Research Organisation (USAK), said:
“Historically, Turkey has had a great role in the region.
“Turks governed the region for centuries, so it’s very natural for
us to be involved.”
Armenian factor
However, this historical role also has its ghosts – and Lebanon is
home to some of the most persistent.
About 120,000 Armenians live in Lebanon, with many of them the
descendants of those who fled Ottoman territory back in 1915. That was
when they claim the Turks launched a genocidal campaign against them.
Lebanon’s parliament also recognises these claims, which are denied
by Turkey.
The Armenian Catholic primate of Lebanon thus dubbed Turkish troop
deployment as “morally unacceptable” last week and Lebanese Armenians
have been protesting against Turkish involvement outside UN buildings
in Beirut and New York for the past few days.
Armenians oppose presence of Turkish troops on Lebanese soil
Yet many others are very much in favour of the Turks’ involvement,
as Turkey has had long-standing ties with both sides in the current
conflict.
Laciner said: “The Israelis, the Lebanese government, the Syrians –
even Hezbollah – have all welcomed the idea of Turkish troops.
“Everyone in fact wants Turkish troops there except the Armenians.”
Others are clearly worried, though.
Onur Oymen, deputy head of the main opposition party, the Republican
People’s Party (CHP), told Aljazeera.net: “Apart from Qatar, no Muslim
country has committed troops. Why? Why hasn’t Egypt, for example,
or Saudi Arabia? Both big countries with big armed forces?”
Growing change
Meanwhile, many analysts see the prime minister’s enthusiasm for the
deployment as part of a growing change in Turkish foreign policy since
his Justice and Development Party (AKP) – which has Islamist roots –
came to power in 2002.
Mensur Akgun, of the liberal Istanbul-based think-tank TESEV, said:
“This government has quite a different attitude towards the Arab
world from its predecessors.
“The AKP is quite realistic and hard headed. Talking about
neo-Ottomanism flatters the pride, but in the end doesn’t really
amount to much”
Mensur Akgun, TESEV, a liberal Turkish think-tank
“They are not burdened with the myopic view of some here that the
Arabs stabbed us in the back during the first world war.”
The Arab revolt against Ottoman rule during that war was a major blow
against Ottoman hopes of victory. The revolt was famously backed by
Britain and France, Turkey’s first world war enemies.
Laciner agrees: “This willingness by the AKP to become involved in
the Middle East is a departure from traditional policy.
“The first governments of Turkey after the end of the Ottoman Empire
deliberately turned away from the Middle East, as they saw it as a
place that was backward and tradition-bound.
“They wanted to be Europeans and thus saw contact with the Middle East
as basically dangerous for this project. Since the AKP came to power,
however, Turkey has mended many of its fences with the Arabs and has
realised it cannot turn its back on its history and its geography.”
Neo-Ottomanism
Relations with Syria have improved considerably in recent years, as
have links with Iran, which supplies Turkey with a lot of its natural
gas. Turkish companies have also been highly active in neighbouring
Iraq. This policy has been widely dubbed “neo-Ottomanism” by the
Turkish press.
Yet others see this shift as a natural result of the region’s
geopolitics and Turkey’s wider goals.
The respected commentator and analyst Cengiz Candar said: “The Middle
East is the number one region these days in global politics.
Some see deployment as crucial to Turkey’s efforts to join the EU
“At the same time, Turkey has been trying to say to the European Union,
‘look, we are the vital bridge between the West and Islam, between
Europe and the Middle East, so make us a member’. Turkey can’t very
well say that and then refuse to get involved in efforts such as this,
in which the EU has a leading role.”
Indeed, Turkey’s efforts to join the EU are seen by many as a major
reason for the deployment – along with a desire to please the UN. Here
the key connection is Cyprus, with the divided island a long-standing
sticking point for Turkish EU membership.
Candar said: “There’s no direct link of course, but Turkey wants the
UN to revive its ideas for reunification of the island and can hardly
ask them to do that after turning down the UN’s request for Turkey
to become involved in Lebanon.”
Yet the strategy has considerable risks.
Oymen said: “We have to keep our distance from what I believe is an
attempt to create a buffer zone to the north of Israel.
“The UN resolution says we will have to disarm Hezbollah. This raises
the possibility of us having to fight fellow Muslims.”
No disarmament
The government insists, however, that Turkish forces will not have
to disarm anyone and its commitment will be largely maritime-based.
Erdogan told his parliamentary group last week: “We will pull our
troops out if asked to disarm Hezbollah.”
“Turks governed the region for centuries, so it’s very natural for
us to be involved”
Sedat Laciner, Director, International Strategic Research Organisation
Meanwhile, on neo-Ottomanism, the jury is still out.
andar said: “Turkey’s historic links are now largely an emotional
thing.
“People think the Middle East was always our territory. But the public
and the politicians are actually quite ignorant of Turkey’s Middle
Eastern history, in fact. And when this emotional link is translated
into practical politics, it’s a different matter altogether.”
‘Not imperialism’
Akgun agrees: “This is not the imperialism of previous centuries.
“The AKP is quite realistic and hard headed. Talking about
neo-Ottomanism flatters the pride, but in the end doesn’t really
amount to much.”
In the street, however, it amounts to quite a lot more.
Akif Beykoz, a student at Istanbul University’s languages and
literature faculty, said: “Since the end of Ottoman times, the Middle
East has been a mess.
“Now the Americans are there, the Israelis are doing what they
want. It’s time we had a say.”

NAASR CELEBRATES 50TH ANNIVERSARY WITH FORUM, GALA
Belmont Citizen-Herald, MA
Thursday, September 14, 2006
Actress and author Nora Armani will participate in “NAASR Celebrates
50!” a gala anniversary banquet, on Saturday evening, Sept. 30,
at the Royal Sonesta Hotel in Cambridge.
Beginning with a 5:30 reception and dinner, the evening will also
include a keynote address by Dr. Gregory H. Adamian, chancellor and
president emeritus of Bentley College in Waltham, remarks by Paul R.
Ignatius, former secretary of the Navy and assistant secretary of
defense, a retrospective video, and will conclude with music and
dancing with the Leon Janikian Ensemble. The banquet is open to NAASR
members and non-members alike.
Born in Egypt of Armenian parents and educated in England, Armani is
an actress whose repertory includes Shakespeare, Shaw, Beckett and
Hammerstein. She has appeared extensively on stage and screen worldwide
including the U.S., Cairo, Paris and London. Her own stage creations,
“Sojourn at Ararat,” “Nannto, Nannto,” and “On the Couch with Nora
Armani,” have earned international accolades during extensive tours
on four continents in over 25 cities. Invited to Armenia to star in
films, she is also a cultural ambassador, promoting Armenian cinema
worldwide. Her poems have been published in art catalogues and poetry
anthologies, her plays have been broadcast on French radio, and her
feature film script, “The Journey Back (Al Awda),” was awarded a
special grant by the International Film Festival of Rotterdam.
Dr. Adamian is a Charter and Life Member of NAASR and a member of
its Board of Directors since 1956.
During more than two decades as president of Bentley College,
the school experienced dramatic academic, financial and physical
growth. His service to the Armenian community was recognized by
Karekin I, Catholicos of All Armenians, when Adamian was awarded the
St. Sahag and St. Mesrob medal in 1998. He is also the recipient of
an Honorary Doctor of Law degree from Boston University.
The NAASR celebratory events of Sept. 30 will commence with a morning
symposium at the Royal Sonesta on “Armenian-Turkish Dialogue and the
Direction of Armenian Studies.” The symposium will take place from
9 a.m. until 1 p.m., and is open to the public at no charge.
The symposium will feature Dr. Taner AkíË of the University of
Minnesota, Rachel Goshgarian, Ph.D. candidate at Harvard University,
Dr. Richard G. Hovannisian of the University of California, Los
Angeles, Dr. Gerard J. Libaridian of the University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, and Dr. Christina Maranci of the University of Wisconsin,
Milwaukee. Dr. Kevork Bardakjian of the University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, will serve as panel respondent. Following the presentations
of the panelists, there will be a discussion and question-and-answer
period. Marc A. Mamigonian, NAASR’s director of programs and
publications, will serve as moderator and NAASR Chairman Emeritus
Manoog S. Young will be the honorary chairman of the symposium.
To receive an invitation to the banquet, or for more information about
the symposium, call 617-489-1610, e-mail [email protected], or write to
NAASR, 395 Concord Ave., Belmont, MA 02478.
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