The European Union will deploy a Hybrid Rapid Response Team to Armenia ahead of the country’s parliamentary elections as part of a broader effort to counter foreign interference, the 27-nation bloc’s top diplomat said on March 16.
“Following the request from Armenia, the EU will deploy a Hybrid Rapid Response Team to help counter the threats ahead of the country’s elections,” Kaja Kallas, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, told a press conference after a meeting of the EU Foreign Affairs Council.
“Supporting democratic resilience in our neighborhood remains essential. We will not leave Armenia to face foreign interference alone. Democracies under pressure can count on Europe,” she added.
RFE/RL’s Armenian Service had earlier reported that the EU was considering such a deployment following a request from Yerevan outlined in a letter by Armenia’s foreign minister seen by RFE/RL.
The EU first announced in December that it was preparing to allocate 12 million euros (about $13.8 million) to Armenia to help it “counter Russian disinformation ahead of the elections.” Kallas later said that the assistance had been requested by the Armenian government.
According to a document seen by RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, the EU will deploy a team of between 9-14 experts in Armenia in late March/early April for the duration of 10-15 working days to help Yerevan counter hybrid threats and Foreign Interference and Manipulation of Information (FIMI).
The team will provide advice to the offices of the Armenian Prime Minister and the Security Council “on crisis management plans” and support “in shaping future crisis management protocols, including on cyber and FIMI.” The Central Election Commission, the Interior Ministry, and tax authorities will also be among the beneficiaries of the assistance.
The EU believes that Armenia has been facing “intense hybrid activities, with concerns over an intensification of actions taken by adversaries to undermine democratic institutions, processes and societal trust.”
“These threats are highly likely to escalate further in the run up to the elections on 7 June 2026,” the document approved by the Council of the European Union states.
The document makes it clear that Armenia appealed to the EU last November, after which an assessment mission was organized in January, and that “these efforts provided valuable insights into the country’s vulnerabilities to hybrid threats.” It does not mention specific examples.
The planned deployment has drawn criticism from Armenia’s opposition, which has described the move as interference in the country’s domestic political affairs.
Russia has also criticized the EU’s plans. Maria Zakharova, a spokesperson for the Russian Foreign Ministry, claimed earlier this month that the EU was gearing up for a repeat of “the Moldovan scenario” in Armenia.
The EU previously sent a similar mission to Moldova during parliamentary elections held there last September. In those elections, two opposition parties described as pro-Russian were barred from running, while authorities reportedly blocked Russian or pro-Russian websites accused of spreading election-related disinformation.
Armenian officials have rejected the criticism, saying the request for EU assistance is intended to ensure the proper conduct of the elections rather than influence their outcome.
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s ruling Civil Contract Party is seeking to retain its strong majority in parliament in the elections scheduled for June 7. Several opposition groups, including the newly established Strong Armenia party led by Russian-Armenian businessman Samvel Karapetian, say they aim to unseat the ruling party and form the next government.
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Displaced Lives: “Who Doesn’t Want To Return Home?”
It’s interesting that, in post-Soviet countries, airports have reached international standards, but bus and railway stations haven’t. Yerevan is no exception. Almost nothing has changed here since the Soviet era. Right from here, the Chinese RAW buses depart for the regions of Armenia. The station is filled with the aromas of cooking oil, coffee, and gasoline before noon, creating a blend that permeates the air. People wait for transportation at this location, which lacks benches, standing or sitting on the wall next to the pool, which is devoid of water. While waiting, people are exhausted by the heat in summer and by the cold in winter. A driver sits on a busted tire and wipes the engine oil from his fingers, a foreign tourist with a backpack tries to find out from a coffee vendor which bus goes to Karabakh. “No, no Karabakh,” a local woman says, trying to explain to him in English that buses from Yerevan no longer go to Karabakh. Then she adds with a sarcastic laugh: “He decided to go to Baku. Doesn’t he know that Armenian vehicles can’t go to Karabakh anymore?” “Grazie, spasibo,” the foreigner tries to thank the woman in an understandable language.
Thus, one of the Chinese buses departs for Masis, 14 km from the capital, Yerevan, where about 15,000 Karabakh Armenians live (the total population is 25,000). The bus is always full. Those who have a seat are scrolling on their phones. Those who are standing hold on to the yellow bars. They look out the dirty windows. One of the passengers standing is a heavy-set elderly man with a mustache. He is wheezing. It is noticeable how difficult it is for him to stand. “Come, sit down,” a teenage girl says in Karabakh dialect, giving up her seat. The presence of many Karabakh Armenians on the bus gives them a sense of security and allows them to speak their own dialect freely. In Armenia, they are usually uncomfortable speaking their dialect. After incidents of bullying, they have become more cautious.
“I’ve been at the hospital in Yerevan; I have vein thrombosis. I’m dying of pain. The doctor says your arteries are closing. Last month, I also took my wife to the hospital because she has a problem with her eyes, and she’s been a teacher her whole life. After eye surgery, she can no longer see in one eye, but that’s just how life is. Now, we’re going to Masis, then to the village of Ranchpar. There are many Karabakh Armenians in that village, and I would say it’s mostly them. You know, it’s right next to the Turkish border, and when the mullah sings in the morning, we hear it. Our relative has lent us his house; they live in Moscow. It’s a very damp house, but we have no other place to live. The government is offering 6 million drams to buy a house, but you can’t even buy a barn with that amount of money, and in our case, it’s completely impossible, since it’s just me and my wife, and we’re both pensioners with poor health; what can we do with that money? A benefactor from America has been providing us with food for a long time. “He purchased six chickens for each Karabakh family. He also bought firewood. That’s how we survive, as best we can,” the mustachioed man says, sharing his difficulties.
Every day, in the city center of Masis, the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh gather and play backgammon, cards, chess, and dominoes. The sound of warplanes is heard loudly in the sky. “These are flight tests of Russian pilots”, says a man playing dominoes, “It’s like this every day, we can’t sleep, but we have already adapted,” he adds.
When Elada’s family moved to Masis because of the Nagorno-Karabakh exodus in 2023, the municipality settled them with other families in an abandoned kindergarten building, but the building was dilapidated and they were relocated to another building, which also cannot be considered well-maintained, where she lives with her husband, mother, and son. The family is not going to accept Armenian citizenship, which is a mandatory condition for becoming a beneficiary of the housing program. They say that everything is uncertain, and they are still waiting. “How can I build a house at this age? I’d rather knit socks and spend the day like this,” says Elada’s mother, Mrs. Nelly. “We don’t know what to do, we have no place to emigrate, nor do we feel comfortable here. It hurts when locals point out that we are from Nagorno-Karabakh, aren’t we Armenians, aren’t we the same nation? I went to buy vegetables, and the seller scolded me while I was speaking the Karabakh dialect, saying, ‘Speak our language.’ When they attack me like that, I say to myself, it’s better to speak Russian, so they understand nothing. Many of my relatives emigrated to Russia, but they have been living there without documents for several months. There is nothing in Russia either. My daughter, who also lives in Russia, gave birth there, but says she has to pay for everything, and that life is expensive, especially since the war in Ukraine has made everything even more difficult. I’ve basically lived my whole life as a refugee, from Baku to Karabakh, where we lived in the sanitary and epidemiological station dormitory for many years, until I got married and moved to Karabulakh (a village in Nagorno-Karabakh), and now in this dilapidated building in Armenia,” says Elada.
Elada lived in Baku for many years, and she says she misses Baku, its boulevards, and streets. “For me, it’s also kind of motherland, you know. Even though my father was killed in there, but I miss it very much, but much more, of course, I miss my native Karabakh. My heart breaks; there’s not a single day that goes by that we don’t remember Karabakh,” she says.
When the conversation turns to returning to Nagorno-Karabakh and establishing peace with Azerbaijan, disputes arise in the family: “I don’t know, maybe a circumstance will occur that will allow us to return,” says Elada, and her husband, Karo, immediately becomes enraged. “Centuries will have to pass before we can reconcile; that’s impossible now. Perhaps it was possible before, but now the wounds are too fresh, and nothing can be done about it,” he says.
Etchmiadzin: Another city with Karabakh refugees?
Like in Masis, in Echmiadzin, there are a lot of Karabakh Armenians. It is clear that most of them live in communities near the capital, Yerevan.
Etchmiadzin, that’s what everyone calls Armenia’s fifth-largest city, named after the Etchmiadzin Cathedral, the mother church of the Armenian Apostolic Church, although the official name is Vagharshapat. On a gloomy Sunday, a large group of Asians can be seen walking around the church, taking photos. Meanwhile, a teacher is giving a tour to schoolchildren. The tour guides the students through the history of the church in English, Russian, French (with a touch of Armenian), and the Karabakh dialect. There is a memorial complex for the First Karabakh War in the central square, where a woman is walking with a little boy. She urges the little one in the Karabakh dialect to straighten his hat, when someone else asks the boy where he is from. “Karabakh”, the boy replies. “So, when will you go back to Karabakh?”, he was asked, bringing his mother to tears. “It’s cold, Ara, let me fix your hat”, says boy’s mother.
Armen, a taxi driver from Hadrut, Nagorno-Karabakh, says he pays 150,000 drams ($397) for rent, and expresses concern that with the war in Iran, locals will raise prices even more if Iranians start coming to Armenia, as it happened during the 12-Day War in June 2025. “You know, everyone wants to have an apartment here because of jobs, everyone wants to live close to the capital, but there aren’t many apartments left in the city anymore, there’s not much option for us,” says Armen. As displaced Karabakh Armenians continue to face housing and employment challenges, the Armenian government announces budgetary increases in housing programs.
“We’ve seen a sharp increase in the number of certificates (to obtain a house) received, and as of February 1, 4,404 families had already received certificates, and about 2,000 families had already sold their certificates, meaning 2,000 apartments had been purchased. This is very important,” stated Minister of Labor and Social Affairs Arsen Torosyan on February 4. The Ministry Spokesperson Nver Kostanyan also provided details about the social needs of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians.
The speaker clarified that the housing program, with a budget of approximately 2 billion dollars, is one of the most significant initiatives in the sector and is functioning properly. In addition, the 30,000 Dram ($79) support measure continues, which benefits 44,000 people, and another 6,000 needy families are included in the framework of the emergency assistance program. Kostanyan also reported that new programs aimed at long-term rental compensation and self-employment promotion will be launched in the near future, which testifies to the consistency of state care. About 25,000 people displaced from Karabakh currently have formal employment.
In general, the state’s policy in overcoming social problems and poverty is clear: there is only one way out: work. The state encourages work as the main way out of a difficult life situation and consistently implements a policy aimed at ensuring stable and long-term employment of citizens. “The Ministry of Social Affairs continuously meets with our compatriots in Karabakh, in various formats, is fully informed about the issues they are concerned about, and the policies implemented by the state are developed taking into account the needs and observations of our compatriots,” Kostanyan posted on his Facebook page on February 8.
In 2025, Armenia received a $250 million loan from the Asian Development Bank to continue implementing the state program to provide housing for internally displaced persons from Nagorno-Karabakh. The loan was provided to Armenia for 27 years, including a 10-year grace period. The interest rate on the loan is floating. The principal is repayable in 34 equal, semi-annual installments between December 15, 2035, and June 15, 2052.
Perhaps the most concerning issue for Karabakh Armenians is the housing issue, but this is not just about four walls. If you inquire about it, they will primarily mention the housing issue, which is truly vital. However, it gives the impression that something is tormenting them that they cannot explain, nor do they understand themselves. It’s as if it were a disease that causes pain, but the diagnosis is unknown. “Nothing has changed in our lives since 2023. I had a huge house in Taghavard, but I would even live in a slum if I were given such an opportunity to return to my village. My wife says the same thing. Many people think the same way when I talk to my compatriots”, says Lyova Arakelyan, a refugee from Nagorno-Karabakh, who now lives in Echmiadzin in a village house he rents.
“Here is my granddaughter, Lili, her dad was killed in 2023 war next to his native village, Chanakhchi. She is very shy and hardly leaves her room. Many people think that she is not Armenian because of her blue eyes and reddish-gold hair, but she speaks excellent Armenian at school, and you can’t even tell that she is from Nagorno-Karabakh; at home, we speak our dialect. Both children and we adults are traumatized. It is difficult to communicate with locals here; it is an unfamiliar environment. Today, I saw someone was moving mattresses in our neighborhood. I immediately guessed that she was also from Karabakh, only we move from one house to another, move things. That’s how I greeted her, she began to tell her story, and I mine. We all suffer from the same pain,” says Lyova’s wife, Mrs. Arakelyan.
“I just turned 70, but I continue to work. I grow trees on a compatriot’s property near Echmiadzin. You see, I’m a forester; I’ve been beekeeping and farming my whole life. Every time I touch a twig, I remember my garden and home in Taghavard, our green forests. There, violets sprouted from dry oak leaves, so much so that even a man wants to pick a bouquet, like an enchanted girl. Who doesn’t want to return home, to the graves of their ancestors? That’s my only desire,” Lyova adds to his wife.
Contributed by Marut Vanyan
https://caucasuswatch.de/en/insights/displaced-lives-who-doesnt-want-to-return-home.html
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Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s Office Accuses Authorities of Power Cut
On March 16, the office of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, accused the country’s authorities of deliberately cutting off electricity to his home and office.
According to the statement, “Since 1:00 PM [local time] on March 15 of this year, the private home and office of the first President of the Republic of Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, have been without power. Naturally, the water supply has also been cut off. The ESA responded to dozens of calls from the president’s bodyguards: ‘We’ll turn it back on in an hour.’ Several hours passed, but nothing changed. Meanwhile, almost all the houses and buildings around the private home are bathed in light.”
The statement added, “What does this inhumanity, perpetrated and continuing toward the president, mean? Only one thing: the power outage was definitely ordered by one of the highest echelons of power. The ESA would not have dared to resort to such a vile act without an order. It should be added that power and water supply to the president’s private residence and office have not yet been restored. This is not an ordinary accident, but a manifestation of ongoing sadism directed against the first president and his family.”
https://caucasuswatch.de/en/news/levon-ter-petrosyans-office-accuses-authorities-of-power-cut.html
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Armenian Justice Minister Announces Draft Constitution Finalized
On March 16, Srbuhi Galyan, the Minister of Justice of Armenia, announced at the first meeting of the Public Council under the Minister of Justice that the text of the new draft Constitution is already prepared and will be discussed with the ruling Civil Contract party and its parliamentary faction.
Galyan stated that the Council for Constitutional Reforms has been working intensively, holding weekly meetings, and confirmed that the draft text has been finalized as previously promised. However, she noted that there is no decision yet regarding its publication, as it will first be reviewed by the party’s board and parliamentary faction. “After that, a decision will be made on its publication,” she stated.
She explained that the draft is based on previously developed conceptual provisions and emphasized that its approach centers on the individual, the citizen, and the people, without altering the current system of governance. “We believe that parliamentarism is the best _expression_ of the principles of democracy,” Galyan emphasized.
At the same time, she noted that significant changes have been introduced to further decentralize power and strengthen checks and balances. In particular, the National Assembly would be granted additional mechanisms to oversee the prime minister’s activities.
Addressing judicial reforms, Galyan stated that the draft provides for the introduction of a jury system. It also includes provisions for a two-stage appeals process, the possibility of written case reviews, and the option to appeal Supreme Court decisions, which is not currently available.
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Armenia Bloc Confirms Kocharyan as Prime Minister Candidate with Full Election
On March 16, Ishkhan Saghatelyan, a representative of the Supreme Body of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF Dashnaktsutyun) and a member of parliament from the Armenia bloc, announced the continuation of cooperation between the ARF and Armenia’s second president, Robert Kocharyan. “The Forward Party and many public figures have joined us, and we will participate in the elections with the Armenia bloc. We didn’t remain silent, we didn’t retreat, we didn’t hide. We fought during street protests, in parliament, and internationally,” Saghatelyan stated.
During the same announcement, Saghatelyan criticized Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, saying the anti-Armenian regime has declared the closure of the Third Republic and the formation of a Fourth Republic. “He destroyed Artsakh, and now he plans to destroy the Republic of Armenia,” he emphasized. He described the government’s vision of Armenia as a state dictated by Azerbaijan, lacking a church, history, identity, and an army, and dependent on the whims of Aliyev and Erdogan. “Our goal is to prevent the reproduction of the current regime and break the chain of concessions. There is no force in Armenia that can do this alone. I am directly addressing the opposition forces. We have no targets in the opposition; in the opposition field, we have partners for today’s and tomorrow’s struggle. We have only one target: the current government. We expect the same approach from other opposition forces,” he added.
Saghatelyan also addressed foreign actors, emphasizing that “The only entity that shapes power in Armenia is the citizen of Armenia. Any interference from any capital is unacceptable and condemnable for us,” the MP stated.
During a ceremony held in Yerevan on March 16, Anna Grigoryan, a member of parliament from the Armenia bloc, announced that Robert Kocharyan would be the bloc’s candidate for prime minister in the 2026 parliamentary elections. “We are determined, our goal is victory,” Kocharyan stated.
Speaking in Yerevan on March 16, Kocharyan criticized the current government, saying, “The evil that this government embodies will lose. I have fought them since the first days of their rise to power, and I will not rest until they are removed. Those responsible for the deaths of thousands of our heroes, those who surrendered Artsakh and today force the people to forget their heroic history, must be held accountable.”
Kocharyan also addressed what he described as dangerous reinterpretations of Armenian history and identity: “We live in strange times when they try to convince us that our rich history is a burden, that patriotism is outdated, and that identity is a seasonal fashion. We say ‘No!’ to these dangerous misunderstandings. For the Armenia bloc, our identity, our history, and our patriotism are the driving force behind building a modern and powerful country.”
He outlined his foreign policy vision, noting the collapse of the international order: “Today, the world has descended into chaos. Ensuring security remains one of Armenia’s primary tasks. Armenia needs a strong army, a strong leader, and a powerful ally to jointly neutralize all threats. Foreign policy must be predictable and reject exploiting differences between great powers. We are for peace with Azerbaijan, but this peace must be based on real guarantees, not symbolic promises.”
On the same day, Kocharyan introduced the Armenia bloc’s official slogan and competitive advantages for the elections. He emphasized experience and capability: “How should citizens decide who to vote for? Find a team that can combine fine-sounding statements with the ability to implement them. None of the candidates has as much experience in public administration, security, foreign policy, economics, and business as I do. The state is not a training ground for the inexperienced. This is our homeland, our land, which has given birth to intelligent and hardworking people worthy of a much better life.” He concluded with the bloc’s slogan: “Together we can!”
Kocharyan also presented plans to reform governance: “We will dramatically improve public administration. The current shameful model of ‘The Government is Me’ must be replaced by a collegial, inclusive model of ‘The Government is Us.’ The government is not a circus, the prime minister is not a clown, and the country’s budget is not a personal pocket. We will ensure order and economic growth, creating a modern, competitive industry and agriculture for exports. Economic growth must be reflected in citizens’ living standards. During my presidency, the economy and wages grew sixfold. We can achieve significant growth again, attracting domestic and foreign investment.”
He committed to social reforms, stating, “Pensions will rise sharply, with mandatory indexation to prevent devaluation. The transition to retirement should be rewarding. We are confident that poverty can be reduced by at least half. Popular health is a priority, ensuring accessible, high-quality healthcare for every citizen.”
Kocharyan addressed security concerns: “Crime has risen despite increased police funding. Political pressure on law enforcement must end. We will guarantee order on the streets and zero tolerance for drug addiction, which has become a national scourge. Those enjoying protection at the highest levels will be punished. People’s lives must be peaceful and predictable.”
Saghatelyan also emphasized Armenia bloc’s principles: “Our proposal is not endless war; it is to ensure dignified stability. We are coming to prevent war, protect territorial integrity, restore sovereignty, and secure our people. We aim to build a state not forced to make concessions. A real peace requires a strong army, intelligent diplomacy, and a powerful economy. Armenia must create its reality, with identity, language, culture, family, and the Armenian Apostolic Church at its foundation. Pan-Armenianism is central; the Diaspora is a participant in state-building. A national test awaits us: either us or them. We choose Armenia,” he stated.
Moreover, at Armenia’s request, the European Union’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs, Kaja Kallas, said a rapid response team will be deployed to counter threats ahead of the country’s elections. “Supporting democratic resilience in our region remains crucial. We will not leave Armenia alone to face foreign interference. Democracies under pressure can count on Europe,” she noted.
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Armenia’s government announces draft of new constitution is complete
Read the full article here: Panorama
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Ex-President Kocharyan announces bid for prime minister
The opposition Armenia Alliance has announced that it will take part in the parliamentary elections, with ex-President Robert Kocharyan as its candidate for prime minister. Kocharyan also ran as the bloc’s prime ministerial candidate in 2021.
Armenia is set to hold its parliamentary elections on 7 June.
Kocharyan’s candidacy was announced in a major event organised by the bloc on Monday evening in Yerevan.
The Armenia Alliance will consist of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) and Araj (Forward) party, with the campaign slogan ‘Together we can’.
Formed in 2021, the alliance consisted of the ARF and the Reborn Armenia party. Led by Kocharyan, the bloc received 21 % of the vote in the 2021 snap parliamentary elections held after Armenia’s defeat in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, as political tensions remained high in the country.
Later, the Reborn Armenia party announced it was leaving parliament in November 2022.
In his Monday speech, Kocharyan expressed their determination to win elections, adding that he was confident that ‘the evil embodied by [Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s] government will be defeated’.
‘I have been fighting against them since the very first day they came to power. I will not rest until they are removed. But that is not enough. Those responsible for the deaths of our thousands of heroes and for surrendering Artsakh [Nagorno-Karabakh] must also be held accountable’, Kocharyan said.
Kocharyan is originally from Nagorno-Karabakh, took part in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, and led the region until he moved to Armenia and led the country first as prime minister and then as a president from 1998-2008.
The end of his tenure was marked with a deadly crackdown on a post-election protest on 1 March 2008, in which the opposition insisted that the election results were rigged. In the ensuing crackdown, 10 people were killed, including two police officers.
After Pashinyan came to power, Kocharyan and other former officials were placed on trial for their alleged role in the violent crackdown, which made headlines in Armenia. However, he and others were acquitted of the charges in March 2021 after the Constitutional Court declared that it was unconstitutional to charge the former officials with ‘overthrowing the constitutional order’.
The court’s decision was then overturned in September 2024 and sent to the Anti-Corruption Court for a new examination. Kocharyan was again charged two months later for abuse of power.
In his Monday speech, Kocharyan said that ‘security remains one of Armenia’s main challenges,’ highlighting the need for ‘a capable army, strong leadership, and powerful allies so that together we can neutralise all threats.’
He added that his bloc ‘support[s] peace with Azerbaijan,’ but stressed that it ‘must be based on genuine security guarantees,’ without further elaboration.
On Armenia’s foreign policy, Kocharyan stated that it ‘must be predictable, understandable, and reject any attempt to exploit great powers’ rivalries.’
‘Our goal is to make Armenia the most efficient and best-organised state in the South Caucasus.’
Aside from the Armenia Alliance, the ruling Civil Contract party’s main opponent in the upcoming election is expected to be the Russian–Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan’s newly formed Strong Armenia party.
In addition, tycoon Gagik Tsarukyan, the leader of another opposition group — the Prosperous Armenia party — vowed to build a political ‘Noah’s Ark’.
The former ruling Republican Party and its leader, former president Serzh Sargsyan, ousted during the 2018 Velvet Revolution, have yet to declare whether they will participate in the elections.
Civil Contract, which vowed to secure a constitutional majority in the elections, also warned that the opposition intends to come to power through a coalition formed after the vote.
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Armenia: The Caucasus Destination Opening Its Doors to Global Travellers
Armenia is stepping confidently onto the world tourism stage with a new visa‑free entry policy designed to make travel easier, faster and far more spontaneous.
Under the updated rules, travellers who hold a valid residence permit from the United States, European Union Member States, Schengen Area countries, the UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait or Oman can now enter Armenia without obtaining a visa, provided their permit is valid for at least six months from the date of entry. Eligible visitors may stay for up to 180 days within a one‑year period, giving ample flexibility for everything from short city breaks to extended exploratory journeys.
The initiative is part of Armenia’s wider strategy to boost tourism, strengthen global connectivity and encourage more last‑minute travel whether that’s a weekend in Yerevan, a family visit, a business trip or a longer adventure through the country’s dramatic landscapes. With visa barriers lowered, Armenia is positioning itself as one of the most accessible destinations in the Caucasus.
A Landlocked Nation With a Big Story to Tell
Armenia sits in the Armenian Highlands of West Asia, part of the culturally rich and historically complex Caucasus region. It is bordered by Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Iran and the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan, placing it at the crossroads of Europe and Asia a geography that has shaped its identity for millennia.
This is a country where ancient monasteries cling to cliffsides, volcanic mountains dominate the skyline, and millennia‑old traditions sit comfortably alongside a fast‑modernising capital. Yerevan, one of the world’s oldest continuously inhabited cities, blends Soviet architecture with pink‑stone boulevards, wine bars, jazz clubs and a thriving café culture. Beyond the capital, travellers find deep gorges, high‑altitude lakes, UNESCO‑listed monasteries and a food culture rooted in hospitality and seasonality.
Why Armenia Works for Business and Bleisure Travel
The new visa‑free policy is particularly attractive for business travellers and digital nomads who need flexibility. With stays of up to 180 days permitted, Armenia becomes a practical base for remote work, regional business trips or extended stays that blend work and exploration. Yerevan’s growing tech scene, modern co‑working spaces and strong café culture make it an appealing hub for professionals seeking somewhere fresh, affordable and culturally rich.
Connectivity is improving too. Direct flights link Yerevan to major European and Middle Eastern hubs, and the country’s compact size makes it easy to combine meetings in the capital with weekend escapes to Lake Sevan, Dilijan National Park or the wine‑growing region of Vayots Dzor.
A Destination Built for Spontaneity
Perhaps the biggest shift is psychological: Armenia is now a destination you can decide to visit on a whim. No visa forms, no waiting times, no administrative hurdles just a valid residence permit and a passport. For travellers accustomed to last‑minute city breaks or flexible business schedules, this opens the door to a part of the world that was previously less accessible.
Whether you’re drawn by its monasteries, mountains, wine, culture or emerging business scene, Armenia is ready to welcome a new wave of global travellers and with its visa‑free policy now in place, there has never been a better moment to visit.
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Indian Students Returning From Iran Hit Roadblock As Azerbaijan Denies Entry
Dr Momin Khan, president All India Medical Students Association said that the evacuated students were not allowed to cross the border.
By Moazum Mohammad
Published : March 17, 2026 at 6:40 PM IST
Srinagar: With the first few batches of Indian students returning home from war-torn Iran due to safety concerns, the repatriation of students via Azerbaijan is in limbo after Baku closed the border crossing.
This has left over 200 students from Iran University of Medical Sciences, Islamic Azad University and Tehran University of Medical Sciences stranded at the Astara land border checkpoint at the Iran border.
Since last week, the students were transported by bus to the Azerbaijan and Armenia borders to exit Iran due to safety concerns, as Israel and the US have pounded the country with aerial strikes since February 28.
“But now, students are not allowed to cross the border,” said Dr Momin Khan, president All India Medical Students Association (AIMA), which alongside Jammu and Students Association (JKSA) is coordinating and overseeing the repatriation of students with Indian authorities.
“The Indian embassy instructed students to book tickets and visas from Azerbaijan to India. However, Azerbaijan border authorities are seeking some exit code from students at the checkpoint. We have taken up the issue with external affairs but there appears to be a lack of coordination between the Indian embassy and Azerbaijan,” he said.
Since last week, according to the ministry of external affairs, around 640 Indian nationals have exited Iran via Armenia and Azerbaijan. Unlike previous Operation Sindhu last year when India evacuated its citizens from Iran during a 12-day war, this time it facilitated bus travel for students to the borders so they could fly their citizens out at their own expense.
India’s External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said that 90 Indian nationals were facilitated by the Indian embassy in Iran to cross over to Azerbaijan.
However, students who reached the border from Urmia Medical University said the border has been effectively closed since the initial batches crossed.
“Many have missed their scheduled flights since March 15 because border authorities are seeking a 16-digit exit code at the border,”said the student. “But we lack it and have been seeking help from the Indian Embassy.”
Back home, many parents in Srinagar are worried as their children studying MBBS missed their flights home.
“This situation has increased the worries of our children,” said Naseema Bano. “My daughter and her fellow students have been waiting at the border since March 13. The tickets and visa cost us about Rs 60000 but now these tickets stand cancelled. We will be unable to afford them again,” she said, requesting the Indian Embassy to take up the matter with their counterparts in Azerbaijan for smooth facilitation of their wards.
Another mother Asifa is worried her son who is a fifth-year student at IUMS will face the same trouble as his ticket is scheduled for March 18.
“They should have crossed the border today to reach hotels and catch their flight scheduled for 9 pm tomorrow for New Delhi. But they lack a code which has to be given by the Indian embassy to enter Azerbaijan,” she has told ETV Bharat. “Many students are sick as it is cold there. Also some are facing panic attacks. We request authorities to help us in bringing back our children.”
According to Asifa, this is the second time she had to face cancellation of tickets since the war began last month.
“I booked tickets costing Rs 60,000 from Tehran to New Delhi on March 5. But that was cancelled as the airspace was closed. This time, the ticket and visa cost another 60,000. We followed the instructions passed by the ministry of external affairs by booking tickets and visa,” she said, seeking answers for their fault.
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Why Central Asia Cares About the Middle Corridor–South Caucasus TRIPP Route
Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan spoke to the European Parliament in Strasbourg on March 11 and said he has no intention of delaying TRIPP, the newly proposed South Caucasus route through southern Armenia to be integrated into the existing Middle Corridor. He described the project as being “in the crystallization stage,” said that the Armenia–U.S. implementation framework (signed on 13 January) was already in place, and added that the two countries will “[i]n the near future … sign the relevant agreements, and the practical implementation of the project will begin.”
While mentioning that developments in Iran and the wider Middle East could shade an otherwise positive regional picture, Pashinyan explicitly did not connect that to any actual delay in the corridor project. This accords with the view of the EU itself, which treats the Middle Corridor and its South Caucasus segment, as does the World Bank, as an increasingly necessary connection between Central Asia and Europe through the South Caucasus and Turkey. Pashinyan’s statement should thereby reassure not just European governments but also the investors and shippers that want and need the route.
From Declaration to Implementation
Pashinyan tied TRIPP to the Washington Declaration of August 8, especially to its provisions on reopening communications and establishing a U.S.-supported framework for unimpeded connectivity between mainland Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan through Armenian territory. The Washington meeting produced a joint declaration by Armenia and Azerbaijan and the text of the initialed peace agreement, while also making clear that signing and ratification still lay ahead.
In Strasbourg, according to Pashinyan’s own words, the Washington Declaration “essentially established peace” between Armenia and Azerbaijan. He also gave pertinent indicators. Pashinyan stated there had been eight months of complete peace on the border and that 2025 was the first full calendar year since independence without casualties or injuries from Armenian–Azerbaijani shooting. He also said that in November 2025, for the first time since independence, a train (carrying wheat from Kazakhstan) reached Armenia through Azerbaijan and Georgia after Azerbaijan lifted restrictions on that rail route. Azerbaijan has since sent fuel and other commodities through Georgia to Armenia. Such transits have now become a regular occurrence.
Since 2020, Armenia has turned toward Central Asia as part of its effort to reduce dependence on Russia. Kazakhstan has become the clearest practical partner in that effort as this turn has accentuated in recent months. During Pashinyan’s 21 November 2025 visit to Astana, the two sides upgraded relations to a strategic partnership and signed 15 intergovernmental and interagency documents, including a trade and economic roadmap for 2026–2030 that projects cooperation in agriculture, digitalization, healthcare, industry, science and education, and peaceful uses of atomic energy.
While the cooperation with Kazakhstan is a continuation of previous trends, the sharpest diplomatic change is with Uzbekistan. After Pashinyan’s 12 July 2023 telephone call with President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, stressing the need to convene the first intergovernmental commission to move practical projects forward, that commission met in Tashkent on 3–4 August 2023, with a modest but real result in foreign trade growth. Armenia’s outreach to Central Asia exemplifies how the country’s broader diplomatic profile under Pashinyan complements the country’s eventual participation in the Middle Corridor through TRIPP.
Why Central Asia Cares
The Middle Corridor is correctly seen as a source of resilience and route diversification for trade between Asia and Europe. The World Bank describes it this way, while EU materials frame the South Caucasus and Turkey as the bridge through which Europe’s links with Central Asia are to be strengthened. This is all the more the case now that Iran-crossing options from Central Asia to Turkey, for example through Turkmenistan, have receded from feasibility for the foreseeable future. The same is true of the route agreed between Azerbaijan and Iran in October 2023 for access to Nakhchivan through northern Iran, which was never completed.
Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and other Central Asian states thus have an interest in maintaining the perception that the South Caucasus continuation of the Middle Corridor is viable enough to deserve policy attention, commercial planning, and further investment. In pursuit of cooperation from all interested parties, Kazakhstan has recently engaged in outreach to Gulf partners that point the same way, as Central Asian governments manage corridor risk diplomatically as well as commercially. Azerbaijan began its own programmatic connectivity outreach to the Gulf countries several years ago.
At issue is not just transit efficiency but strategic optionality. The westbound corridor through the Caspian and the South Caucasus has become perhaps the main instrument through which Central Asian countries widen their room for geoeconomic maneuver without pretending that older routes will simply disappear. An EU study released last month places this logic squarely in a Europe–Central Asia framework. The World Bank report makes a related point in more economic language, arguing that the Turkey–South Caucasus corridor can increase resilience and help reorient supply chains.
In Strasbourg, Pashinyan reflected this logic, saying that Armenia was ready at once to provide road transit between Azerbaijan and Turkey, and between western Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan, using existing Armenian infrastructure. The problem here is that such a route through Armenia would currently be extremely circuitous and does not necessarily have guaranteed security. But at the same time, Pashinyan stressed that this expressed readiness was not meant to delay, disrupt, or replace the Washington understandings that undergird the future TRIPP. His purpose here appears to be to show that continuing momentum does not depend on a final diplomatic architecture and is indeed integrated within that larger framework.
Wider Strategic Consequences
The question for Central Asia is whether Iran’s shadow over the South Caucasus is strong enough to damage confidence in the westbound TRIPP route that major IFIs and other state actors now regard as strategically necessary. By the evidence Pashinyan offered on 11 March, the answer is no. When Pashinyan insisted that Armenia had no reason to delay implementation, he was defending the investment logic of the TRIPP segment at a time when external observers might begin to wonder whether the Iran crisis could freeze momentum. Even after current hostilities end, it is unlikely that Iran-crossing routes will function at full commercial scale due to insurance and payments constraints.
The political momentum behind TRIPP has thus not been overturned, not least because Central Asian states need supply-chain redundancy. The same goes for the broader Armenia–Azerbaijan normalization process that makes this segment of the Middle Corridor possible. This assessment emerges from Pashinyan’s first-person testimony, recent practical movement in Armenia–Azerbaijan normalization, and the fact that Europe and international financial actors now treat the South Caucasus bridge as part of a serious Europe-Central Asia connectivity project.
In addition to Armenia and Azerbaijan themselves, almost all external actors will benefit from TRIPP, although their strategic benefits differ. For the European Union, enhanced South Caucasus transit reinforces a connection to Central Asia that does not depend on Russia. For the United States, it moves forward the American diplomatic initiative to shape the region’s post-conflict order after the Washington breakthrough on the basis of mutual benefit. For China, any stable westbound connection across the Caspian and Caucasus adds redundancy to Eurasian transit without displacing Beijing’s other routes. Even Russia has come to support the TRIPP route, because it increases connectivity with Armenia, Turkey and Europe through existing Azerbaijani rail infrastructure. This configuration of interests represents the gradual consolidation of the route’s forward movement. Iran is objectively the only state or nonstate actor opposing the consolidation of this peace and prosperity in the South Caucasus, with benefits stretching from Central Asia to Europe. However, Tehran’s capacity for influence here is eroding as quickly as its military infrastructure.
https://timesca.com/why-central-asia-cares-about-the-middle-corridor-south-caucasus-tripp-route/
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