OSCE TO PRESENT EXPERT REVIEW ON THE DIGITAL RADIO AND TELEVISION BROADCASTING IMPLEMENTATION DRAFT
Public Radio, Armenia
Nov 20 2006
Presentation of the OSCE Expert Review on the Digital Radio and
Television Broadcasting Implementation Draft Plan of the Republic
of Armenia followed by the public discussion will take place on 22,
November 2006.
The event is organized by the OSCE Office in Yerevan, Office of the
OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media (OSCE RFOM) jointly
with the Open Society Institute Assistance Foundation-Armenia in
co-operation with the Ministry of Transport and Communication of the
Republic of Armenia.
The expert review has been provided by the OSCE RFOM at the Ministry’s
request and is available online in Armenian and in English at
The event will be opened by Ambassador Vladimir Pryakhin, Head of
the OSCE Office in Yerevan, Mr. Vruyr Araqelyan, Deputy Minister of
Transport and Communication and Dr. Ana Karlsreiter, Advisor to the
OSCE RFOM. The author of the Exert Review, Dr. Katrin Nyman Metcalf,
will share her views on the best international practices in the
digital switchover plans and in particular present recommendations
with regard to the Armenian draft plan.

GORAN LENMARKER WILL KEEP HIS POSITION AS RAPPORTEUR ON THE KARABAKH ISSUE
Public Radio, Armenia
Nov 20 2006
President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, Rapporteur on Nagorno
Karabakh Goran Lenmarker has declared that he will extend his term as
Rapporteur on NKR issue. According to Day.az., the President of the
Parliamentary Assembly said during the conversation with Vice-Chairman
of the Milli Majlis of Azerbaijan Bahar Muradova that special attention
is paid to the Karabakh conflict. He noted also about the possibility
of his forthcoming visit to Azerbaijan.
Let us remind that Goran Lenmarker was elected President of the
OSCE Parliamentary Assembly in July 2006. He was appointed OSCE PA
Rapporteur on Karabakh issue still in 2002.

UNION OF RUSSIAN ARMENIANS TO PARTICIPATE IN 2007 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
Public Radio, Armenia
Nov 20 2006
President of the Union of Russian Armenians Ara Abrahamyan declared
in Yerevan today that the organization headed by him will participate
in the parliamentary elections to be held in Armenia in 2007.
Meeting Armenian writers today, Ara Abrahamyan said more than 500
thousand Armenian citizens reside in Russia, and the Union of Russian
Armenians is obliged to participate in the elections to defend the
interests of these people.
Ara Abrahamyan said that during the meeting in January the Union
will determine the force together with which it will participate in
the elections.

RUSSIAN AND FRENCH CO-CHAIRS OF THE OSCE MINSK GROUP TO ARRIVE IN YEREVAN NOVEMBER 21
Public Radio, Armenia
Nov 20 2006
November 21 OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs Yuri Merzlyakov of Russia
and Bernard Fassier of France will arrive in Yerevan. “Armenpress”
was told at the US Embassy in Armenia that American Co-Chair Matthew
Bryza will not arrive in the region because of the crowded schedule.
The Co-Chairs will have meetings with RA president Robert Kocharyan
and Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian. The mediators will leave Yerevan
for Baku.
The visit of the Co-Chairs is targeted at discussing the properness
of the meeting between the Presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan. The
meeting may be possibly held November 28 in the framework of the
summit of CIS leaders.
It is not certain so far weather Yuri Merzlyakov and Bernard Fassier
will visit Stepanakert or not.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

INITIATIVE GROUP FROM CALIFORNIA (USA) PROTESTS AGAINST CONVICTION OF EDITOR OF “ZHAMANAK LOS-ANGELES” NEWSPAPER
ArmInfo News Agency, Armenia
Nov 20 2006
The initiative group from California state (USA) protests against
conviction of the editor of “Zhamanak Los Angeles” newspaper, Arman
Babajanyan, by the Armenian court.
To remind, the court of first instance has sentenced A. Babajanyan in
October, 2006, to 4 years of imprisonment for “evasion of servicing
in Army”. The statement, received by ArmInfo today, reminds that A.
Babajanyan was convinced, according to the formulation of judges, for
“violation of RA Law on Compulsory Military Service” and according to
the Article 327 of RA Criminal Code. Moreover, the document notes that
the sentence, passed on Babajanyan, cannot take effect, since the Law
envisages a fine, while the RA CC – imprisonment. The document authors
call to change the restraint to Babajanyan for a fine, “taking into
account that Arman Babajanyan is a worthy son of his Motherland”.

DON’T HOLD YOUR BREATH FOR TURKEY TO ENTER THE EUROPEAN UNION
Stephen Schwartz, The Weekly Standard
The Weekly Standard
November 27, 2006 Monday
On October 12, the Swedish Academy announced its award of the Nobel
Prize in Literature to the Turkish writer Orhan Pamuk. He is the author
of several books that have attained worldwide bestseller status,
the most recent in English being last year’s Istanbul: Memories and
the City. The gifted Pamuk is read widely in the West–perhaps even
more than in his native country.
Indeed, inside Turkey, political issues almost immediately intruded
into discussion of Pamuk’s prize, which he will formally accept in
Stockholm on December 10. Many in the Turkish cultural elite took a
sour view–one symptomatic of aspects of the political culture that
threaten to keep their country out of the European Union.
Sophisticated observers might have seen in Pamuk’s honor evidence
that Turkey has attained a certain cultural parity with other leading
countries–surely a favorable sign for the E.U. accession to which so
many Turkish citizens aspire. Or they might have construed Pamuk’s
selection as a cultural gain for Muslims generally. Some in the
West pointed out that Pamuk had differed with his country’s rulers
on several occasions, making him one more in the line of literary
dissenters rewarded by the Swedish Academy.
Instead, Turkish political and media circles treated Pamuk’s Nobel
prize as simply another skirmish in their endless war with the ghosts
of Armenians killed on their soil during the First World War. Last
year, Turkish authorities charged Pamuk with “public denigration
of the Turkish identity”–under a law enacted after his alleged
insult occurred. The supposed infraction came in comments made in
an interview with the Swiss newspaper Tages Anzeiger about historic
massacres of Armenians and Kurds by the Turkish authorities. At the
beginning of 2006 the legal case was dropped, but only, it seems,
as a sop to European sensitivities.
The tragedy suffered by up to a million Armenians at the end of Ottoman
rule is not contested by serious historians anywhere, including inside
Turkey. Pamuk himself exaggerated when he claimed that “nobody but
[him] dares talk about” the subject. A Turkish leftist, Taner Akcam,
published a lengthy volume on the atrocities against Armenians,
A Shameful Act, in Turkish in 1999 (now available in English). But
Turkish nationalists labeled Pamuk’s prize a European reward for his
comments on the Armenian question.
It is easy to assert that Turkey has no place in the E.U. because
it is Muslim, and that Europe should define itself by its Christian
heritage. But would Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, or an independent
Kosovo be eternally excluded from the European Union because they have
Muslim majority or plurality populations? Very likely not. The truth
is that Turkey is handicapped in its approach to Europe much less by
its majority faith than by three aspects of its political culture that
mainly reflect the legacy of radical secularism. These are the state
ideology of Turkishness, the systematic denial of minority ethnic and
religious rights, and the excessive influence of the military within
the government.
In addition, to be sure, Turkish politics has taken an Islamist tilt
in recent years, with the ascent of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, current
prime minister and leader of the AK or Justice and Development party.
Although opposed to the petrified and crumbling national-secularist
heritage, Erdogan’s orientation indicates a path of less, rather
than more, speed toward full political reform, including individual
and minority rights. Erdogan and his colleagues have made some
concessions to the European Union–mainly changes in the legal system
(they abolished the death penalty) and gestures toward conciliation
on occupied Cyprus–but the AK party’s enthusiasm for rapid progress
soon faded. The latest assessment from the E.U., published last week,
chastised Turkey for dragging its feet on Cyprus as well as on the
rights of ethnic and religious minorities.
And it’s worse than foot-dragging. Turkey has lost ground. The
Turkish Republic has adopted, in the last two years, laws regulating
speech and written discourse based on an official definition of
Turkishness. Turkishness is defined entirely politically, and with
reference to historical events. It is officially “anti-Turkish” to
engage in frank discussion of the history of the Anatolian Armenians
or, one presumes, the standing of the Greek Orthodox Christians in
Turkey, represented by Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomeus. The visit of
Pope Benedict XVI to the ecumenical patriarch scheduled for the end of
November seems bound to stir new controversy, for the simple reason
that his church has almost no rights in Turkey: It cannot operate a
seminary or publish religious literature. This is not the European
model of mutual respect between faiths (much less the American model
of free exercise of religion).
Minority issues further dramatize the distance between the present
Turkish style of governance and European principles. Kurds make up at
least a fifth of Turkey’s population. They are an Indo-European, not
a Turkic, people, and their presence in the region, like that of the
Greeks and the Armenians, predates the arrival of the Turks. In Turkey,
they have produced a notably nasty bunch of terrorists, including the
notorious Abdullah Ocalan of the former Kurdistan Workers party or PKK,
an extreme Communist group once aligned with the late Romanian dictator
Nicolae Ceausescu. But most Kurds are no more radical than their
co-ethnics in Iraqi Kurdistan, who are exemplary in their moderation.
But apart from token measures of amelioration adopted to please
the Europeans, Turkey continues to deny Kurds the right to enjoy
their historical cultural and linguistic traditions. Considering
how far Spain has gone in recognizing Catalan, Basque, and other
minority-language cultures, and the significant gains by the Scots and
Welsh in securing political autonomy in the United Kingdom, Turkey
has a long way to go before it will satisfy a European criterion on
ethnic minorities.
If the situation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the memory of
brutalities inflicted on the Armenians are still provocative topics,
the condition of another minority in Turkey, the Alevis, is arguably
more dramatic in that they are Muslims. Ethnically both Turkish and
Kurdish, the Alevis are Sufi-Shia Muslims and comprise as much as one
quarter of the population of the republic, around 18 million people.
The religious traditions and social attitudes of the Alevis illustrate
the spiritual diversity of the Islamic global community.
While reference volumes, including The CIA World Fact Book, routinely
cite the official Turkish claim that 99 percent of Turks are Sunnis,
Alevis do not follow the established precepts of Sunni Islam. Rather,
they honor the 12 imams or religious guides of the main Shia sect.
Alevi women do not cover themselves, and they participate equally
with men in prayer. Alevis worship “truth” (hakk) rather than a
divine creator, and they believe truth resides in the hearts of all
humans. Their devotion represents a synthesis of Turkic pre-Islamic
ecstatic religion, transcendental Sufi practice, and protest against
worldly injustice. Like other Shia Muslims, they appear more influenced
by contact with Christianity than do Sunnis.
Cruelties inflicted on the Alevis in recent years include an incident
of mass murder in the Turkish town of Sivas in 1993, when 37 people
died in a hotel set on fire by Sunni extremists. The pretext for
this lynching was that an Alevi cultural group was meeting to hear
an author, Aziz Nesin, who had defended Salman Rushdie’s freedom of
the pen. Erdogan’s AK party includes no Alevis in its leadership,
and Alevis believe the prime minister seeks to exclude them from
recognition as Muslims.
Under the Erdogan administration, Alevis fear the rise of a new
government-backed, Sunni fundamentalism with strong similarities to
the official Wahhabi cult in Saudi Arabia–a shocking possibility
in Turkey, where Wahhabis were always despised as enemies of the
Ottomans. How could a Wahhabization of Turkish Sunnism take place?
With frightening ease: If Erdogan empowers a new state Sunnism, it will
expose the inadequacy of religious education and the degraded state of
theology in Turkey, a result of the nation’s secularist heritage–and
a gap in religious culture the Wahhabis will handily fill.
That is the typical Wahhabi response to the revival of Islamic feeling
under or after secular rule; the pattern has been seen in Algeria,
the Balkans, Central Asia, Nigeria, Malaysia, the Caucasus, and
Iraq. In most cases the effort at Wahhabization has failed, but only
after serious bloodshed. Turkey would be a most tempting prize for
the fundamentalists. In any case, the Alevis seem destined to endure
second-class citizenship, if not direct oppression, although they
are immensely influential in Turkish cultural (especially musical)
life. Turkey is bad, and probably getting worse, for Muslim religious
minorities like the Alevis, as well as for the much smaller non-Muslim
communities. And as we see in Iraq, fighting among Muslims can be
bloodier than combat between Muslims and non-Muslims.
As if all these barriers to Turkish-European harmonization were not
enough, there remains the enormous problem of the Turkish army.
Turkey’s armed forces are the sole survivor from an earlier era: They
still act as guardian of the official national ideology, rooted in the
militant secularism of Kemal Ataturk. Like the People’s Liberation
Army created by Mao Zedong, which attempted to gain power in the
Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and ’70s, and the former Yugoslav
army, for which military professionalism was no bar to involvement
in genocidal adventures, the Turkish army has repeatedly asserted
the right to intervene in politics and to dismiss Turkey’s elected
leaders by coup. But while the Chinese army would not attempt such a
thing today, and the Serbian remnant of the Yugoslav army no longer
has the power to do so, the Turkish army still believes it can flex
its muscles when it wishes.
The last ideological military establishment in Western Europe, that
of ex-Francoist Spain, was definitively removed from any influence
over political life a quarter century ago. But the Turkish army
erupted into the civil realm as recently as 1997, when it forced
the resignation of Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan. Erbakan was an
Islamist precursor of Erdogan; but military pressure to remove him
did not match the European pattern of democratic accountability.
Unless Turkey follows Spain’s example and completely separates its
army from any direct use of political power, it cannot be considered
for E.U. accession. In today’s Turkey, separation of the army from the
state is even more urgent than maintaining the wall between religion
and the state. But how can this be accomplished peacefully?
There is little indication the Turkish army will not lash back,
once again, to keep its privileges.
Americans may have other objections to Turkish policies today,
especially in the aftermath of Ankara’s refusal to assist in the
liberation of Iraq, and the subsequent explosion of anti-American
propaganda in the country. But by contemporary European standards,
neither the state Ataturk created, with its militaristic secularism,
nor the state that threatens to succeed it, with narrow, militant
Sunnism as its foundation, would be welcome. Turkey has profound
choices to make, and soon–for the good of its citizens no less than
for the satisfaction of Brussels bureaucrats, European politicians,
and even its past, present, and future American friends.
Stephen Schwartz is a frequent contributor to THE WEEKLY STANDARD.

EUROPEAN COMMISSION THREATENS TURKEY WITH GRAVE CONSEQUENCES
PanARMENIAN.Net
20.11.2006 12:33 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso
threatened Turkey with grave consequences if Ankara doesn’t open its
harbors and airports for Cypriot ships and planes. In an interview
with Tagesspiegel Barroso said the refusal of the Turkish government
to meet the commitments will have grave consequences for the whole
process of Turkey’s EU membership talks, reports Deutsche Welle.

TURKEY DOESN’T WISH TO BE PACKHORSE FOR WASHINGTON AND BRUSSELS ANY MORE
PanARMENIAN.Net
20.11.2006 12:45 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Turkey doesn’t wish to serve as a packhorse for
Washington and Brussels any more, reports Frankfurter Allgemeine
newspaper. “Official Ankara is bound with Tehran and Baghdad by a
common interest – prevention of formation of an independent Kurdish
state. In long-range outlook Turkey will pay big interest to Middle
East while the Euro-Atlantic line will weaken,” the article says,
reports Deutsche Welle.

PRESS RELEASE
Jehovah’s Witnesses
Office of Public Information
25 Columbia Heights
Brooklyn NY 11201
Contact: David Semonian
Tel: 718-560-5600
Fax: 718-560-5619
E-mail: [email protected]
Web:
November 14, 2006
Armenia acquits 19 conscientious objectors, but issue remains unresolved
YEREVAN, Armenia-Nineteen conscientious objectors who left alternative
labor service have been informed by the Armenian Prosecutor General’s
Office that they have been acquitted and that the criminal proceedings
against them have been terminated. The ruling opens the way for them
to apply for compensation for their illegal prosecution and
imprisonment.
Although the government of Armenia has organized nonmilitary work
assignments, they are under military control and supervision. Thus the
law providing for alternative labor service, as well as its
implementation, fails to meet the criteria laid down by the Council of
Europe, which calls for genuine and nonpunitive civilian alternative
service. In a series of videotaped interviews posted on the Web site
, four young Jehovah’s Witnesses describe in their own
words why Armenia’s alternative service was not an acceptable option
for them.
In a separate development, on September 12, 2006, Hayk Avetisyan was
sentenced to two years in prison for his conscientious refusal of
military service or alternative labor service. On September 25, 2006,
Assistant Prosecutor A. Manukyan appealed the decision, asking for a
stricter sentence. The October 18, 2006, decision of the Court of
Appeal granted the prosecuter’s appeal and increased Avetisyan’s
sentence from 24 to 30 months in prison. Despite the progress implied
in the latest acquittals, Avetisyan is one of nearly 50 conscientious
objectors who are Jehovah’s Witnesses currently in prison for their
conscientious refusal of military service. From their study of the
Bible, they learned that Christ’s followers should love their
neighbors and that Christians are bound together in an international
brotherhood. (Matthew 22:39; Acts 15:22) As such, they do not resort
to weapons of warfare or learn war anymore.-Isaiah 2:4; Matthew
26:52.
Until Armenia complies with its commitments to the Council of Europe
to adopt genuine civilian alternative service and release
conscientious objectors from prison, the issue of conscientious
objection to military service remains unresolved.
Contacts
Paul Gillies Phone +44 7775 833880
David Semonian Phone +1 718 560 5600

PRESS RELEASE
BIRTHRIGHT ARMENIA
November 20, 2006
Contact: Linda Yepoyan
Phone: 610-642-6633
[email protected]
BIRTHRIGHT ARMENIA NOW THRIVING YEAR-ROUND
Yerevan, Armenia – With three years of successful volunteer program
sponsorship under its belt, Birthright Armenia has proven successful once
again in bringing new volunteers to participate in the progress of the
Homeland. This year an increasing amount of diasporans are recognizing
volunteerism as more than something to fill in the summer gap and are
choosing longer stays in the colder months. The proof is in the numbers.
With fall and winter enrollments up by more than 300% from 2004, the
2006/2007 volunteer program is proving to be one of the strongest yet.
So, why are these volunteers braving the cold and putting their current
professional lives on hold to volunteer in the Homeland?
Twenty-five-year-old Armenian Volunteer Corp (AVC) volunteer Laura T. states
that she chose a year-long volunteer program because she wanted to allow
enough time to make a genuine effort to contribute to Armenia. `One of the
main factors in committing to a long-term stay in Armenia is the
understanding that building relationships and trust within a community takes
time to develop. Personally, I anticipated many significant cultural
challenges and dramatic language improvements necessary before beginning to
understand how and where to contribute.’
Recognizing that longer-term stays enhance a volunteer’s connection through
total immersion, Birthright Armenia has made a significant push this season
to attract volunteers for community service programs outside the summer
months. All signs show that their efforts are working as the group is
currently partnering with more than 15 service organizations, bringing in
volunteers from more than 12 different countries. University of Maryland
Business School graduate and AVC volunteer Sevan Ohanian says that because
he wanted the experience of living and working in Armenia for a longer
period of time, the AVC fall program allowed him the flexibility to fulfill
his goals. Both Laura and Sevan felt that volunteering after the summer
busy season when most of the short-term volunteers had already left would
actually help them achieve more stability in a new environment.
As with the summer program, volunteers participating in the fall and winter
programs are dedicating at least 30 hours per week to volunteer activities
ranging from English instruction to governmental work to environmental
preservation. In addition, they are all engaged in the supplementary
services offered by Birthright Armenia to fully immerse participants in
Armenian culture, including weekly educational forums, Eastern Armenian
language instruction, excursions to the various regions of Armenia and
Nagorno-Karabagh, and social `havaks’ that bring together diasporan
volunteers and Armenian youth. Many of the volunteers are also living with
Armenian host families for either all or part of their stay as part of
Birthright Armenia’s homestay program.
Finally fulfilling a four-year dream of visiting Armenia, Laura points out
that living in the Diaspora often portrays a skewed vision of Armenia’s
current reality based on a `collection of historical myths.’ Although Laura
feels that even a year may not be long enough, she aims to `understand the
source and necessity of the myths and differentiate between the ones that
stunt our growth and the ones that inspire us to move forward.’
Sevan also used this sort of sentiment to propel him to the Homeland. He
notes that people are often quick to criticize Armenia instead of
recognizing it as a young country just barely out of communist reign.
`Instead of criticizing Armenia, we in the Diaspora need to do everything we
can to ensure its prosperity,’ Sevan asserts.
Volunteers and working professionals such as Laura and Sevan embody exactly
the ideals Birthright Armenia is striving to instill in all diasporans – the
idea that true service to the Homeland continues even after leaving Armenia.
Laura, who is currently working with the Women’s Center at Yerevan State
University and World Vision Armenia in the Building Sustainable Livelihood
Program, says she hopes to gain insight into Armenia’s current political
situation so that she can work in the future to `support community
re-empowerment and education to influence decision-makers, locally and
nationally.’
Sevan, who is aiming to return to the U.S. fluent in Eastern Armenia, feels
that since the country’s independence from the Soviet Union, the idea of a
dedicated Motherland has become an increasing influence in the lives of all
Armenians.  `It has given us a home and a country to call our own after all
that we have been through as a nation.’ Sevan is optimistic that his time
in Armenia will help him to spread the Homeland to other diasporans.
Hopefully volunteers such as Laura and Sevan are only the beginning of a new
wave of dedication and participation in the future of Armenia. As Laura so
aptly noted, Armenia must become more than a `collection of myths’ in order
to truly bridge the gap. `Armenia has been a very vague yet ever present
state of being in our family and in my life – you just are Armenian with no
special criteria and no questions asked. I hope that my visit will bridge a
history and build a new vision of where our family has come from.’
Birthright Armenia’s mission is to strengthen ties between the homeland and
diasporan youth by affording them an opportunity to be a part of Armenia’s
daily life and to contribute to Armenia’s development through work, study
and volunteer experiences, while developing a renewed sense of Armenian
identity. Visit for more information.