PRESS RELEASE
November 24, 2006
Paros Foundation
Contact: Peter J. Abajian
36 Demirjian Street
Yerevan, Armenia
01137493-99-80-99
[email protected]
www.p aros-foundation.org
US EMBASSY CELEBRATES INTERNATIONAL DAY OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES
FEATURING PAROS CHAMBER CHOIR
On November 21, the United States Embassy in Armenia held a gala
concert featuring the Paros Chamber Choir. The concert is dedicated to
the 2006 International Day of People with Disabilities, which is
December 3.
Since the adoption and implementation of the Americans with
Disabilities Act, the United States has led by example by addressing
such issues as equal rights, accessibility and equal employment
opportunities for people with disabilities. By organizing and
sponsoring this concert, our hope is that we can raise the awareness
of the plight of people with disabilities in Armenia and around the
world.
Since 1993, the Paros Chamber Choir has dazzled audiences throughout
Armenia, the Middle East and Europe with their repertoire of classic
chamber music and ethnic folk music by Armenian, Russian and Western
composers. The Paros Chamber Choir has blossomed into a beacon of hope
for people with disabilities in Armenia as most members of the choir
are individuals with spinal cord injuries.
“The United States is a leader in fighting for the rights of people
with disabilities,” said Peter Abajian, Executive Director of the
Paros Foundation, a California-based foundation, which supports the
Paros Chamber Choir. “It is an honor for us to perform at the US
Embassy on such an important occasion.”
Performing and rehearsing under the direction of Maestro Vachagan
Navasardyan, the Paros Chamber Choir takes its name from the Armenian
word for lighthouse. Indeed the choir is seen as a beacon of hope by
fans around the world. The choir entertains worldwide audiences,
participates in international competitions and encourages people with
disabilities to live full and active lives. Two of the goals of the
foundation are to promote and nurturing Armenia´s culture and to help
improve the quality of lives of people with disabilities in Armenia.
The Paros Chamber Choir is a bright star within Armenia and we hope to
help them deliver their message to the world.
Photos can be viewed at the US Embassy in Armenia’s Website at
Antelias: Dialogue with the youth – no.6
PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Father Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E-mail: [email protected]
Web:
PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon
Armenian version:
BEIN G DIFFERENT IS GOD’S GIFT AND CALL
(Dialogue with the youth- Number 6)
It has been a consistent truth that when individuals and communities have
blindly affirmed their ‘difference’, they have generated religious, national
and cultural tensions. This exclusive behaviour has more times than not led
to alienation. We should avoid this sort of exclusive and alienating
behaviour. In fact, acknowledging diversity is an important aspect of
Christianity.
Diversity is manifest in God’s nature as Trinity and is an essential part
of His revelation and work. For Christians, therefore, diversity is a
profoundly important concept.
1) Diversity is God’s Gift. God created for us a world of diversity.
God-given diversity is sustained by coherence and interaction, wholeness and
integrity. Diversity, which is a dominant feature of the human race, has
produced identities and roots.
2) Diversity is God’s Call. God called people to be the steward of His
creation, to be His ‘co-worker’. What a distinct privilege, indeed. We are
called to witness the richness of diversity and preserve and enhance it for
the fulfilment of God’s design for humanity and creation.
Today we are living in multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious
societies. As Armenian Christians how should we respond to God’s call to
preserve and protect diversity? The direction we should take to deal
responsibly with pluralism in the context of our Christian
self-understanding and vocation is clear, we must:
a) Affirm our identity. Roots shape identity, ensure continuity, safeguard
integrity and give security. Because identity is not only a social necessity
but also a vital dimension of human existence and self-understanding, in
order to occupy a specific place in human society, we must remain faithful
to our identity. In order to give substance and meaning to our life, we must
attach ourselves firmly to those values, traditions and beliefs that
constitute our specific identity.
b) Respect the other’s identity. While we should remain faithful to our
identity, we must respect the other’s identity. Affirming our identity does
not mean becoming its prisoner. The other is not our enemy; he or she is our
neighbour, our fellow human being. Hence, we do not have the right, under
any circumstances, to impose our values and reject those of the other.
Mutual respect and mutual acceptance must determine the way we treat each
other.
c) Understand ourselves in relation to the other. The globalised and
interdependent world of today compels us to broaden our sense of identity. I
am because you are, and you are because I am; we are, indeed,
interconnected. Self-centred and self-contained identity breed intolerance.
When we recognize the values of the other, we gain strength and become
responsive to the challenges of our times.
d) Work towards deepening common values. Living together with others as a
community means that our values and perspectives, our traditions and beliefs
are in harmony with the other. Living together may produce harmonious
community in one place; yet, in other place, it may engender fragmentation.
Therefore, we must commit ourselves to a dialogue of values; we must also
deepen the core values rooted in our belief systems, in our cultures and our
common humanity.
e) Learn to live as a community of diversities. God not only created us to
be different, He also called us to live together peacefully with our
differences. This is precisely the Christian understanding of community
which implies diversity. When diversities creatively interact, then
community is built; when diversities collide, then community is destroyed.
Societies cannot progress without diversities. And the community is enriched
and strengthened by reconciled diversities.*
In our ‘global village’, we have become global citizens; we have become
interdependent. We are no longer strangers; we are neighbours. We share many
things with our fellow human beings. We have commonalities, but we also have
differences. Because God created us different, we must respect the other’s
right to be different. Rejecting the other as an expression of our
faithfulness to our values and identity will polarize us and lead to
violence. By rejecting the other, we deny his or her humanity. Rejection
creates exclusiveness and exclusiveness fragments the community. Our
differences must interact, not collide; they must lead us to dialogue, not
isolation. We must transform living together into a source of mutual
responsibility and accountability.
The Armenian people have a long and rich experience of living together
with others. Interaction with our environment has fostered our resolve to
preserve our identity. It has also helped us to broaden our perspectives,
enhance our knowledge and enrich our experience. Indeed, the very fact that
a church of apostolic origin, the Armenian Church, and an ancient people,
the Armenian people, have survived the upheavals and vicissitudes of history
is an eloquent testimony to the courage, openness and commitment to live as
community in the midst of diversities. The same vision should guide us
today. The youth have a pivotal role to play in this respect.
ARAM I
CATHOLICOS OF CILICIA
5 November 2006
Antelias-Lebanon
——————————– ——————————————–
* I have elaborated some of these thoughts in my new book, For a Church
beyond its walls, which is under publication.
F18News Summary: Bulgaria; Kazakhstan; Turkey;
FORUM 18 NEWS SERVICE, Oslo, Norway
The right to believe, to worship and witness
The right to change one’s belief or religion
The right to join together and express one’s belief
========================================== ======
22 November 2006
BULGARIA: AHMADIS BARRED “BECAUSE IT IS AGAINST THE RELIGIONS THAT PEOPLE
FOLLOW HERE”
cle_id=874
Bulgaria’s small Ahmadi Muslim community is concerned by persistent
attempts by a local prosecutor and the national state Religious Affairs
Directorate to strip it of its legal status, Forum 18 News Service has
learnt. One of the grounds of official Bulgarian hostility is that other
countries – such as Pakistan – also attack the religious freedom of
Ahmadis, who are considered to be heretical by many Muslims. Public
Prosecutor Maria Zoteva told Forum 18 that the community must be closed
“because it is against the religions that people follow here,” but could
not provide any examples of laws broken by the Ahmadi community or its
members. Ivan Jelev, head of the state Religious Affairs Directorate, told
Forum 18 – wrongly – that the community had misrepresented itself and also
that his office had unspecified “documents” requiring it to view the
Ahmadis negatively. “All we want is to be free to meet, talk and pray
together,” Ahmadi leader Muhamad Ashraf told Forum 18.
21 November 2006
KAZAKHSTAN: STATE BULLDOZES HARE KRISHNA COMMUNE, BIDS TO CHAIR OSCE
=873
As Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev is in London seeking support for
his bid to chair the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE), state authorities began today (21 November) bulldozing the only
Hare Krishna commune in the region, Forum 18 News Service has learnt. The
costs of the demolition are being imposed by the authorities on the Hare
Krishna devotees and OPON riot police have sealed off the commune. “At
present a bulldozer is knocking down one house,” Hare Krishna devotee
Anastasia told Forum 18 from the site as she watched the destruction,
“while a further four are being knocked down by hand.” Officials carrying
out the destruction have refused to speak to Forum 18. The demolition
contradicts earlier Kazakh official assurances that all actions in the
authorities long-running attempt to take over the commune would be frozen.
Religious freedom and other human rights in Kazakhstan have been for some
years under increasing threat from President Nazarbayev’s government.
24 November 2006
KAZAKHSTAN: WILL REST OF HARE KRISHNA COMMUNE NOW BE DESTROYED?
cle_id=876
With almost a quarter of the Hare Krishna-owned homes in their Sri
Vrindavan Dham commune on the outskirts of Almaty already destroyed,
community members are afraid that the rest of the 66 homes – including
their temple – could be next. “The community is in shock, but they are
determined to defend their homes and place of worship,” community member
Govinda Swami told Forum 18 News Service. He says destruction of the
temple would be “devastating”. Neighbouring houses owned by non-Krishna
devotees have not been touched and sources have told Forum 18 that
President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s brother has designs on the property.
Local administration chief Bagdad Akhmetayev refused to say why the homes
were being destroyed when the court merely ordered the devotees’ eviction,
telling Forum 18 “I simply came to watch the demolition and I am not
prepared to make any comment. Please ask the court bailiffs directly.” The
bailiffs refused to talk to Forum 18. Police prevented OSCE officials from
reaching the village during the 21 November destruction.
22 November 2006
TURKEY: POPE BENEDICT XVI’S VISIT AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
_id=875
Pope Benedict XVI’s visit to Turkey spotlights religious freedom, notes
Otmar Oehring of the German Catholic charity Missio
< lturen/themen/menschenrechte>.
Some are optimistic that the new Foundations Law will resolve property
problems for the organisations allowed to non-Muslim communities, but this
has yet to be seen. Astonishingly, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of
Foreign Affairs Abdullah Gul may not meet Pope Benedict. Officials fear
that the Pope may discuss the problems facing Catholics and other
religious minorities, including Muslim minorities. In this personal
commentary for Forum 18 News Service <;, Dr Oehring
maintains that - despite hopeful signs such as several Protestant churches
gaining association status - there has been little overall progress this
year in religious freedom. For example, minorities such as the Syrian
Orthodox do not have the legal right to undertake activities essential for
a functioning peaceful religious community.
* See full article below. *
22 November 2006
TURKEY: POPE BENEDICT XVI'S VISIT AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
e_id=875
By Dr. Otmar Oehring, head of the human rights office of Missio
<;
Rarely can religious freedom in Turkey have been more in the spotlight
than in the time surrounding the first visit to Turkey as pope by Benedict
XVI. His visit - due from 28 November to 1 December - comes shortly after
the latest European Union (EU) accession report, which again criticised
Turkey for lack of progress on religious freedom, though in mild tones
that surprised some commentators. Domestically, the papal visit comes just
after President Ahmet Necdet Sezer's approval of a new Foundations Law,
approved by parliament on 8 November. Some optimistically argue that the
Foundations Law will resolve property problems for the organisations
allowed to some non-Muslim ethnic/religious communities. Whether this will
be the case has yet to be seen.
The impending papal visit is complicated by Benedict's recent remarks on
Islam during a speech in Germany in September, where he quoted harsh
medieval criticism of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. As recently as 14
November, Professor Ali Bardakoglu, head of the government's Diyanet
(Presidency of Religious Affairs), himself made hostile remarks about Pope
Benedict and said how hurt Turks were by the pope's remarks in Germany.
Turkey's Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, will be out of the country
during the visit. But, astonishingly, the Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Abdullah Gul, is still considering whether
or not to meet Pope Benedict. It appears that senior officials fear they
would be forced to respond, if the Pope hands over a memorandum on the
problems facing the Catholic Church and other religious minorities -
including Muslim minorities - in Turkey (see F18News 26 July 2006
< e_id=817>).
The general mood – including among officials and the media – is that for
the Pope even to raise any problems would be wrong as, in their view,
Turkey’s religious minorities do not have problems. They claim that
minorities have the possibility to worship and that to complain over their
lack of recognised legal status does not reflect Turkish reality.
Therefore, they oppose any discussion at all of these issues.
At a meeting in Venice in mid-November, organised by the international
Catholic movement Pax Romana, the chief advisor to Prime Minister Erdogan
said openly that there is no point looking back to the past over the way
religious minorities have been treated, as mistakes lie on both sides.
Instead, he insisted, everyone should look to what Turkey will be like in
fifteen or twenty years. He claimed that the future will be bright, with
no problems for religious minorities. However, he did not identify which
problems still exist and how he thinks they will be overcome. There seemed
to be no wish on his part to discuss the current reality.
The controversial Article 301 of the Penal Code, which punishes
“anti-Turkish statements”, has been used against numerous writers and
journalists. But its recent use to prosecute members of religious
minorities marks a new turn. Compass Direct reported that two Protestants
were charged in October under this article in Silivri, near Istanbul,
after being accused of “illegal missionary activities”. Interpreting
non-Muslim missionary activity as “anti-Turkish” is alarming. Amid
worldwide criticism of Article 301, Prime Minister Erdogan has said that
by-laws would be produced to explain the aims of the article and what
“Turkishness” actually means. However, this appears to be merely an
attempt to avoid a real answer. Rumours circulate in Turkey that this
article will be abolished, but no-one knows if this will happen.
Even were Article 301 to be abolished, there are other articles in the
Penal Code which could be used by nationalist prosecutors and judges to
punish what they regard as “crimes against Turkishness”.
The one positive point in the new Foundations Law is that it will require
the return of properties confiscated from community foundations. Yet a
serious obstacle to this is that many of these properties have been sold
to third parties. Discussion of the Foundation Law has been going on for
many years (see F18News 13 December 2005
< e_id=704>), so it should have
been possible by now to resolve the problem of cases where return is
impossible.
Some religious communities with many such foundations, such as the
Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Armenian Patriarchate, have argued that
this law – if it gains Presidential approval – will allow them finally to
get back some of their properties. But they also point to the law’s
failure to resolve the issue of confiscated properties sold to third
parties.
Discussion on this aspect of the Foundations Law has focused on whether
religious communities unable to recover their properties should be
compensated financially, but the reaction to such suggestions has been
harsh. Earlier this year, parliamentary deputies argued in the parliament
that this would be a “waste of money”, complaining that “trillions and
trillions” of (old) Turkish lira would have to go to Christians and Jews
in compensation for property taken earlier. At the same time, Turkish
newspapers have worried that not paying compensation for property sold to
third parties would lead to hundreds of court cases, with many likely to
end up in the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. So a solution
to this problem is at present blocked.
The new Law does not address a key complaint: the impossibility for
religious communities to run their own theological training
establishments. This featured in the European Commission’s Proposal for
the Accession Partnership 2005 (see F18News 13 December 2005
< e_id=704>). The Ecumenical
Patriarchate has long hoped for progress on reopening its seminary on the
island of Heybeliada (Halki in Greek) in the Sea of Marmara – closed down
in 1971 along with the Armenian seminary – but progress has been elusive.
In mid-October, parliament discussed a proposal to reform the law on
private schools. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) introduced
changes that would have enabled non-Muslim religious minorities that
currently cannot run their own schools – such as the Syrians and Chaldeans
– to introduce them on a par with existing Greek Orthodox and Armenian
schools. The main opposition party, the traditionally secularist
Republican People’s Party (CHP), fiercely attacked the proposal, arguing
that it would represent a sell-out of Turkey.
Crucially for the Alevi Muslims, the second largest religious community in
Turkey, neither the Foundations Law nor the possible new law on private
schools would benefit them. Neither the Alevis – nor the Protestants or
Catholics – have community foundations. Nor would the Foundations Law give
legal status to any religious community, whether Muslim or not (see F18News
12 October 2005 < 670>).
The EU report
< _documents/2006/Nov/tr_sec_1390_en.pdf>
– released on 8 November – was blunt that religious minorities still face
problems, but the section on religious freedom was far shorter than in
previous years and was not very precise over what these problems exactly
are. The short section devoted to religious freedom is not long enough to
explain the real problems. It is possible this was done deliberately:
perhaps EU officials did not want to make Turkey appear in too negative a
light. A reader of this section of the report would need an informed
knowledge of the situation to understand what the EU is saying in the
Turkish context. The informed reader would regard it as a fairly mild
summary of the many problems that exist, but the uninformed reader would
mistakenly conclude from the EU report that the situation was not too bad.
The response in Turkey to the EU report was that it was not as bad as many
had expected. Liberals and some journalists said they expected some
condemnation and pointed out that it had been fairly mildly presented.
Pro-government activists say that despite accusations in earlier reports,
this one was not so bad.
These reactions come against a backdrop of hostility to such normal
religious activity as the peaceful sharing of non-Islamic beliefs, which
may have been a factor in the February 2006 murder of Fr Andrea Santoro
(see F18News 9 February 2006
< e_id=724>). The complexity of
Turkish social attitudes to religious freedom is rarely understood and
addressed (see F18News 19 January 2006
< e_id=716>).
As for the impending papal visit, it is important to bear in mind that the
Turkish public will not be present in large numbers at any speaking event.
Any views they might have of the visit – and of the Pope’s addresses and
comments during it – will be formed by how the local media covers the
visit.
Pope Benedict’s visit may have no impact on religious freedom in Turkey,
though this may depend on what he says at his meeting with the diplomatic
corps in the Holy See’s Nunciature in Ankara. When he visits the state’s
Diyanet – which controls Islam in this proclaimed secular state – he will
most probably be almost alone and the Vatican is unlikely to release
details of the meeting.
As head of the Diyanet under an Islamist-leaning government, Professor
Bardakoglu has more influence than he could expect to have under a
secularist government. If the Pope complains about the way Christians and
other minority faiths are treated, Bardakoglu will probably deny that
Christians have any problems. At the same time, he is likely to argue
(correctly) that non-Islamic faiths are outside the remit of his office,
which is responsible only for Sunni state Islam.
The forthcoming visit has also seen a minor spat between the Ecumenical
Patriarchate and the government, with officials attacking the Patriarchate
for insisting that journalists covering the trip seek accreditation from it
as well. Officials declared bluntly that the patriarchate is a Turkish
institution and regarded its demands as “impertinence”. However, both
sides sought to close down the issue.
Despite the murder of Fr Santoro, some improvements have occurred in the
overall religious freedom situation. There is more freedom of speech and
openness about the old taboos – even over whether the mass killing of
Armenians in the late Ottoman period constituted genocide. This year, four
Protestant churches gained a substitute legal status as religious
associations – Derneks – but not as religious communities. (This was under
a legal provision that applicants for association status, which are not
rejected automatically, receive this status after a set period.) Only one
Protestant church gained association status in 2005.
A breakthrough occurred in September 2006, when the Altintepe Protestant
Church in Istanbul became the first church building since the founding of
the Turkish Republic in 1923 to be ratified as a new place of worship.
This followed a four year bureaucratic and legal battle. The church had
been functioning since 2003 under another legal identity, as a Vakif
(Foundation), but the law has since been changed closing the Vakif option
for others.
A total of five Turkish Protestant churches are now recognised as Derneks
or associations, as well as one international church in Antalya. But, as
Compass Direct has noted, due to restrictions in planning and local
authority laws more than 20 legal cases are in the Turkish courts
requesting recognition of Protestant places of worship. Several cases are
also being taken to the European Court of Human Rights.
Association or Dernek status appears to be a pragmatic solution – at least
for the Protestants – to the problem of their lack of any legal status at
all (see F18News 12 December 2005
< e_id=670>).
But religious communities such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the
Armenian Apostolic Church – whose existence in the land of Turkey
pre-dates the arrival of the Turks and Islam – are unlikely to want to
accept such a lowly legal status.
Lack of legal recognition of religious communities as religious
communities forces one to the conclusion that there has been little
overall progress this year in the religious freedom situation (see F18News
26 July 2006 < 817>).
Islam remains a branch of the state and no other religious community –
including Muslim minorities – has or can get legal status as a religious
community (see F18News 12 October 2005
< e_id=670>).This problem of
non-recognition means that religious communities do not have the legal
right to take the internal spiritual and financial decisions necessary for
the normal functioning of a peaceful religious community. Without legal
status as a religious community, religious communities cannot buy, use,
sell or remodel property. They remain unable to maintain educational
establishments to train religious personnel, including priests, ministers
or rabbis. Despite the impossibility of training their own personnel
within Turkey, they do not have the right to bring in personnel from
abroad. Personnel from outside Turkey have come in under ad hoc
arrangements, which could be revoked at any time.
De facto, religious communities can undertake some activities, but this is
not enshrined in any law. For example, the two main Syrian Orthodox
monasteries, in Turkey’s south-east, run monastic schools for boys, where
they are trained in the liturgical language, in catechism and in singing
for the liturgy. This is essential for the celebration of the Orthodox
liturgy. Some boys go on to become catechists and choir leaders.
Officially the schools are merely boarding houses, but the state knows
what they are doing although, technically, this is illegal.
However, the problem remains as to how Syrian Orthodox girls can be
educated, especially as the Syrian population in south-eastern Turkey
faces such pressure from local Muslim Kurds and Turks. Syrian Orthodox
girls in school are routinely threatened with rape or kidnap. The Syrians
remain at the mercy of attackers and it is unclear who they are.
There has been no change to the recording of religious affiliation on
identity cards – a major problem which lays religious minorities open to
social ostracism or hostility (see F18News 26 July 2006
< e_id=817>).
A recent poll by TESEV, an Istanbul-based think-tank, found that Turks did
not believe that Islam is gaining in influence. Although some question
whether this is true – and the growth in the number of women wearing
Islamic headscarves on the streets of Ankara and Istanbul might be an
indication that the influence of Islam could be growing – I believe that
nationalism, not Islamic sentiment or any resurgence of Islam lies behind
the restrictions on minority faiths. (END)
– Dr Otmar Oehring, head of the human rights office of Missio
< lturen/themen/menschenrechte>, a
Catholic charity based in Germany, contributed this comment to Forum 18
News Service. Commentaries are personal views and do not necessarily
represent the views of F18News or Forum 18.
For further overviews by Dr Oehring of religious freedom in Turkey, and of
the need for fundamental reform of the Constitution, see
< =68>.
For commentaries by the Anglican Chaplain in Istanbul on the roots of
Turkey’s attitude to religious freedom see
< _id=716>, and on Turkish
society’s reaction to the murder of Roman Catholic priest Fr Andrea
Santoro, see < 724>.
For a personal commentary on religious freedom under Islam, see
< _id=227>
A printer-friendly map of Turkey is available at
< s/atlas/index.html?Parent=mideast&Rootmap=turk ey>
Adobe Acrobat PDF and printer-friendly views of this article are available
at < 875>.
(END)
© Forum 18 News Service. All rights reserved. ISSN 1504-2855
You may reproduce or quote this article provided that credit is given to
F18News
Past and current Forum 18 information can be found at
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Glendale: Armenians Gather in Spirit and Electrons
Armenians together in spirit and electrons
A Glendale telethon unites the globally dispersed community to help the
homeland.
By James Ricci, Times Staff Writer
November 24, 2006
For 12 hours on Thursday, the world’s Armenians ? from the 3 million in the
Republic of Armenia to the 1.4 million in the United States and maybe even
the eight in Vietnam ? held each other in an electronic embrace, defying a
thousand years of being geographically scattered by the forces of history.
The occasion was the ninth annual Armenia Fund telethon, whose tentacles,
reaching out from a studio in Glendale, spread throughout the world via live
television and Web casting, gathering pledges from all corners.
“This is an incredible network of people that comes alive for a 12-hour
period, all over the world,” said a harried fund chairwoman Maria Mehranian,
who served as sometime on-air hostess and full-time overseer of the hundreds
of volunteers, honored guests, Armenian entertainers and security guards at
Glendale Studios. “There are people who might never meet, who might not even
like each other if they did meet, but it’s so much fun to create this
vehicle of unity. We have wanted unity for 11 centuries.”
The fund, which is based in Glendale and has chapters in a score of
countries, raises money from the world’s approximately 10 million Armenians
? which includes, according to the website armeniadiaspora.com, eight in
Vietnam ? to build roads, schools, hospitals and other infrastructure in the
Armenian Republic.
In the 15 years of its existence, it has raised $160 million. Thursday’s
telethon, which ran from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. and had a goal of $13.5 million in
pledges, ultimately added $13.6 million. About 92% of funds pledged are
ultimately collected, fund officials said. The telethon was broadcast
locally on KSCI-TV Channel 18.
Inside the studio complex was a scene of controlled chaos, as furrow-browed
officials in business suits hurried about, murmuring into walkie-talkies,
marshaling on-air guests around four stages. Security guards were ubiquitous
? not, Mehranian said, because of fear of crime, but to maintain order in
case the studio was besieged by eager donors from Glendale’s heavily
Armenian citizenry, hoping to cop a little airtime.
In an upstairs office, a young man named Greg Boyrazian strove to control
the traffic in live television feeds coming in from distant locales. “OK,
Boston’s gonna come on live,” he said into his headset. “It’s now. Boston is
live. This is crazy?. We still have Boston, Armenia, Paris.”
On the main production floor early Thursday afternoon, scores of young
people clad in special T-shirts staffed the phone banks, fielding calls from
around the world. Their shirts read: “I [image of a pomegranate with a heart
inside] Armenia.”
“It’s a very Armenian fruit,” Mehranian explained. “Very symbolic of life,
of survival.”
“One thousand dollars from New York,” one phone staffer shouted, prompting a
chorus of yelps and hand-clapping. On a large monitor with a red background,
the total pledges edged upward with each round of ringing telephones.
$2,693,644 ? $2,893,644?.
On the air, Hacop Baghdasarian, proprietor of the International Grill at the
Glendale Galleria and a man who’d pledged more than $100,000 in previous
telethons, announced to wild applause that he was pledging $30,000 to a
hospital in war-torn Hadrut in Armenia’s satellite republic Nagorno
Karabakh.
$3,193,654 ? $3,232,704?.
The international hookup raised the question of fielding calls in numerous
languages.
Not a problem, Mehranian said. “The average Armenian speaks three or four
languages. It’s the curse of not having had a country.” For her part,
Mehranian speaks English, Armenian, French and Farsi, “and a bit of
Spanish.”
Tamar Artin, a 19-year-old biology major at Pierce College in Woodland Hills
and a phone bank supervisor, said language was not nearly so much a problem
as one might think. “We mostly get English or Armenian,” she said, “but we
get lots of international calls, so it’s really important to have an ear for
what language a person is speaking. We know in advance which of our people
speaks what language, and we can direct the caller to them ? sometimes it’s
Russian, very rarely Arabic and sometimes Farsi.”
The Armenia Fund’s concentration on infrastructure is aimed at helping the
Armenian economy ? already growing at a rate of 14% a year, according to
fund officials ? grow even faster.
The Armenian diaspora in the wealthy countries is an enormous asset to the
young republic, “a jewel,” Mehranian said. The Republic of Armenia became an
independent state after the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. The work of
the fund aside, Armenians in the diaspora remit about half a billion dollars
a year to family members in Armenia, said Sarkis Kotanjian, executive
director of the fund.
Armenian Americans, he said, not only provide funds but establish goals for
improved quality.
“Take, for example, a backward, Soviet-era hospital,” he said. “We want it
to become an American hospital, with all the modern standards. We don’t want
to just put on a coat of paint but to train the doctors and reconstruct the
way the hospital works so that it makes sense.”
For those driving the telethon, which is held on Thanksgiving partly because
people are off from work and school and also to give thanks for the
existence of an Armenian homeland, the effort clearly was about more than
raising money or raising standards. Raising the sense of worldwide Armenian
identity was also part of the program.
Narbeh Issagholian, a 24-year-old computer consultant, spent the day rushing
back and forth making sure the telethon’s 50 computers were behaving.
He said giving up the Thanksgiving holiday to work the telethon flowed
naturally from “what my parents have taught me and what I learned in
Armenian schools about our culture and history. I want to do what I can to
pass it on to future generations and make sure it doesn’t die.
“This ties you in to the entire Armenian community in the world today.”
[email protected]
From: Baghdasarian
Critics’ Forum Article – 11.25.06
Critics’ Forum
Literature
The Authentic in Fiction: Aris Janigian’s Bloodvine
By Hovig Tchalian
After several articles on topical subjects, I would like to discuss a
novel published before the advent of Critics’ Forum – Aris Janigian’s
Bloodvine (Heyday, 2003; Great Valley Books, 2005; all page
references are to the later edition). Perhaps the nearly four years
that have passed since its publication will help provide some
perspective on the novel.
Reviews at the time of publication ranged from the lukewarm – Booklist
noting the author’s “obviously heartfelt effort” – to the overblown – the
San Francisco Chronicle comparing Janigian to William Saroyan.
Ironically, the novel was also a finalist for Stanford University’s
William Saroyan International Prize for Writing, in the category of
fiction, in 2005. A close look at Bloodvine reveals a good first
effort but one whose flaws and missteps say as much about the current
state of English-language Armenian literature as they do about the
novel itself.
The premise of Bloodvine originates in autobiography. Janigian’s
father, nearing death, calls his son to his native Fresno and tells
him the story of the rift (the novel later calls it a “kehn”) between
him and his brother, a subject that to that point the father has
avoided bringing up with his son. In the book’s prologue, Janigian
maintains that his father’s deathbed confession drove him to
investigate the matter and write about it, albeit in fictional form.
The characterization of the work as fiction is a critical one. The
novel is certainly a fictional retelling of the feud that took place
between two brothers, now named Andy (Antranik) Demerjian and Abe
(Abraham) Voskijian, in and around 1950’s Fresno. But it also
harbors what might be called more “historical” ambitions. Perhaps as
a result, the reader feels the need both to connect with the novel
and judge it by the yardstick of its own ambitions, ones that,
unfortunately, it is not quite able to live up to.
The first few pages of Bloodvine make it clear that the novel’s fate
is intertwined with the history of the Genocide. We learn early on
that Andy and Abe are actually half-brothers. Abe’s father, a
gentleman in his community, is killed by Turkish soldiers. His
mother escapes the pogroms and makes her way to Fresno, where she
meets another immigrant, Yervant. Andy is the first of two children
and the only son the mother bears with her second husband. Yervant
turns out to be quite a volatile man, prone to pathological behavior
and fits of violence, most of which he directs toward his wife’s
first-born son, Abe. We also find out that Yervant’s father (Andy’s
grandfather), Jonig, may have been an “agha,” a Turkish sympathizer
who saved himself and his family by betraying the whereabouts of
other Armenians.
The novel’s central storyline turns on this seminal event. Abe
marries Zabel, and together they have three children. Andy marries
much later in the novel and continues until then to live with Abe’s
family on land that her mother has willed to her two sons. This
uncomfortable living arrangement eventually precipitates the feud
between the brothers, which the novel makes clear is also instigated
by Abe’s wife, Zabel. The larger issue at stake is what Zabel refers
to as the family’s bad luck, or “pakht,” and which she is certain has
revealed itself in the family’s disastrous harvests and business
dealings. Zabel attributes their collective pakht to Andy, the ill-
begotten son, and through him to Yervant, and through Yervant to his
father and what we might call his “original sin” (92-3). From
Zabel’s perspective, the fact that Andy is a “cripple” (one of his
legs is shorter than the other) may be explained biologically – he had
polio as a child – but must be understood genealogically – he is the
descendant of a traitor.
The impetus behind this genealogical perspective is the novel’s own
worldview. In the prologue, Janigian characterizes his novel as “old-
fashioned,” which no doubt it is. But its emphasis on the
relationships between fathers and sons and the propagation of sin,
treachery and violence also suggests a profoundly biblical
perspective.
The brothers’ story, in fact, concludes in an act of betrayal
reminiscent of the Old Testament story of Jacob and Esau. A few
years after Andy signs his half of the land over to Abe to help
secure a GI loan, on a handshake, Abe kicks Andy off the land,
denying him what Andy feels is his birthright, just as in the
biblical story, Jacob tricks his older brother, Esau, into signing
over his birthright for a bowl of lentil stew. Jacob will later also
trick his father (who bears the name of one of the brothers in the
novel, Abraham) into giving him his blessing. In the biblical story,
Jacob is his mother Rebecca’s favorite, as in the novel the maternal
Zabel (Abe’s pet name for her is “Ma”) prefers Abe.
This somewhat weighty purpose intrudes itself into the novel at
various points-we are subtly, and sometimes not so subtly, made to
remember that the scenery of Fresno and the surrounding valleys is
imbued with a larger, almost metaphorical, character signifying the
mysterious connection between land and blood suggested in the novel’s
title.
The book’s very first scene, in fact, makes this point quite
explicitly. A bishop and a priest are on their way to visit the
Voskijians, in order to “exorcise” their land of the curse Zabel is
convinced has befallen it. As they near their destination, the
bishop looks out of the car window at the grapevines and remarks (8):
The very land itself, it seems, is a symbol of its people’s apparent
fate, bearing its fruits in the shape of tears. And just in case we
miss that metaphorical point, the bishop adds a little further on (8):
<"[T]he vines in Armenia date back from the time of our Lord. Just
imagine, brother, the pestilence, the flood and fire, the drought and
terrible earthquake they've endured. They," he said in a survivor's
emotional voice, "have proven as resilient as the Armenian people
themselves.">
The larger point, however, is somewhat more intriguing – the suggestion
of a kind of fall from grace, from an edenic homeland that cannot be
recreated anywhere else, as the bishop once again makes clear (9):
Ironically, later in the novel, Andy’s wife Kareen, an Armenian born
in Egypt, will compare the same expanse of land unflatteringly to her
own birthplace, Alexandria (167). Janigian does more than suggest
the simple nostalgia for homeland or home in this passage; he
captures something of the tragic desire for return that seems to
propagate itself endlessly, hopelessly, in the immigrant experience.
The other side of that desire, the novel seems to suggest, is the
kind of hatred born of betrayal, a product of an agha’s actions as
much as a result of the Genocide as such. That hatred turns to self-
hatred in the brothers’ story, culminating in the final act of
betrayal captured in the title. We can hear its whispers even early
on, in the bishop’s repeated reference to the priest as “brother” (as
in the two extended quotations above). To the novel’s credit, the
tension between brotherly love and a hatred born of blind allegiance
to land is never quite resolved. Even at the very end of the novel,
before he “betrays” his brother Andy, Abe tells him, “brothers is one
thing, this land’s another” (252). But after the event, Andy
declares to himself, “your life has changed, Andy. In a matter of
minutes, thirty years of brotherhood is pulverized. Over what? Over
a piece of dirt” (265).
Janigian is at his most lyrical when describing the land the brothers
are fighting over and the wider landscape of the San Joaquin Valley,
sometimes in ominous detail (270):
In other instances, Janigian displays a keen eye for detail, such as
in this early scene, describing Abe walking into his house, during
the bishop’s exorcism (12):
<"He is cleansing the house of evil spirits," the wife whispered.
Evil spirits? Abe bowed his head and crossed his arms over his
stomach.
"Shhh," she said, as though Abe's puzzlement was audible.>
The paradoxical phrase about Abe’s puzzlement shows Janigian at his
best, allowing us to understand something about Zabel’s state of mind
and the near absurdity of the scene taking place.
But even such details, and the moving descriptions of the landscape,
when repeated in various ways throughout the novel, seem less lyrical
than repetitive. Janigian spends a good deal of time describing the
mundane details of farming life, punctuated by the “crude” speech of
farmers, barhops, family members. But we are often left to wonder
for what purpose.
Unfortunately, even the biblical parallels made at the beginning and
at the end of the novel are never developed in a clear and compelling
way, and the novel eventually loses its hold on the story and its
details and seems more confined than liberated by its promising
premise. The logic of that premise unwinds itself slowly,
inevitably, with only occasional glimpses of depth or complexity,
until nearly everything in the novel seems either weighed down by its
ponderous purpose or adrift in uneven, sometimes inconsequential,
prose. As a result, the novel begins to plod along a little less
than halfway through, as though hoping to generate momentum through
the various descriptions themselves.
The descriptions that proliferate in the novel, therefore, often get
the better of the story. Many of the book’s less successful moments
are a result of Janigian giving in a little too much to his penchant
for metaphor and comparison. In the crucial moment after Abe
threatens Andy and asks him to leave their land for good, Andy
considers what it means, and we are told: “when a man is in the
clutch of such unknowns, time thickens, time turns into a beehive,
palpable and agonizingly porous” (265). The phrases here are awkward
and oddly misplaced. Why should time be a “beehive,” and why are we
to imagine that it is “porous”?
In other instances, it is difficult to see what purpose a comparison
serves at all. When Andy is confused by the reaction of a prostitute
he meets, we read the following simile: “This was like giving a
photograph to a blind man and getting upset that he didn’t appreciate
it. Even after he told you he was blind, even after you saw that he
lived among the blind, in a blind world.” (43). In yet other cases,
the description could simply benefit from more or better editing,
such as when we see Andy making his early morning drive to work the
land (262):
author of article.]
Janigian crafts the description well, giving us a sense of Andy’s
mood, not only at this moment but more generally. But the passage
also exhibits the writer’s occasional inability to exhibit restraint
and his tendency of saying too much.
An additional result of these inconsistencies is that the thrust of
the story is sometimes overwhelmed by details, so that even the
subtler ones are not given their due. A perfect example is an
interesting parallel between the descriptions of two very different
characters, Abe and the prostitute mentioned earlier. Both are
described as agitated and nervous, barely able to sit still. When
Andy and Abe sit on the porch early in the novel, we see that “Abe
pulled up a chair and sat on the edge, as if he might soon have to
leave” (19). A few pages later, we see Andy reluctantly visiting a
whorehouse. The woman he meets there, once she finds out Andy only
wants some company, is described in almost identical terms as Abe: we
are told that “she sat on the edge, like she might have to go at any
second,” presumably to talk with more promising clients (42).
The descriptions together form a kind of word picture, a visible
symbol of “displacement,” of people whose itinerant nature has made
them unable to sit still in their own seats – Abe as a second-
generation farmer struggling to survive and the prostitute as someone
moving restlessly from one client to the next. The parallel phrasing
imagines a fate shared by two people from entirely different walks of
life. For a brief moment, the “immigrant experience” belongs to the
local as much as to the Armenian.
But perhaps this is reading too much into an otherwise accidental
parallel. Unfortunately, without the novelist’s sure hand guiding
us, we are left to ponder the coincidence on our own. The effect
carries through the entire novel. Perhaps we are meant to see the
metaphorical grafting of old vines to new, ancient land to modern, as
a different representation of the family itself – Abe’s family having
been “grafted” unnaturally to Andy’s by way of Yervant’s marriage.
The issue of birthright in the biblical parallels seems to point
here. Andy’s given name, for instance, is Antranik (“first-born,” in
Armenian). And although he is not his mother’s first-born son, the
fact that he is his father’s eldest seems to compel him, despite
himself, to live up to his name and form a family of his own.
Numerous parallels such as these exist. But very few of them are
tied together or developed convincingly.
The most glaring example here is the final “betrayal” in the novel,
when Abe walks up to Andy, shotgun by his side, and seems to threaten
him into leaving their land for good (264):
<"You've got nothing left here," Abe says. "It's over." There is a
certain hysteria in his voice, a kind of panic.
There's Andy, looking down the barrel of a shotgun. . . .
"All right, Abe," Andy says.
Abe drops the gun to his side, slowly, like he might lift it up
again. Andy doesn't know if he's shivering from the cold or the
uncanniness of it all or both. Already he knows, even before he's
out of harm's way, that nothing will ever match this moment.>
This long-anticipated “moment” in the novel, when it arrives, is
oddly devoid of significance, symbolic or otherwise, or a compelling
connection to the themes of home or birthright. Fixated as it is on
the mundane fact of the shotgun itself, the passage comes across as
neither epic nor even particularly profound, descending instead into
melodrama, a simple spat between two brothers. The passage tells us
that this is indeed a momentous event but fails to show us that it is
so.
Later in the novel, Abe will get his comeuppance of sorts, losing
his sanity for a time and, some weeks later, spilling his blood on a
vine after crashing his tractor into the post holding it up, which
leads to his death. That post, it turns out, is the same one next to
which Abe threatened his brother. The symbolic point is made, but
far too late to generate thematic or dramatic tension.
Aris Janigian’s Bloodvine represents a strong first effort and a
promising start to a writing career. But the novel’s flaws also say
as much about the future of English-language Armenian literature as
they do about Janigian’s own career. The concerns mentioned above
are not insurmountable. The novel’s only unforgivable offense, in
fact, is its characterization of Zabel and her mother, Angel. With
their connivances, superstitions and constant stream of akhhs, they
are little more than caricatures.
This final point brings us full circle, back to the issue we started
with – the novel’s status as fiction. We can now recast that statement
as the novel’s view of its own “authenticity,” in other words, its
relationship to the diasporan Armenian experience in all its
complexity, from the historical Genocide to the fictional spirits
haunting Angel’s memory. A final excerpt from the novel related to
this point will help us conclude.
A third of the way through the novel, the brothers meet with an
attorney named Saroyan, who turns out to be a “distant cousin”
of “this writer Saroyan” (89). When the three sit down in his
office, the attorney suggests that his more famous relative is only
interested in talking about “Armenians, old-time Armenian things that
only an odar would be interested in. What the hell do I need to hear
about Armenians?,” the attorney laments. “I’ve got them barking in
my ear every day” (89). The irony of the statement is deepened by
our sense of the anonymous identity of those “Armenians” – the ones
inhabiting the novel’s fictional world as well as the attorney’s
office in it – as much as of the unnamed “odar.”
Perhaps it is entirely fitting, then, that Bloodvine has been
compared to William Saroyan’s works and been nominated for an award
named after him. Saroyan’s legacy, far more than Angel’s spirits,
haunts the novel and beckons to the reader, from somewhere between
the odar world and the Armenian.
All Rights Reserved: Critics Forum, 2006
Hovig Tchalian holds a PhD in English literature from UCLA. He has
edited several journals and also published articles of his own.
You can reach him or any of the other contributors to Critics’ Forum
at [email protected]. This and all other articles published
in this series are available online at To sign
up for a weekly electronic version of new articles, go to
Critics’ Forum is a group created to
discuss issues relating to Armenian art and culture in the Diaspora.
Lebanon New Website For Armenian Radio Station
LEBANON NEW WEBSITE FOR ARMENIAN RADIO STATION
BBC Monitoring Research, UK
Nov 22 2006
BBC Monitoring observes Lebanese Armenian radio station Voice of Van
on a new website at The site is texted in English
and Armenian, and offers an extensive archive of on-demand audio files
of most of their programmes, posted online soon after live broadcast.
The station broadcasts round the clock with programmes in Armenian and
Arabic on 94.7 MHz FM from studios in Beirut. Main news bulletins in
Armenian are at 0830 and 1830 local time, in Arabic at 0930 and 1630
local time (currently gmt +2 hours).
Founded in 1986, Voice of Van describes itself on the website as “the
official radio station of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation in
Lebanon” (Dashnaktsutyun). The mother organization of this political
party has a website at
Two other Beirut radio stations have recently established a web
presence.
Voice of the People has an Arabic website at ,
offering an on-demand audio archive of their main news bulletin for the
last seven days. The station broadcasts in Arabic on 103.7 and 104.0
MHz in the FM band, between the hours of 0600-0100 hours local time.
The second programme of state-owned Radio Lebanon has a
website at Radio Liban 96.2 FM broadcasts on
that frequency round the clock in French, English and Armenian,
including several hours relaying French programming from external
broadcaster Radio France International. An associated website at
has further information and
a programme guide.
BAKU: Azeri Official Denies Anti-Iran Coalition Exists
AZERI OFFICIAL DENIES ANTI-IRAN COALITION EXISTS
Day.az, Azerbaijan
Nov 22 2006
An exclusive interview of Day.az with the head of the press and
information policy department of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry,
Tahir Tagizada.
[Correspondent] Tahir muallim [mode of address], do you think it was
a surprise that senators known for their pro-Armenian position were
elected as leaders of the Democrats and Republicans in the US Senate?
Or was it the expected consequence of the coordinated and methodical
work of the Armenian lobby?
[Tagizada] It is a very hard and thankless thing to comment on the
policies of another state. It is especially so if at issue is the
world’s largest super power which is a strategic partner of Azerbaijan.
Therefore, I think it is incorrect to divide parties into a
ruling and opposition ones on the basis of their attitude to the
Armenian-Azerbaijani Karabakh conflict.
You actually know that the working group for developing Azerbaijani-US
relations comprises congressmen from both the Democratic and Republican
parties.
[Passage omitted: Tagizada says Azerbaijan should rely on the
Azerbaijani community in the USA in its relations with the USA; the
two countries have political and economic cooperation and are allies
in the fight against global terrorism]
[Correspondent] What do Azerbaijan’s national interests dictate in
the sphere of building relations with Iran?
[Tagizada] I have already said that Azerbaijan’s national interests
are invariable and do not depend on which country or international
organizations they are being built with.
But if you mean the talk about the existence of some “anti-Iran
coalition”, it simply does not exist. But even if it did, Azerbaijan
would not join it.
For Azerbaijan, the question here is very clear-cut and definite
– our region, which is strategically important both for building
international relations and for the international security system,
is already so full of conflict that the limit of durability of peace
in our region has already been reached.
Besides, Azerbaijan favours not a military but a diplomatic resolution
of problems, both in the Iranian and the Karabakh issues.
[Correspondent] In the meantime, last weekend [18-19 November]
the Iranian TV channel Sahar aired for an hour calls for a coup in
Azerbaijan. How would you comment on this?
[Tagizada] Unfortunately, I am not yet familiar with what exactly the
Iranian TV channel Sahar broadcast. Therefore, give me time to become
acquainted with this information. Then, I can give them [the calls]
a precise evaluation.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
BAKU: Azeri Foreign Minister, Minsk Group Mediators Discuss Karabakh
AZERI FOREIGN MINISTER, MINSK GROUP MEDIATORS DISCUSS KARABAKH
Turan News Agency, Azerbaijan
Nov 22 2006
Baku, 22 November: Two of the three co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk
Group, Yuriy Merzlyakov and Bernard Fassier, today had consultations
with Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov. They discussed
the possibility of organizing a meeting between the Armenian and
Azerbaijani presidents on the sidelines of the CIS summit in Minsk.
After the meeting, the co-chairs refused to comment on the outcome
of the talks for reporters. Asked whether a meeting between Aliyev
and Kocharyan will take place, Yuriy Merzlyakov said that it would be
clear after a meeting between President Ilham Aliyev and the co-chairs.
After the meeting at the Foreign Ministry, Bernard Fassier and Yuriy
Merzlyakov immediately headed for a meeting with the Azerbaijani
president promising to issue a communique on the outcome of the visit.
The US co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group, Matthew Bryza, did not arrive
in the region because of his “workload”.
Armenia To Cooperate With Both NATO, CIS Defense Bodies – Defence Ch
ARMENIA TO COOPERATE WITH BOTH NATO, CIS DEFENCE BODY – DEFENCE CHIEF
Public TV, Armenia
Nov 22 2006
[Presenter] A delegation headed by Defence Minister Serzh Sarkisyan
left for Belarus today to attend the sessions of the Defence Ministers
Council of the Collective Security Treaty Organization [CSTO] to be
held in Brest on 23 November.
The Armenian delegation will also take part in the gathering of the
Security Council secretaries of the CSTO member states in Minsk on
24-25 November. An agreement on military cooperation in 2007 will be
signed by the Russian, Belarussian and Ukrainian defence ministers.
Before departure Serzh Sarkisyan told journalists at the airport that
Armenia is a member of the CSTO and at the same time is implementing
a partnership plan with NATO.
[Serzh Sarkisyan captioned] I have announced that membership in the
CSTO and cooperation with NATO follow from our policies and do not run
counter to each other. It is high time to realize that all military
and political alliances are created for and not against something. NATO
was not established against something, but for Europe’s security.
The Collective Security Treaty was signed not against NATO, but to
ensure security of the CSTO member countries.
OSCE Mediators Upbeat On Forthcoming Meeting Of Armenian, Azeri Lead
OSCE MEDIATORS UPBEAT ON FORTHCOMING MEETING OF ARMENIAN, AZERI LEADERS
Artur Grigoryan, Romik Khachatryan, “Aylur”
Public TV, Armenia
Nov 22 2006
[Presenter] President Robert Kocharyan received the Russian and French
co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group on 21 November. Yuriy Merzlyakov
and Bernard Fassier today met journalists at the airport before their
departure and talked about the results of the talks.
The co-chairs noted that bellicose statements had become muted recently
and explained why the US co-chairman had not arrived in Yerevan. The
co-chairs have agreed to divide their responsibilities.
[US co-chairman] Matthew Bryza is to meet the president of the Nagornyy
Karabakh republic, Arkadiy Gukasyan, who is currently in the USA.
[Correspondent] The co-chairs said the main result of their visit
was that the Armenian side had agreed to a meeting between [Armenian
President Robert] Kocharyan and [Azerbaijani President Ilham] Aliyev
in Minsk on 28 November.
[French co-chair Bernard Fassier, captioned, speaking in Russian
with Armenian voice-over] We hope very much that the Armenian and
Azerbaijani presidents will achieve a rapprochement between the two
countries’ positions on some complex issues.
[Correspondent] The co-chairs know from their own experience that
pre-election periods have limited influence on the talks.
[Russian co-chair Yuriy Merzlyakov, captioned, speaking in Russian
with Armenian voice-over] I do not think that the forthcoming elections
in Armenia will be an exception. The foundations we managed to create
this year will allow for smooth negotiations before the election and
during the election period.
[Correspondent] The mediators are leaving Yerevan for Baku to get
the Azerbaijani side’s agreement to the meeting.