Deputy Foreign Minister: Armenia Situated In Europe

DEPUTY FOREIGN MINISTER: ARMENIA SITUATED IN EUROPE

Arka News Agency, Armenia
Dec 8 2006

YEREVAN, December 8. /ARKA/. Armenia is situated in Europe, Armenian
Deputy Foreign Minister Armen Bayburdyan said Tuesday in at a press
conference.

In his words, Armenia is on the crossroads between Europe and Asia
as well as between the South and the North.

Bayburdyan pointed out that Armenian nation has had close ties with
both Europe and Asia for a long period of its record.

"However, European ideas have greater impact on Armenia’s development
at least because of the fact that Armenians live at every spot of
Europe", he said.

Bayburdyan said that European Union’s New Neighborhood policy in
itself gives no guarantees to targeted countries for joining the union,
but envisages not only reformation but also integration into Europe.

Polish Ambassador to Armenia Tomasz Knothe, in his turn, said that
Poland favors European Union’s eastward enlargement and confirmed
that Armenia is a European country.

At the same time, he said there are still some problems related to
political, economic development and institutional matters.

RA Prime Minister: Year Of Armenia In Russia Becomes New Stage In Hi

RA PRIME MINISTER: YEAR OF ARMENIA IN RUSSIA BECOMES NEW STAGE IN HISTORY OF ARMENIAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS

Arka News Agency, Armenia
Dec 8 2006

YEREVAN, December 8. /ARKA/. On Saturday during the solemn ceremony of
closing the Year of Armenia in Russia in St. Petersburg the RA Prime
Minister Andranik Margaryan stated that the Year of Armenia in Russia
had become a new stage in the history of Armenian-Russian relations.

"In January 2006, at the solemn opening ceremony of the Year of Armenia
in Russia, presidents of our countries wished this event to become a
real step, aimed at enlarging our cooperation. Today we can say for
sure that the Year of Armenia in Russia was a success and became a new
stage in the history of Armenian-Russian relations", Margaryan said.

He pointed out that Armenian-Russian friendship and traditionally
established unbreakable contacts became the reliable base for dynamic
and constructive development of allied relations between the two
states.

"I hope that the Year of Armenia in Russian enabled Russian
people discover the modern Armenia, with all its potential and
possibilities. Today our state surely heads for the future, taking
into account the vital reality and at the same time maintaining
secular national traditions", Margaryan emphasized.

More than 300 events in 40 regions of Russia were held in the scope
of the Year of Armenia in Russia. Russian people got acquainted with
the best6 symphonic orchestras of Armenia, exhibitions of many museums
and galleries of the country, saw performances of Armenian dramatic
theatres.

Armenian Foreign Ministry Discusses Wide Rage Of Issues With U.S. De

ARMENIAN FOREIGN MINISTER DISCUSSES WIDE RANGE OF ISSUES WITH U.S. DEPUTY SECRETARY OF STATE

Arka News Agency, Armenia
Dec 8 2006

YEREVAN, December 8. /ARKA/. Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan
discussed Tuesday a wide range of issues with the U.S. Deputy Secretary
of State Daniel Fried, the Foreign Ministry’s press office reports.

Issues related to democracy development and preparation for 2007
parliamentary elections in Armenia were among others issues under
discussions.

Talks over the process of negotiations on Karabakh conflict settlement
and prospects for Armenian-Turkish relationship improvement were
discussed as well. OSCE Minsk Group’s American Co-Chair Matthew Bryza
was present at the meeting.

Oskanyan met Daniel Fried in Brussels. Both traveled there to attend
OSCE foreign ministerial meeting.

BAKU: Section 907 Limiting US-Azeri Co-Op

SECTION 907 LIMITING US-AZERI CO-OP

Assa-Irada, Azerbaijan
Dec 9 2006

The partial repeal of Section 907 to the Freedom Support Act restricts
cooperation between Azerbaijan and the United States, Azerbaijani
Defense Minister Safar Abiyev said in a meeting with the visiting US
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Jim McDougall on Thursday.

Section 907 bans direct US assistance to the government of Azerbaijan.

Abiyev said bilateral relations are developing in all areas. The
unresolved status of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Upper
(Nagorno) Garabagh is a major obstacle to the development of
Azerbaijan’s military cooperation with the United States and NATO,
he said.

"We will never accept the occupation of our territories by Armenia.

The Azerbaijani armed forces will liberate the occupied lands if the
conflict is not resolved in peace," the minister said.

McDougall concurred that the provisions of Section 907 actually
restrict cooperation between the two countries.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Book Review: Tanks For The Memories

BOOK REVIEW: TANKS FOR THE MEMORIES
By Anna Porter

The Globe and Mail (Canada)
December 9, 2006 Saturday

Journey to a Revolution:
A Personal Memoir and History
of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956
By Michael Korda
HarperCollins, 221 pages, $32.50

Twelve Days:
Revolution 1956:
How the Hungarians Tried to Topple
Their Soviet Masters
By Victor Sebestyen
Weidenfeld & Nicholson,
340 pages, $39.95

This year marks the 50th anniversary of the Hungarian revolution, the
ill-fated attempt of a country to wrest itself free of the control
of its Soviet masters. As usual with such events, it’s resulted in
a flurry of books. The two discussed here, a personal memoir and a
magisterial history, are both well worth reading.

Michael Korda’s prose, like the man himself, is casually and
effortlessly elegant, with just a hint of the mid-century ennui,
a genteel sense of British outrage at the brutality of the less
well mannered. His Journey to a Revolution breaks into two almost
equal parts.

In the first, Korda gives his own breezy version of Hungarian history,
briefly and charmingly told, despite the bloodshed and general
unpleasantness of successive revolutions and confusing events,
culminating in Hungary’s even more confusing participation in the
Second World War. The second, and more original part, tells of Korda’s
journey to the Hungarian Revolution. He travels in the company of three
other similarly inclined friends, all Oxford undergraduates, seeking
adventure. They pack their jaunty VW bug with a few randomly selected
drugs that they imagine could come in useful in a hospital for treating
shooting victims, and a couple of hampers of delicatessen – salami,
ham, cheeses – just what a revolution might need in an emergency. To
make sure they are not taken for ordinary rabble, they affix a Union
Jack to the roof of the car. Given how they look, of course, there is
little danger of being mistaken for anything other than what they are.

"Christopher Lord wore a ‘British Warm,’ suede chukka boots, a heavy
astrakhan fur hat. . . . Roger Cooper a naval duffel coat and Russian
fur hat . . . I wore my RAF sheepskin flying jacket," and so forth.

In preparation for departure, they have a few drinks, and Korda meets
with Graham Greene in the Ritz Hotel Bar for last-minute advice.

Greene features several times in the book, though only by reference.

He does not make another personal appearance, but hey, if he were my
family friend, I’d be inclined to mention him quite a lot, too.

Korda’s father, Vincent, and uncle Alexander, both celebrated film
people, drop by even more often as concierges bow and scrape at
the mere mention of the name Korda – such a magical name, and so
reminiscent of wonderful times past.

Once the jolly group arrives at the Hungarian capital, not much
happens to any of them, though the revolution unfolds as it did, Korda
providing cheerful commentary in Isherwood-camera-style on surrounding
events, grotesque dead bodies, Russian tanks – he seems to be rather
impressed with Russian tactics – collapsed buildings, ineffectual
barricades, students of about the same age as the Oxford adventurers,
but less well dressed and carrying guns. Throughout the tale, Korda
remains quite disengaged, if fascinated by his surroundings.

The medicines are delivered, the fine food is shared, there are a few
tense moments in the bar of the hotel, when the Russian tanks shell
nearby barricades, and the Oxford friends return to the safety of
the West, leaving the Hungarians to mop up the blood and survive –
many did not exactly survive – the ensuing Soviet-style retribution.

Journey is a fast, entertaining read for all those who don’t wish to
know a whole lot about either the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 or its
victims. For me, a Korda fan since reading his wonderful Charmed Lives,
the joy was in his style.

Twelve Days, by Victor Sebestyen, is a brilliant book. Even those
thoroughly bored with the Hungarian Revolution will find new insights,
lively writing and an intriguing cast of characters, many of whom
had made only shadowy appearances in other books and in films. Here,
they are refreshingly alive and credible.

I found the usually monolithic Soviets individually fascinating.

Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, insecure in his hold on power, spent
sleepless nights pondering what to do about this breakaway outpost
of the vast empire. His friend, Anastas Mikoyan, "the neatly dressed
Armenian," tried to stop the brutal Soviet retaliation to the point
of threatening to resign from the Communist Party. Soviet ambassador
Yuri Andropov successfully misinformed both sides in his struggle to
restore a Stalinist regime in Hungary.

In the book, the terrifying, murderous KGB chief Lavrenti Beria takes
on human proportions as he complains about the Hungarian secret
police, and obese, "pasty-faced" prime minister Grigori Malenkov
comments on Hungary’s economic disaster under the rule of old-world,
Russian-trained communist Matyas Rakosi. While the Hungarians
are fighting in the streets, the Soviet leaders are fighting among
themselves, not only about what to do with Budapest but, more important
for them, over who will inherit Stalin’s mantle.

In the end, after days of hesitation, Khrushchev decides on massive
force, not so much because of a belief in Hungary’s importance to
the Soviet Union’s well-being, as because they all worry that if
Hungary is allowed to exit, next would be Poland and Czechoslovakia
and Romania. The dominos will fall one by one. Already there were
sympathetic demonstrations in all of those countries; closer to home,
the inherently independent-spirited Georgians (observe their current
battle with Vladimir Putin), the Ukrainians, and writers and university
students in Moscow are carrying on with crazy notions that the Soviet
army must stay out of Hungary.

Hungarian political figures of the time are portrayed by Sebestyen
with clear-eyed fairness and telling detail. Imre Nagy, the martyred
prime minister of those few days, the "old man" to his followers,
hesitates, mumbles, trips over his own loyalties to the party and
misses every opportunity to avert the disaster. The rotund, neckless
Rakosi, his former colleague and predecessor, overplays his hand and
loses both his position and what he regarded as his legacy. There
is a wonderful scene in Moscow when Rakosi finally realizes he will
be sacked. Erno Gero, his former lieutenant, "tall, thick-lipped,
almost skeletally thin," misses his one chance at pleasing his Soviet
masters by allowing the revolution to foment while he vacations abroad.

Sebestyen displays his formidable talent both for quick character
sketches and political analysis. Unlike the Hungarian leaders, he does
not miss his opportunity to allot a fair share of the blame for the
massacre – to U.S. president Dwight Eisenhower, for his eagerness
to reassure the Soviets that the United States had no interest in
intervention, while CIA-backed Radio Free Europe broadcasts urged
the rebels on to the barricades.

Sebestyen attributes the fact that the United States did not anticipate
the events to bad intelligence (still bad, after all these years)
and Eisenhower’s preoccupation with the coming U.S. elections.

Finally, he knocks the British for their total engagement with the
Suez Crisis and the appalling impotence of the UN.

While his sympathies lie with the revolution, its often bombastic
leaders do not escape Sebestyen’s sharp pen. He paints Jozsef Dudas,
who had "spent nearly a quarter of his life in various prisons," as a
preposterous figure who tried to take personal power, and who barely
"kept his delusions of grandeur under control."

Gergely Pongratz (nicknamed Bajusz, whiskers or moustache) showed no
compunction about sending children, armed only with Molotov cocktails,
out against Soviet tanks. There was no organized central revolutionary
council, little or no communication among the various groups and,
apart from the students’ original Sixteen Points, no clarity on
future demands. Ultimately, what they all held in common was the
urgent desire to see the Soviets gone – the only demand Moscow could
not and would not countenance.

Sebestyen was born in Budapest, but his inspiration stemmed from his
childhood in Britain. As a kid, he overheard his parents discussing
the revolution: whether 2,500 Hungarians had died in vain, whether
the post-1956 heavy-handed reprisals of Janos Kadar’s regime, the
executions, the long jail terms, the party purges, constituted a
"victory in defeat."

Twelve Days’ lead-up to the events of that October starts with October,
1944, in the Kremlin apartment of Joseph Stalin, where Churchill and
the Soviet leader seem to settle the future of Eastern Europe after the
Second World War; it ends with an assessment of how Soviet savagery
in November, 1956, reduced the Hungarians to sullen resistance,
despite the softening of harsh rules and a slow economic recovery,
and how it fractured communist parties worldwide.

It was a decline that led, inevitably, to the crumbling of the Iron
Curtain and the loss of the empire itself.

Anna Porter is a publisher and the author of The Storyteller, and a
former Hungarian refugee.

The Guide: Exhibitions: Melik Ohanian, London

THE GUIDE: EXHIBITIONS: MELIK OHANIAN, LONDON
by Jessica Lack

The Guardian (London)
December 9, 2006 Saturday

Melik Ohanian’s epic video installation Seven Minutes Before is a
thrilling, dream-like narrative offering seven different perspectives
of a cataclysmic event. Set in southern France, the audience are
pitched into a world of biblical proportions in which a nomadic
preacher, a caged wolf and a speeding car are united as symbols of the
tragedy to come. Born in Lyon in 1969, Ohanian is of Armenian descent,
and this 21-minute film, part of his first UK solo exhibition, reveals
an artist who can weave complex ideas into an engaging narrative.

South London Gallery, SE5, to Dec 22

Helped By Some Friends, Rebel Armenian Region Lives On

HELPED BY SOME FRIENDS, REBEL ARMENIAN REGION LIVES ON
by Simon Ostrovsky

Agence France Presse — English
December 9, 2006 Saturday 2:15 PM GMT

The trimmed lawns and neat wall surrounding this 13th century Armenian
monastery in Azerbaijan’s breakaway Nagorny Karabakh region attest
to the millions of dollars in donations Armenians have sent here
from abroad.

Perched atop a mountain overlooking the village of Vank, the Gandzasar
monastery will meet the 16th year of de-facto self rule in Karabakh
on Sunday in better shape than it has been for the last 70 years.

It is thanks to funds from wealthy diaspora Armenians that the site,
where locals say the head of John the Baptist is buried, is in such
good shape.

Donations from some of the millions of Armenians living around the
world have been crucial in keeping this self-declared state afloat
since it broke from Azerbaijan in 1991.

Not all of Karabakh looks as well-tended as Gandzasar, but the donated
funds have helped make it possible for this mountainous region to
stay separate from Azerbaijan for the past decade-and-a-half.

Karabakh’s population was three quarters Armenian at the break-up of
the Soviet Union when Armenians and Azerbaijanis launched a war for
control of this patch of land in the Caucasus Mountains.

Ethnic Armenians won the war, which ended with a shaky ceasefire in
1994, but the region’s status has remained unsettled, making it a
political anomaly that few apart from diaspora Armenians have been
willing to support.

Today, the population of Karabakh is almost totally Armenian and the
territories that separatist authorities control were expanded during
the war to include seven ethnic-Azeri regions that have now largely
been depopulated.

On Sunday, Karabakh will mark its 15th anniversary with a referendum
on a separatist constitution that follows similar polls in two other
unrecognised mini-states of the former Soviet Union earlier this year.

"A lot of businesses want to invest here but can’t because Azerbaijan
complains" said Andranik Sarkisian, who heads a humanitarian project
jointly funded by the US Congress and the US diaspora’s Fund for
Armenian Relief.

"Only the diaspora invests here," Sarkisian said.

Baku still claims the region, which is internationally recognized to
be part of Azerbaijan and fell within its Soviet-era borders.

Azerbaijan has sought to block attempts by outsiders to set up
shop here.

But the diaspora plays a key role in places such as Vank, a village
that has been transformed by a rich Armenian living in Moscow who is
originally from the settlement.

Levon Arapetyan paid a handsome sum to renovate the monastery and
build a 10-kilometer road leading up to the site, as well as setting
up a flooring factory in the town.

"He owns everything here," beamed Norik Shahgeldian, a local who works
for Arapetyan’s firm, which produces everything from decorations for
a new Soviet-themed cafe to menus for a nearby restaurant also built
by the emigre.

But crucial in providing assistance to Karabakh has been the Hayastan
fund, a diaspora group pooling the resources of Armenians in Europe
and the United States for pro-Armenian causes since an earthquake in
1988 leveled the Armenian city of Gumri.

The Hayastan All-Armenian fund — Hayastan means Armenia in Armenian —
has for the past few years raised funds for construction projects in
Karabakh through phone-a-thons in Europe and the US, its local branch
head said.

"We’ve got a database of 60,000 phone numbers of Armenians in France
alone," said Michel Tancrez. The organization was able to raise 13
million dollars for Karabakh in 2006 by cold-calling Armenian families,
Tancrez said.

Karabakh’s total projected budget for 2006 is only 93 million dollars,
with a large part of its income made up from taxpayers like the Base
Metals gold mine, which is financed by an Armenian from Russia.

The Hayastan fund has paid for the construction of a major highway
linking Karabakh to Armenia for 10 million dollars and many individual
donors have built schools and hospitals.

Karabakh’s expenditures are also financed through loans from its
neighbor Armenia, which also does not recognize the region as a state
but is so integrated with the rebel province that visitors could be
forgiven for thinking that it was part of the same country.

"Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia can take loans from the World
Bank and other international organizations," said Masis Mailyan,
the separatist foreign minister.

"But because we’re not recognized our only option is to borrow from
Armenia."

Turkish TV Station Campaigns To Give Nobel Literature Prize Winner P

TURKISH TV STATION CAMPAIGNS TO GIVE NOBEL LITERATURE PRIZE WINNER PAMUK A HERO’S WELCOME

Associated Press Worldstream
December 9, 2006 Saturday 6:54 PM GMT

A Turkish television station on Saturday urged Turks to flock to the
airport and give Nobel literature prize winner Orhan Pamuk a hero’s
welcome on his return from the award ceremony in Sweden.

In its campaign, private Haberturk television said the novelist
deserved the same joyous welcome that the Turkish soccer team had
received on its way back from Japan, after coming third in the 2002
World Cup.

Pamuk, author of novels such as "Snow" and "My Name is Red," drew
ire in Turkey for telling a Swiss newspaper that "30,000 Kurds
and 1 million Armenians were killed in these lands, and nobody
but me dares to talk about it." He was tried earlier this year on
charges of insulting his country, but the charges were dropped over
a technicality.

Pamuk’s Nobel prize was met with a mixed reaction in Turkey, where
nationalists professed shame at the selection of a man who spoke of
the oppression of Armenians and Kurds, while many writers called it
a historic moment for their rich literary tradition.

"It is time for us to embrace Orhan Pamuk, it is time to forget the
past," said journalist Tufan Turenc, who called in to lend support
to the campaign.

Pamuk, 54, is to collect his 10 million kronor (euro1.1 million;
US$1.4 million) award in a ceremony on Sunday.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

BAKU: Germany Denies Political Asylum To Over 6,000 Azeris – Envoy

GERMANY DENIES POLITICAL ASYLUM TO OVER 6,000 AZERIS – ENVOY

Turan News Agency, Azerbaijan
Dec 8 2006

Baku, 8 December: Germany has turned down requests for political
asylum filed by 6,500 Azerbaijani citizens, German ambassador to
Azerbaijan Peer Stanchina has told reporters.

This is a very large number for a small country like Azerbaijan,
the ambassador added. An analysis of the situation has shown that
many of the applicants were of Armenian origin.

It costs German municipalities a lot of money to provide housing and
material aid to those people. It costs Germany 30m-40m euros a year.

"We have started talks with Azerbaijan’s government on the return
of those people to Azerbaijan," the ambassador said. He added that
there were also members of political parties among those applying
for political asylum.

BAKU: Azeri Defence Ministry Confirms Soldier Taken Captive By Armen

AZERI DEFENCE MINISTRY CONFIRMS SOLDIER TAKEN CAPTIVE BY ARMENIANS

Source: ITV, Baku, in Azeri 1100 gmt 9 Dec 06
ITV, Public Television, Azerbaijan
Dec 9 2006

Vusal Qaracayev, 18-year-old soldier of the Azerbaijani army, has
been taken captive by the Armenian armed forces on the contact line
between the [Armenian and Azerbaijani] armed forces in Agdam District.

[passage omitted: quoting an Armenian report]

The head of the Defence Ministry press service, Col Ramiz Malikov,
has confirmed this. He said that soldier Vusal Qaracayev lost his
way and crossed over to the Armenian positions while carrying out
his duties on the morning of 7 December.

The head of the Defence Ministry press service also told ITV that
that the Azerbaijani Defence Ministry had reported the issue to
relevant international organizations and that work was under way to
free the soldier.