July 20, 2026
About 1.5 months ago 168.am– referred to it strongly grievances, which refer to Yervand Serobyan, rector of Shirak State University (SSU). Since mid-May 2018, Yervand Serobyan, who has been the head of the University of Moscow, has filled the university with his friends, to whom he pays high salaries, and the salary of one of them, Shushan Martirosyan, has been individually increased by the decision of the Board of Trustees of the University, and this is in the case when Shushan Martirosyan, according to our sources at the University, does not have a scientific degree and the experience and relevant knowledge of his aunt. With the light hand of her husband, Yervand Serobyan, she became the deputy director of the “Educational Process Management Center” of the university.
According to our information, for years Shushan Martirosyan has additionally burdened rector Yervand Serobyan with other work duties, for which he received additional payments.
In addition, for years, the university’s teaching and teaching staff have been complaining that the “selected” employees of the university regularly received individual bonuses, and this fact was kept secret by the rector as much as possible.
It is unfortunate for the teaching and teaching staff of the university that, in the presence of many facts, the government and the Ministry of Education and Culture do not conduct any research in the university, allowing Yervand Serobyan to act in the field of personal interests.
Thus, the university has a “Jurisprudence” educational program, which every year produces many masters graduates who graduate with honors, but it turns out that the head of the “Human Resources Management, Document Circulation and Legal Assurance Department” of the university, Artashes Hovhannisyan, who is a friend of the rector, is irreplaceable. The latter’s 65th birthday and the term of the employment contract have expired, but the rector keeps Artashes Hovhannisyan in the position of performing the duties of the head of the department. Moreover, this is not the only case.
News has reached us, which actually becomes even more interesting when we consider Nikol Pashinyan’s attitude towards the looting of the “formers”.
It turns out that within 8 years, Rector Serobyan managed to build two luxurious private houses from the ground up near Charles Aznavour Square in Gyumri. According to the news spread in Gyumri, rector Serobyan has also bought an apartment in Yerevan, the territory of his son’s dental clinic has greatly expanded.
Of course, Yervand Serobyan, who has worked as a tutor for decades, can say that he, his sons and daughters-in-law are doctors and have sufficient financial resources.thatproperties and could build two luxurious mansions. However, the whole problem is that Yervand Serobyan, his sons and daughters-in-law were working until May 2018 and did not even dream of such capital, but only during the years of Nikol Pashinyan’s rule, “luck” smiled on Yervand Serobyan.
Naturally, the teaching and teaching staff of the university are also aware of this news and are very dissatisfied with the permissiveness of the university, with Nikol Pashinyan and the minister of KGSMS, who do not control the activities of their rector.
By the way, although during the years of Nikol Pashinyan’s rule, student fees increased a lot, the salary of professors and teaching assistants is very low at the level of the entire Republic. Last year and in June of this year, the main employees of the university received a bonus amounting to 50 percent of their salary, but the same rector, his deputies, friends and employees with several administrative positions took advantage of it, because their salaries are very high.
It’s no secret that the social situation in Shirak Marz and Gyumri is very difficult, living is very difficult, but the rector, who celebrates his 70th birthday in September, has prospered materially, which, of course, he can afford when the “green light” is given to him by his superiors.
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Baku is preparing for war against Armenia. the decision was made a long time ago. There was
July 20, 2026
168TVof “Trigger” the guest of the program Karen Igityan is a Caucasian scholar.
During the program, the results of the meeting between Armen Grigoryan, the Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia, and Hikmet Hajiyev, the assistant to the President of Azerbaijan, were discussed, as well as possible risks for Armenia and the subject of a possible war, which, according to the expert, Baku is preparing for.
In addition, the promotion of the “West Azerbaijan” project by Azerbaijan and related information processes, the pro-Turkish policy of the Armenian authorities, the latest international statements regarding the agreement between the US and Iran, as well as the appointment of Konstantin Sokolov as the president of the “TRIPP Enterprise Fund” and the possible impact of the fund’s activities on infrastructure, digital and telecommunication projects in Armenia were discussed.
Hayk Derzyan
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168: Pashinyan will lose power very quickly if he refuses to comply with the West
July 20, 2026
In the “Pressing” program Satik Seyranyan’s guest is political scientist Hrant Mikayelyan.
in the USA protest wave has risen against the rapid construction of data centers serving artificial intelligence (AI) projects. These infrastructures power the operations of such tech giants as Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Microsoft, and Elon Musk’s xAI. Activists claim that such facilities place an excessive burden on local resources, particularly the power system and water supply.
Protesters chanted “We need water, not data” and “Georgia didn’t vote for hyperscale AB centers.” According to the organizers, the movement has brought together people of different political views who are deeply concerned about the impact of these new facilities on their urban and rural communities.
According to a June Reuters/Ipsos poll, only a third of Americans support the current pace of data center construction in the country, and only 14% of respondents said they would like to see such a facility in their area.
And this is when, on the initiative of the Armenian government, Firebird cloud AB, an artificial intelligence company, plans to open a new 100 MW data center in Armenia in 2026. Thousands of Nvidia Blackwell graphics processors will be used to develop Armenia’s “tech industry and global partnerships” and “create new opportunities for innovation and economic growth across the region.” The government of Armenia plans to acquire $25 million in high-performance computing resources from Firebird AI over a five-year period for the purpose of developing modern artificial intelligence infrastructure in Armenia.
The main theses of the interview are below.
- To imagine, artificial intelligence (AI) data – Data-centers for how much electricity is spent, let’s note that in the USA they proposed to build one nuclear power plant for one data center. The same goes for water use. That is why the Americans are against the construction of data centers. The last one was not allowed to be built in New York. We need to understand what is our benefit from the construction of data centers՞what damages will we suffer? Don’t we need water? It turns out that the Armenian business spends the money, but the Americans will get the benefit, we are developing the American economy at the expense of our resources.:
- In recent years, there has been a constant water problem in Armenia, including in Sevan. Now, with that program, it is planned to build the second data-center after Kotayk marz in Gegharkunik marz, near Sevan. It turns out that Sevan, which raised the water level of Lake Sevan with great difficulty in the last 50 years, is in serious danger. The construction of AB Data-centers is a threat, it will contribute to the drying up of Armenia.
- In 2026, the opposition is stronger than it was in 2021 in terms of financial capabilities and vote structure. Stronger opposition, however, is being resisted by a much harsher repressive regime. The political persecutions are primarily against the “Strong Armenia” and “Prosperous Armenia” parties. Now the level of repression has gone down. Pashinyan announced that those employees of Gagik Tsarukyan who will protest and go on strike will also be persecuted. It is clearly a repressive environment in Armenia.
- The Singapore Good Governance Index was released yesterday. Armenia took the 64th place in the “Good Governance Index”, after Georgia and Azerbaijan. Georgia took 43rd place, Azerbaijan – 57th, Turkey – 75th. Moreover, in recent years, Armenia’s position has been constantly decreasing. According to that index, the level of investments in Armenia is very low, at 1% of the GDP, which is an abnormal indicator, in contrast to the 5-6% during the previous authorities. The reason for this is that the economy has been politicized in Armenia, something that has never happened before. Property redistribution is also taking place, which is also an unprecedented phenomenon for Armenia.
- Making a political statement and taking money and property for the budget are different things. There are no budget entries. If any businessman, American or Armenian, learns that in Armenia HETC is being taken from Samvel Karapetyan, Araratcement is being taken from Gagik Tsarukyan, and he is offered to buy these businesses at cheap prices, let’s say for 100 million, what should that businessman think? Whichever country that businessman is from, won’t he think that after the change of government, that factory, that business will not remain for him? Only Turkey and Azerbaijan can threaten war and expect that the property taken from an Armenian businessman and sold to them will remain theirs. The only option is to sell to speculators. in which there is a risk that the equipment may sell out and that’s it. That’s why no normal businessman will buy the foreclosed properties:
- Pashinyan has always pursued an anti-Russian policy. Anyone with good ties to Russia is considered a traitor. The processes related to Gagik Tsarukyan and Samvel Karapetyan are purely geopolitical, related to Russia. there are no economic topics here:
- According to Pashinyan’s decision, Putin cannot come to Armenia because they ratified the Rome Statute, according to which Armenia must arrest Putin. Putin can see that danger, therefore he cannot come to Armenia. In that case, relations between the two countries cannot be normal. During the last Pashinyan-Putin meeting in Moscow, before the National Assembly elections, sharp disagreements came out into the public arena. Such shows should be avoided now. Pashinyan stated that their long-term goal is EU membership, Russia demands a decision: either you stay in the EAEU or you go to the EU. However, no matter how much Pashinyan declares that he is Armenian the people chose the European future, this is not proven by any election. The people did not make such a choice. It turns out that the consequences of Pashinyan’s decisions are borne by the Armenian people:
- Pashinyan has put Armenia at the center of geopolitical tension, where the two are starting to compete for Armenia. The past wars are the result of it, and the theme of the Corridor. He has put Armenia in such a situation that we are starting to split, because Russia is pulling us to one side, Europe to the other. All of this comes at a price. Armenia should remove the geopolitical context from its politics and work with everyone, including third world countries.
- Nikol Pashinyan does nothing. what they instruct, it does. The self does not function here as a sovereign factor. Moreover, I must say, repressions are also managed from outside, including Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan also wants to change the Constitution so that we give up the national one:
- If Nikol Pashinyan refuses to fulfill the demands of the West, they will no longer turn a blind eye to Pashinyan’s repressions, and in that case, the latter will lose power very quickly. Now it is structurally and politically dependent on the West and Turkey. In almost all departments of Armenia, there are employees appointed from the West, who monitor the implementation of their instructions:
- The government of Georgia is pro-Georgian. They need relations with any country to be beneficial not to that country, but to them, Georgia.
- The example of Serzh Tankyan is the most shameful, who constantly made statements during Serzh Sargsyan’s rule, supported Pashinyan’s revolution, then, when Pashinyan handed over Artsakh, he did not reveal any secrets, did not accuse anyone, and as soon as Israel started a process regarding the Armenian Genocide, the same Tankyan woke up, accused and slept again. Being Armenian in itself is speculative, but if you are Armenian, you must protect the interests of Armenia in all circumstances. In such positions, the institution of shame should work:
- As of now, the alternative of the opposition not taking the mandates will be worse. The opposition should give up small tactical steps and think and act with big strategic approaches. Pashinyan solves the problem of maintaining his power every day. as long as he can, he will keep it. The opposition must conduct foreign policy with a completely different logic, abandon the “West or Russia” concept, get out of the geopolitical logic. The opposition must also develop a strategy and ideology for a long-term struggle, talk to the public with acceptable faces, and revise the personnel policy. Effective containment of power within the country must be done. A front of resistance must be created. For example, if the Catholicos is not invited to the inaugural NA session, let them organize NA hearings and invite the Catholicos to that session.
Details in the video.
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RFE/RL – Acting Gyumri Mayor Not To Take Up Parliament Seat
- Gayane Saribekian
Avetis Arakelian, the acting opposition mayor of Gyumri, made clear on Monday that he will not take up his seat in Armenia’s newly elected parliament, all but ending media speculation about his resignation reportedly sought by the government.
Avetisian has filled in for Mayor Vartan Ghukasian ever since the latter was arrested last October on corruption charges rejected by him as politically motivated. Ghukasian was moved to house arrest on Friday despite new criminal charges levelled against him and Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s calls for a snap municipal election in Armenia’s second largest city.
The surprise development led some media commentators speculate that Ghukasian cut a secret deal with Pashinian whereby the ruling Civil Contract party will seize control of the municipal administration or at least manage to force the fresh election in Gyumri. They said this could be done through Avetisian’s resignation and transfer to the National Assembly which would make it hard for the opposition-controlled city council to install Ghukasian’s new temporary replacement.
Avetisian, who is also Ghukasian’s son-in-law, dismissed those suggestions over the weekend. He went on to inform the Central Election Commission that he will not be joining the new parliament. Avetisian gave no reason for the decision, which means that he will almost certainly keep his current job.
Avetisian won the parliament seat after running in the June 7 parliamentary elections on the ticket of billionaire Samvel Karapetian’s Strong Armenia alliance. Ghukasian’s political faction teamed up with the alliance earlier this year.
The Gyumri council appointed Ghukasian as mayor in April 2025 after four local opposition groups collectively defeated Civil Contract in the last local election. Armenian opposition leaders claim that Pashinian ordered the outspoken mayor’s prosecution in a bid to overturn the election results. The premier has denied this.
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Another Armenian Prisoner In Azerbaijan Rebukes Yerevan
Yet another former leader of Nagorno-Karabakh jailed in Azerbaijan has accused Armenia’s leadership of being indifferent to the fate of Armenian prisoners.
Major-General Davit Manukian, who had served as a deputy commander of Karabakh’s Armenia-backed army, challenged Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian to publicly comment on “fabricated and false” accusations levelled against himself and seven other former Karabakh Armenian leaders remaining in Azerbaijani captivity.
“Sadly, those [prisoners] who are held here do not feel the breath of the Republic of Armenia,” he said in an audio message communicated to his family by phone and publicized on Monday.
The former Karabakh leaders were captured right after the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive that restored Baku’s full control over Karabakh and forced the region’s Armenian population to flee to Armenia. They all denied a long list of war crimes charges levelled against them. Five them, including Manukian, were sentenced to life in prison, while the three others received 20-year prison sentences in February this year in trials denounced by Amnesty International as a “travesty.”
They all deny the accusations that including the planning, preparation and conduct of the 2020 war in Karabakh.
Appealing to Pashinian, Manukian said: “Since you were Armenia’s prime minister and at the same time commander-in-chief at that time — and the planning of the war starts precisely from that level — I urge you to present your position on these specific accusations,” he said. “Failure to respond will mean that you agree with the false accusations, thereby making not only you but also the entire Armenian people, complicit.”
Two other Armenian prisoners — billionaire Ruben Vardanyan and former Karabakh parliament speaker Davit Ishkhanian — have likewise lambasted Pashinian in their statements from an Azerbaijani prison. Ishkhanian charged earlier this year that Armenia’s leadership does not want Baku to free the 19 Armenian prisoners. Pashinian, who is currently on vacation, has not reacted to the claims.
The Armenian premier and other officials insist that Yerevan has been doing its best to try to secure the release of the prisoners. Their critics dismiss these assurances.
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RFE/RL – UN Experts Question ‘Terror’ Case Against Armenian Archbishop
- Robert Zargarian
UN human rights experts have questioned the credibility of coup charges that were brought against an outspoken Armenian archbishop and his supporters last year amid Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s efforts to depose Catholicos Garegin II.
Archbishop Bagrat Galstanian was arrested along with his 15 supporters in June 2025 on charges of plotting “terrorist acts” in a bid to seize power. They as well as two other individuals went on trial in August, denying the accusations.
Shortly after the arrests, Prosecutor-General Anna Vardapetian claimed that Galstanian and his supporters wanted to assassinate Pashinian and other senior officials. None of the suspects faced corresponding murder charges, however. That did not stop Pashinian and his political allies from branding the suspects as terrorists.
In a report sent to the Armenian government on May 11 and publicized by one of Galstanian’s lawyers on Monday, experts from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) expressed concern at the violation of their presumption of innocence and said their arrests may not have been justified. The experts also cats doubt on the coup charges, arguing that international law defines terrorism as actions designed to kill or seriously injure people.
“We are concerned that the measures taken appear not to be consisted with Armenia’s international human rights law obligations,” they said.
The accusations are essentially based on excerpts from the audio of Galstanian’s wiretapped conversations with his associates which were publicized by investigators following the arrests. Defense lawyers gained full access to the recordings during the subsequent investigation. They accused the authorities of doctoring, distorting or taking the audio out of context to substantiate the “trumped-up” charges and mislead the public.
The government replied to the OHCHR experts last week, defending the arrests and denying any political motives behind the high-profile case.
Armenia’s Court of Appeals moved Archbishop Galstanian to house arrest on June 4. The other defendants were set free or placed under house arrest months ago. One of Galstanian’s lawyers, Tatevik Soghoyan, linked the court order to the OHCRHR criticism which she said took Pashinian’s administration off guard.
One day after Galstanian’s arrest, Pashinian threatened to forcibly remove Garegin from his Echmiadzin headquarters if the supreme head of the Armenian Church continues to ignore his demands to resign. Archbishop Mikael Ajapahian, another vocal critic of the prime minister, was arrested and charged the next day with calling for a violent regime change.
As Pashinian stepped up the pressure on the Catholicos, two other high-ranking clergymen were arrested later in 2025 on different charges also denied by them. They and Ajapahian were moved to house arrest early this year. Ajapahian was set free altogether late last month after the Court of Appeals overturned a two-year prison sentence given to him by a lower court.
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Asbarez: ANCA Next Gen Hosts First Summer Social, Drawing Record Turnout in Sa
SAN FRANCISCO — The Armenian National Committee of America – Western Region’s ANCA NextGen program drew one of the largest gatherings of young professionals the Bay Area has seen to date, with its Summer Social on June 26, nearly doubling the turnout of its previous work.
The evening was held in coordination with AGBU Young Professionals of Northern California, giving ANCA NextGen the opportunity to expand its network of civically engaged young professionals and reach new corners of the broader Armenian-American community in Northern California.
But the night’s turnout was, above all, a reflection of the momentum ANCA NextGen has built across the Bay Area over the past year – a sign that its model of pairing advocacy with community and career-building continues to resonate with a new generation of Armenian-Americans.
Attendees spent the evening building relationships, exchanging ideas, and connecting with ANCA NextGen’s growing base of diverse young professionals across the region.
The atmosphere throughout the night reflected something organizers say they’ve seen building for months: a rising appetite among young Armenian-Americans for spaces that combine social connections with a deeper sense of civic purpose.
Conversations ranged from career paths and industry trends to the advocacy priorities currently animating the broader Armenian-American community, from congressional engagement to grassroots organizing across the Diaspora.
“Bringing our community together showed just how much energy and interest there is among young Armenian-Americans in the Bay Area to connect, organize, and grow together,” said NextGen committee representative Henry Agajanov. “We’re excited about what this means going forward.”
For many attendees, the Summer Social offered a first introduction to ANCA NextGen’s work in the Bay Area; for others, it was a chance to reconnect with a network they’ve been part of since its earliest gatherings.
Either way, organizers say the size and energy of the crowd underscored a simple point: the appetite for civically engaged Armenian-American community space in Northern California is only growing.
ANCA NextGen organizers described the night as a meaningful step forward, with plans to build on its momentum by hosting future events that bring together even more of the region’s Armenian-American young professional community.
Organizers say upcoming gatherings will continue to blend the social energy of Friday’s Summer Social with ANCA NextGen’s broader mission of civic engagement, positioning the Bay Area as one of the program’s most active hubs on the West Coast.
ANCA NextGen is the young professionals arm of the Armenian National Committee of America – Western Region, engaging the next generation of Armenian-Americans in advocacy, civic engagement, and community building. The Summer Social marked another milestone in ANCA NextGen’s continued growth across Northern California.
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CC: Oldest sword in the world in St. Lazar Armenian Mekhitarist Monastery in I
A sword was mislabeled in a museum on Lazarus Island in Venice. It was labeled as belonging to the medieval collection. It is approximately 5,000 years old. According to a new study, it is one of the oldest swords in the world. The extremely rare sword does not resemble most ancient weapons. It was made around 3000 BC and originates from eastern Turkey. It is speculated that this sword was used as a ceremonial object, but possibly also in combat. Another theory suggests that it was made for a burial and then unearthed by townspeople.
The ancient Anatolian weapon.
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Lucine and the Doll That Walked to Aleppo: Preserving Armenian History for a N
BEIRUT — Author and educator Dr. Shoghig Kaloussian has published Lucine and the Doll That Walked to Aleppo, the first book in the Apricot Tree Tales series—a collection of children’s books that introduces young readers to Armenian history through stories of hope, resilience, and remembrance.
The story follows Lucine, a young Armenian girl, whose beloved rag doll, Aghavni, accompanies her on the journey across the Syrian desert to Aleppo during the Armenian Genocide. Thoughtfully crafted for young readers through a gentle and age-appropriate narrative and brought to life through beautiful, full-color illustrations, the book introduces this chapter of Armenian history while fostering empathy, understanding, and meaningful discussions. It is an ideal resource for schools, libraries, and families seeking to introduce children to this important part of history in an accessible and engaging way.
Each book is fully bilingual, with both English and Western Armenian presented side by side on every page, allowing children and families to read together in either language while helping preserve the Western Armenian language for future generations. One of the project’s central goals is to foster a sense of ownership among young readers so that children become the next custodians of these stories, ensuring that the memory of the Armenian Genocide endures for generations to come.
The second book in the series, Annie and the Old Photograph from Marash, is scheduled for publication in July 2026, continuing the mission of preserving Armenian heritage through children’s literature.
For review copies, interviews, or school visits, members of the media are welcome to contact the author.
About the Author
Dr. Shoghig Kaloussian is an Assistant Professor at Haigazian University in Beirut, Lebanon. She holds a Ph.D. in Applied Linguistics and Education and is a researcher specializing in language education and multilingualism. Through her Apricot Tree Tales series, she combines historical research with storytelling to preserve Armenian cultural heritage and introduce younger generations to the stories, values, and resilience of the Armenian people.
Power to the Public Where the Market Ends and the Republic Begins
Armenia’s decision to take control of Electric Networks of Armenia (ENA) marks one of the country’s most consequential economic and strategic interventions since independence. More than a dispute over ownership or the prosecution of Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, it raises a fundamental question: who should control the infrastructure that powers the country?
To understand what this seizure actually means for Armenia, we need to better understand how Armenia’s electricity infrastructure is organized, how its composition compares to other countries around the world, and what the takeover practically changes. With a full term in office on the horizon, Armenia has the opportunity not only for sweeping and historic reform to better the lives of its population, but to truly gain economic and strategic independence from the imperial shadow cast over the country by Moscow.
What Is an Electricity System?
An electricity system consists of infrastructure that generates, transports and delivers electricity from power plants to homes and businesses. It starts with energy production; this could be a hydroelectric dam, wind turbines, a coal power station, or in Armenia’s case, a nuclear power plant. From here the energy gets transformed and travels through a transmission network, the huge metal towers holding up power lines we see in the countryside, to a smaller network called a distribution network, sort of like arteries and veins respectively. This smaller network then takes the power directly to homes and businesses within a specific locality.
Beyond the physical infrastructure, electricity systems also include retailers, which sell electricity to customers, manage billing, and handle customer contracts. Increasingly, they also incorporate energy storage, such as batteries, which help balance supply and demand by storing excess electricity for later use.
Who Owns the System?
In Armenia, ownership of the electricity system is divided between the state and private actors. Generation is the most diversified component: the state owns the country’s nuclear power plant and one thermal power plant, while Karapetyan’s Tashir Group jointly owns a gas-powered thermal plant with Gazprom Armenia, a subsidiary of Russia’s state-owned energy company. Electricity is also produced by numerous smaller hydropower and solar facilities, including privately owned rooftop solar installations. The result is a mixed ownership model, in which public and private producers operate alongside one another.
The transmission network itself is state-owned, which is logical given that there is only one transmission network, making it a natural monopoly asset. As discussed earlier, the distribution and retail components began moving into state hands in June 2025. The system is also overseen by the Public Services Regulatory Commission (PSRC), which regulates prices and the system generally. For all practical purposes, however, little has changed since the takeover began. Armenia’s government intervened in ENA, placed it under state-appointed management, moved to revoke its licence, and is proceeding toward full nationalization of its shares.
The government’s pretext for nationalization, that it would lower electricity prices, appears unconvincing. The state already had some level of control over regulation, and a year since the takeover prices have been revisited and not reduced. Many economists also warned the seizure would create a loss of international investor confidence. So far, those concerns have not yet materialized. On the contrary, Armenia has secured unprecedented commitments of support from the European union and the United States. On July 2, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen reaffirmed the EU’s commitment to €52 million of investment in trade-related investments and proposed granting Armenia tariff-free access for 80% of its exports to the EU market.
What Are the Stakes?
With the removal of Karapetyan’s ownership, new opportunities to introduce greater competition into the market become possible. Armenia’s competition watchdog concluded that Karapetyan’s monopoly control of distribution effectively prevented competition from emerging, since any new retailer would inevitably have to rely on ENA’s infrastructure, solidifying ENA’s dominance over retail electricity sales. Basically, ENA had created a privately controlled chokepoint with close associations to the Russian state. At a time when Russia has repeatedly demonstrated its willingness to use economic leverage against Armenia, it is understandable that the government would view control of the distribution network as a matter of national security.
How Does Armenia Compare to Other Systems?
It is difficult to compare Armenia directly to any other country, however, there are some key strategic considerations which Armenia could learn from. Many countries in Europe have their electricity systems publicly owned to some degree: public ownership allows the state flexibility to make decisions about its major infrastructure, which is both a strategic asset and increasingly critical as the world turns to renewables to avoid the disasters of climate change. Investor finance has shown, time and time again, that it will not pivot away from fossil fuels at the rate needed.
In 2023, the French state completed its full renationalization of Électricité de France (EDF), the country’s dominant electricity producer and operator of its nuclear fleet. Like Armenia, France’s key power generation comes from nuclear energy, which was made more acute since the invasion of Ukraine. France’s system isn’t wholly owned or managed by the national government, likely due to the size of the country. Municipalities own the distribution networks at the local level. France’s retail electricity market is formally liberalized, meaning open to private market competition, but the state-owned EDF remains central. As of March 2026, 52% of electricity sites were still supplied under regulated tariffs chiefly by EDF and local distribution companies (Commission de Régulation de l’Énergie, 2026).
Denmark has a very different model from France, shaped by its own circumstances and advantages. Unlike France, Denmark’s electricity generation is highly diversified, with an estimated 81% coming from renewable sources, primarily wind, solar and biomass. While the largest electricity producer is state-owned, more than 52% of the country’s wind generation is owned directly by citizens. This is made possible through Denmark’s system of energy cooperatives, in which groups of citizens jointly own generation assets. In this way, Denmark has transformed its energy sector without fully nationalizing it, instead decentralizing ownership through public participation.
The state of South Australia took a very different direction. From 1946 to 1999 the state had owned, produced, transmitted, distributed and retailed 99% of the electricity in South Australia. Consumers saw affordable and falling prices, an advanced and maintained infrastructure, and a single retailer culturally attuned to its responsibility as the provider of essential human infrastructure. In 1999, the full privatization and liberalization of the system, including the transmission and distribution lines, was a disaster. Turning a monopoly asset private led to poorer service, a convoluted regulatory environment, and some of the highest electricity prices in the world.
California is another example that shows the more extreme danger of fractured accountability through sweeping private ownership. Not only did the state already have a privately owned and managed system, the addition of deregulation caused a swift catastrophic collapse of California’s electricity grid in the early 2000s, with the need for emergency state intervention affecting more than 1.5 million consumers over only two days.
What Can Armenia Learn?
Like France, Armenia has good reason to make state-owned nuclear energy its centrepiece and to create more power plants. For a landlocked country with limited domestic energy resources, expanding nuclear generation would strengthen long-term energy security while gradually reducing dependence on Russian energy. The government has announced it is undertaking a preliminary feasibility study for the construction of a second nuclear power plant.
Like Denmark, Armenia can speed up its already fast-paced transition to renewable energy. Expanding solar and hydropower, while encouraging greater citizen participation through distributed generation and community ownership, would further diversify the country’s energy mix and deepen its energy independence.
Armenia’s small size also creates opportunities that are unavailable to many larger countries. With relatively few population centres and a single national distribution network, a more integrated electricity system, similar in principle to South Australia’s model before privatization, is achievable. Strong public oversight of the grid, combined with robust regulation and a diverse mix of public and private generation, provides a sensible long-term direction.
It would not only lead to a strategically solid electricity system but would also become a jewel for the citizens to enjoy and be proud of. This would help cultivate more civic participation and develop the public’s trust in government, acting as evidence of legitimacy and competence. This is unlikely to be pursued in the short term, as Armenia is looking to further liberalize its production and retail sectors; but it’s important to remember that in a small country with approximately one national-scale distribution system, retail competition can become superficial. Companies may not actually produce cheaper electricity; they just compete over billing, contracts and customer acquisition.
What Comes Next?
Armenia is not simply nationalizing electricity. It is reclaiming the monopoly infrastructure that decides who controls the country’s energy future. Unlike South Australia, which privatized its only transmission lines, and unlike California, which fractured accountability through deregulation and plunged its population into darkness, Armenia’s strongest path is a public-grid model that takes lessons from its European partners: market participation around the edges of the system, with public control at the center.
Thus far, the seizure of the assets from Karapetyan have not created any immediate major problems for the government. If the current climate holds, the government has a once in a lifetime opportunity to reimagine Armenia’s electricity system and set the country up for many years of growth, prosperity and true independence.