RFE/RL – Armenia To Display Newly Acquired Weapons On Republic Day

Nahapetian Zhanna
Armenia – The Armenian military demonstrates a Russian-made Tochka missile during a parade in Yerevan, September 21, 2016.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has announced plans for displaying modern weapons acquired by Armenia in recent years in what he described as an “accountability event rather than a military parade” to be held in Yerevan later this spring.

Speaking at a press briefing on Thursday, Pashinian said the event will take place in Yerevan’s main Republic Square on May 28, which is marked as Republic Day in Armenia.

He said the Armenian government has been consulting international partners to ensure the display is not perceived as a shift away from Armenia’s peace agenda.

“A military parade is a very delicate phenomenon and can also create the impression of deviation from and abandonment of the peace agenda,” Pashinian said, referring to Armenia’s recent agreements with Azerbaijan aimed at ending more than three decades of conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.

“We are working and will continue to work with our partners in the international community, including the countries of the region, so that they do not perceive it in any way as an abandonment of the peace agenda,” he added.

Armenia last held a parade featuring military hardware in the capital’s Republic Square in 2016, marking the 25th anniversary of independence.

Armenia relied mostly on Russia-supplied weapons before and shortly after the 2020 war with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh in which Armenian forces suffered a defeat.

After effectively suspending its membership in the Russia-led defense alliance of several former Soviet countries, Armenia has shifted to purchasing arms from other countries, primarily India and France.

Since 2022, Armenia has reportedly acquired a range of modern military equipment from those countries, including air defense missile systems, radars, rocket launchers, howitzers, anti-tank rockets, armored personnel carriers, as well as anti-drone and night-vision systems.

Defense Minister Suren Papikian told parliament on Wednesday that Armenia has significantly increased its spending on military purchases in recent years. He said that between 2022 and 2025, the country spent more than five times as much on weapons procurement as it did during the 20-year period from 1998 to 2018. He did not provide specific figures.

Local media reported weeks earlier that the authorities were planning a military parade on May 28, which falls 10 days before parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7. In those elections, Pashinian and his Civil Contract party are seeking reelection. Opposition groups have dismissed the planned event as a pre-election show by the government.

At the press briefing, Pashinian sought to downplay the timing, recalling his earlier promise to demonstrate the newly acquired weaponry to small groups of citizens. He said, however, that the number of requests was overwhelming, making such an approach impractical, while also raising concerns about information being disseminated in a “partly distorted” form.

“That’s why it is better to show it [in a parade],” he said. “I believe it will be quite an impressive spectacle for the citizens of the Republic of Armenia.”

https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33717047.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawQzBepleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEeZ7PHsOlcu3JWM99a7DuHJWsxGnbRlAT7sCwfy6NFu6esVNbrm-XS60CI3Jc_aem_-b6lIf-uPokeqTTEDGU0BQ


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Two Detained After Altercation With Parliament Speaker In Yerevan

Emil Lazarian
  • Ruzanna Stepanian
March 26, 2026

Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonian (file photo)

Two men were detained by police following an incident near the Armenian National Assembly building in Yerevan involving Parliament Speaker Alen Simonian.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs did not immediately disclose the grounds for the detentions.

Speaking to RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, Arsen Ghukasian, a relative of a soldier missing in action from the 2020 Karabakh war, identified the detained individuals as activist Mikael Markarian and Arsen Vardanian, a member of the little-known Pan-Armenian Front party.

The incident occurred on a street adjacent to the parliament building and involved an exchange of insults between the parties.

Relatives of soldiers missing from the 2020 war have been gathering outside the National Assembly for several days, calling on lawmakers to publish a report with findings on the conflict. The report was prepared in 2025 by an ad hoc parliamentary committee. However, the committee’s head, Andranik Kocharian, said its public release was blocked by Simonian.

Video from a live broadcast on Markarian’s Facebook page indicates that the altercation began after Simonian declined to speak with the activist. Footage shows both sides using offensive language, with each accusing the other of initiating the verbal abuse.

In a video posted on social media later on Thursday, Simonian described what happened in the street as “a series of provocations.”

Noting that the incident occurred near a gathering of families of missing soldiers, the parliament speaker described it as “regrettable” and “disgusting,” saying that “some people attempt to exploit the tragedy of these individuals for political purposes to boost their live broadcasts and ratings through such provocations.”

“This provocation will not succeed,” Simonian added.

The confrontation is the latest in a series of public incidents involving Simonian, a senior member of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s Civil Contract party.

In 2023, Simonian ordered his bodyguards to overpower a heckler at a popular dining area in central Yerevan before spitting in his face after the man branded him a “traitor.” In 2024, Simonian again directed his bodyguards to intervene against a woman from Nagorno-Karabakh who confronted him at a military cemetery in Yerevan, calling her a “garbage cat.”

In November 2025, Armenia’s National Security Service arrested two opposition activists and podcasters after Simonian accused them of verbally abusing him during a podcast. The two were charged with hooliganism but denied the accusations, saying they were responding to offensive language used by Simonian.

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RFE/RL – Armenian Prime Minister Rejects ‘Historical Justice’ Agenda

Andranik Taslakhchian
  • Shoghik Galstian
March 26, 2026
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian at a press briefing, Yerevan, March 12, 2026.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said on Thursday that, as head of the Armenian government, he refused to pursue what he described as an agenda of “restoring historical justice,” arguing instead for a focus on building a “just reality.”

“I believe we should pursue a just reality, not the restoration of historical justice,” Pashinian told a press briefing. “The more we pursue historical justice, the more we will face new historical injustices.”

His remarks come ahead of parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7.

Addressing the 2023 displacement of more than 100,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh following Azerbaijan’s military takeover of the region, Pashinian refrained from characterizing it as “ethnic cleansing.” He said such language would deepen tensions.

“I consider this narrative to be harmful,” he said. “Because we can say ‘ethnic cleansing,’ and they will mirror that accusation… This means entering a path of conflict.”

Instead, Pashinian said his government’s priority is to ensure housing, employment, security, and rights for those displaced, as well as for citizens of Armenia more broadly.

He added that recent discussions with citizens during pre-election visits had given him the confidence to publicly address sensitive issues. “I see that this directly relates to the desires, goals and aspirations of the people of Armenia, so we will go that way,” the prime minister said.

Pashinian also urged voters to support his approach in the upcoming elections. “I believe that the people should stand up for this strategy, and I am sure they will,” he said.

Earlier in the day, speaking at a cabinet meeting, Pashinian criticized what he called “tendencies” to keep displaced Karabakh Armenians in a “refugee status.” He reiterated his government’s position that, while the opposition emphasizes the right of return, such a prospect is unrealistic and risks renewed conflict with Azerbaijan.

He argued that lasting peace requires not only agreements with Azerbaijan but also a shift in public mindset within Armenia. “Peace is not only an agreement, but a state of mind,” Pashinian said.

During the press briefing, Pashinian reiterated that, in the upcoming elections, his Civil Contract party will seek a constitutional majority in parliament, which would allow it to pursue a new constitution without a reference to the 1990 Declaration of Independence in its preamble.

The declaration cites a 1989 act on unification between Soviet Armenia and the then Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast within Soviet Azerbaijan, which Baku views as a territorial claim. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has repeatedly said that signing a peace deal with Armenia is contingent on the removal of the reference from Armenia’s constitution. Under Armenian law, this can only be done through a national referendum.

“We are the ones who, first of all, need a new constitution without the reference to the Declaration of Independence, because it will allow us to have a lasting state in this region,” the prime minister said.

Asked what his government will do if the new constitution fails to pass in the referendum, Pashinian said it would pursue a new one. “We will go and persuade our people, explain to them. We have no problem. I am convinced that whatever we discuss with our people honestly and fairly, they will understand, because we are representatives of our people,” he added.

Armenia’s main opposition groups reject the policies adopted by the Pashinian government in the wake of a series of military defeats to Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh and in subsequent border clashes. They argue that a peace deal reached at the expense of what they view as unilateral concessions by Armenia is unsustainable and call for its renegotiation.

Pashinian warned last week that any attempt to revise the agreements reached with Baku at a Washington summit last year will result in an “inevitable” war with “disastrous” consequences for Armenia. He also said that his political opponents’ election platforms aim to undermine what he described as the current peace with Azerbaijan. Opposition groups rejected that claim, calling it an attempt to intimidate voters ahead of the elections.

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Russia’s Influence Continues to Decline in Azerbaijan and Armenia

Bedik Zaminian
Jamestown Foundation
Mar 25 2026

Russia’s Influence Continues to Decline in Azerbaijan and Armenia

Executive Summary:

  • U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance’s visits to Armenia and Azerbaijan in February 2026 are the most recent major indications of Baku and Yerevan’s increasing diplomatic engagement with the West and distancing from Moscow.
  • Moscow’s influence in Azerbaijan and Armenia has declined sharply since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Moscow can no longer sustain the force posture that underpinned its role as the South Caucasus’s security guarantor.
  • Development of the Middle Corridor, TRIPP, Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline, and Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline all demonstrate that the South Caucasus is evolving into an energy and logistics hub independent of Russian leverage.

Moscow’s influence in Azerbaijan and Armenia has declined sharply since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. With hundreds of thousands of troops occupied in Ukraine and an economic crisis at home, Moscow can no longer sustain the force posture that underpinned its role as the South Caucasus’s security guarantor. The clearest evidence came in September 2023, when Russian peacekeepers stood by as Azerbaijan launched military operations in Nagorno-Karabakh and quickly gained control of the territory. In the week following, more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh—most of the population of the effectively Armenia-controlled region, which then had a population of around 120,000. Russia’s deterrence against military action in the region had effectively collapsed, and the local government was fully disbanded on January 1, 2024  (OC Media, September 20, 2023).

U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance’s visits to Armenia and Azerbaijan in February is the most recent major indication of Baku and Yerevan’s increasing diplomatic engagement with the West and distancing from Moscow (see EDM, February 24). Vance signed a framework for up to $9 billion in U.S. nuclear investment in Armenia, a direct challenge to Rosatom’s control over Yerevan’s Metsamor plant, which generates roughly 40 percent of the country’s electricity. Armenia also secured access to NVIDIA chips and an $11 million surveillance drone deal, the first U.S. defense technology transfer to Armenia. In Baku, Vance signed a Strategic Partnership Charter and agreed to supply patrol boats for Azerbaijan’s Caspian waters. One Russian newspaper reported the visit occasioned disappointment, annoyance, and a sense of helplessness in Moscow (Kommersant, February 10; Aze.media, February 12). The trip followed the August 2025 Washington Peace Summit, at which Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and U.S. President Donald Trump signed a seven-point joint pledge to continue pursuing peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia (see EDM, August 12, 2025, February 10). European Council President António Costa’s March 11 meeting with Aliyev likewise demonstrates Baku’s growing engagement with the European Union (see EDM, March 24)

Azerbaijan consolidated full authority over the Lachin Corridor, the only road linking Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh, after restoring its control over Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. After the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, Moscow had been explicitly mandated to secure this road. In late 2022, however, Azerbaijani actors blocked the corridor, while Russian peacekeepers stood by (OC Media, August 31, 2023). After Baku’s September 2023 offensive and the dissolution of Armenia-controlled authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh, Russia allowed Azerbaijan to replace it as the corridor’s gatekeeper. Russia’s inaction evaporated Armenian and Azerbaijani trust in Russian security guarantees (Novaya Gazeta; Interfax, December 27, 2022).

Armenia and Azerbaijan no longer rely on Russia alone to mediate their conflicts, with increasing U.S. and EU involvement. Baku increasingly relies on Türkiye for military and diplomatic partnership. In the 1990s and into the 2000s, Russia was Azerbaijan’s largest trading partner. It now ranks third for overall trade with Azerbaijan, after Italy and Türkiye, and second in imports after the People’s Republic of China (PRC) (see EDM, May 1, 2025). Russia remains Armenia’s largest trading partner for both imports and exports, but its overall trade share is declining (Eurasianet, November 1, 2023).

Russia’s relationship with Azerbaijan has deteriorated since 2023. The December 2024 Azerbaijan Airlines crash near Aktau, Kazakhstan, added a volatile dimension when leaked audio raised credible allegations that Russian air defense systems downed the aircraft (see EDM, May 20, 2025; Minval Politika, July 1, 2025). In June 2025, a police raid in Russia that killed two Azerbaijani nationals further inflamed bilateral relations (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, July 1, 2025; see EDM, July 7, 2025). Azerbaijan’s shift from Russian-origin military platforms, which has been underway since Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones proved decisive in Azerbaijan’s 2020 offensive, is accelerating, with Baku sourcing systems from Türkiye and Israel (Civil Net, April 1, 2024). Ankara has been the most decisive regional actor in occupying the space Russia vacated. The Shusha Declaration of June 2021 formalized a comprehensive defense alliance with Azerbaijan, and Türkiye’s energy engagement across the Caucasus and Central Asia is expanding rapidly (President of Azerbaijan, June 16, 2021; CACI Analyst, March 27, 2024).

Russia’s failure to back Armenia in the 2020 and 2023 Karabakh conflicts has driven Yerevan toward effectively divorcing its security from Moscow (see EDM, January 15). Disillusioned by the Collective Security Treaty Organization’s ineffectiveness, Pashinyan’s government suspended Armenia’s participation in the organization and has pursued Western partnerships since (Novaya Gazeta, February 24, 2024; Andalou, February 23, 2024; see EDM, March 5, 2024).

Pashinyan’s June 2025 visit to Istanbul signaled Yerevan’s intent to diversify security dependencies and pursue more multi-vector diplomacy. Around the same time, Moscow echoed the Armenian Apostolic Church’s criticism of Pashinyan, which some in Pashinyan’s administration took as a Russian attempt to undermine Pashinyan’s support within Armenia and among its diaspora (Armenian Weekly, June 17, 2025; see EDM, July 23, 2025). Russian Minister Sergei Lavrov said, “[Russia] would very much not like this church to be subjected to unjustified attacks essentially without any serious grounds,” prompting Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan to accuse Russia of meddling in Armenian affairs (Azatutyun, June 30, 2025).

The centerpiece of Washington’s engagement with Azerbaijan and Armenia is the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). The TRIPP, formerly known as the Zangezur Corridor in Azerbaijan, is a 43-kilometer (26.7-mile) road-and-rail corridor through Armenian territory linking Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave (see EDM, October 15, 2025). Aliyev and Pashinyan agreed to allow the United States to manage the route under a lease of up to 99 years during their August 2025 meeting at the White House. The project transforms the Zangezur question from a source of conflict into a U.S.-managed commercial artery bypassing both Russia and Iran (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, February 6).

The Zangezur question, now reframed through TRIPP, remains the sharpest test of Russia’s residual leverage. Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) border guards have long manned access points along the Armenian–Iranian border, and whether Moscow retains any role in the corridor’s security framework will measure its remaining influence. Ankara’s cooperation with Yerevan and Baku is pragmatic, not confrontational. Türkiye’s energy dependence on Russia, possession of Russian S-400 air defenses, and Russia–Türkiye cooperation in Syria impose limits on Ankara’s willingness to upset Moscow. For Moscow, Turkish advances may be a preferable alternative to deeper Western penetration in Azerbaijan and Armenia, as they represent a form of competitive cooperation rather than outright rivalry. Iran views both the original Zangezur concept and the U.S.-managed TRIPP as threats. Either could consolidate a corridor from Türkiye to Central Asia, diminishing Iran’s geographic leverage, disrupting Iran–Armenia trade routes, and reducing the relevance of its Aras Corridor project (see EDM, September 11, 2025).  

The Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR, or the Middle Corridor), which links the PRC to Europe via Kazakhstan, is another connectivity project emerging as a viable alternative to Russian-controlled routes (see EDM, December 4, 2025). Georgia’s Anaklia Deep Sea Port would be one anchor of the network, though Georgian Dream’s increasingly Moscow-leaning posture introduces political risk (see EDM, November 20, 2025). The TITR, TRIPP, Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline, and Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP) all indicate that the South Caucasus is evolving into an energy and logistics hub independent of Russian leverage.

The South Caucasus is shifting from a Russian-dominated space to a contested multipolar arena in which the United States has emerged as an active player for the first time in decades. The region’s near-term trajectory will be shaped by first, whether Washington follows through on TRIPP, nuclear investments, and defense transfers or whether its engagement proves episodic; second, Türkiye’s response to a U.S.-managed corridor (TRIPP) on its doorstep; and third, Iran’s reaction to a route operated by its principal adversary. Should Russia’s war against Ukraine resolve, Moscow may attempt to reassert itself, but its credibility deficit would severely limit such efforts. In any event, Russian primacy in the South Caucasus is ending.

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Austin Feds Haul In Armenian Suspect In International Password‑Stealing Malwar

Aram Torosian
Hoodline
Mar 25 2026
By Sophie Leclerc
An Armenian national has been flown into the federal courthouse spotlight in Austin, where prosecutors say the defendant played a role in an international information‑stealing malware operation that helped cybercriminals loot victims’ digital lives. According to federal authorities, the scheme leaned on so‑called “infostealer” programs that swipe saved passwords, browser cookies and cryptocurrency keys from infected devices, with investigators stressing that the case spans borders and agencies.

According to a post by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Texas, the defendant was extradited to the United States and has now made an initial appearance on federal charges in Austin. The March 25 post credits a long list of partners, including the FBI’s San Antonio field office, the Naval Criminal Investigative Service, IRS Criminal Investigation, the Army Criminal Investigation Division and the Department of Defense inspector general. Prosecutors have not yet released a full charging instrument to the public and referred additional questions back to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.

How infostealers work

Info‑stealing malware is built to lurk quietly in the background while it lifts login credentials, device fingerprints and session cookies that can let criminals slip into accounts without ever touching a password prompt. The Department of Justice has described these tools and the online markets that sell their output as a lucrative foundation for identity theft and financial fraud, and has used court‑authorized domain seizures to knock out the web infrastructure that keeps them running, according to the Department of Justice.

Previous Austin prosecutions show the scale

This is not Austin’s first brush with major infostealer cases. The Western District of Texas has previously gone after operators tied to the Raccoon Infostealer, which prosecutors said was sold as a malware‑as‑a‑service product that powered widespread credential theft. In that case, the U.S. Attorney’s Office reported that the software “was responsible for compromising more than 52 million user credentials,” and defendants faced charges including conspiracy to commit computer intrusion, money laundering, wire fraud and aggravated identity theft, as detailed by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Texas. Investigators in Austin worked alongside FBI cyber teams and other federal partners to bring that matter into court.

What’s next in Austin

The newly arrived case will move forward in federal court in Austin, where prosecutors may seek an indictment, and the defendant will go through pretrial hearings and motion practice. If the charges track with past infostealer prosecutions, defendants in similar cases can face lengthy prison terms, orders to pay restitution, and exposure to asset forfeiture under federal computer intrusion and fraud statutes.

Victim resources and how to respond

Anyone who suspects their accounts or devices were compromised in an information‑stealing malware attack is urged to file a report with the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center and to review federal victim‑assistance resources. Submitting a complaint through the Internet Crime Complaint Center helps investigators map the scope of stolen credentials and related fraud and can support ongoing and future prosecutions.

How infostealers work

Info‑stealing malware is built to lurk quietly in the background while it lifts login credentials, device fingerprints and session cookies that can let criminals slip into accounts without ever touching a password prompt. The Department of Justice has described these tools and the online markets that sell their output as a lucrative foundation for identity theft and financial fraud, and has used court‑authorized domain seizures to knock out the web infrastructure that keeps them running, according to the Department of Justice.

Previous Austin prosecutions show the scale

This is not Austin’s first brush with major infostealer cases. The Western District of Texas has previously gone after operators tied to the Raccoon Infostealer, which prosecutors said was sold as a malware‑as‑a‑service product that powered widespread credential theft. In that case, the U.S. Attorney’s Office reported that the software “was responsible for compromising more than 52 million user credentials,” and defendants faced charges including conspiracy to commit computer intrusion, money laundering, wire fraud and aggravated identity theft, as detailed by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Texas. Investigators in Austin worked alongside FBI cyber teams and other federal partners to bring that matter into court.

What’s next in Austin

The newly arrived case will move forward in federal court in Austin, where prosecutors may seek an indictment, and the defendant will go through pretrial hearings and motion practice. If the charges track with past infostealer prosecutions, defendants in similar cases can face lengthy prison terms, orders to pay restitution, and exposure to asset forfeiture under federal computer intrusion and fraud statutes.

Victim resources and how to respond

Anyone who suspects their accounts or devices were compromised in an information‑stealing malware attack is urged to file a report with the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center and to review federal victim‑assistance resources. Submitting a complaint through the Internet Crime Complaint Center helps investigators map the scope of stolen credentials and related fraud and can support ongoing and future prosecutions.

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Armenia Ends Free Land Grants To Apostolic Church

Antranik Varosian
Eurasia Review
Mar 26 2026

By PanARMENIAN

Armenia’s National Assembly has approved legislative changes prohibiting the free transfer of state- and community-owned land to the Armenian Apostolic Church.

Under the amendments to the Land Code, such land plots can no longer be granted free of charge to the Church for the construction and maintenance of churches and related structures.

The draft law, submitted by the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure, was adopted in full with 67 votes in favor, 26 against, and 3 abstentions, according to Factor.am .

During the discussions, Vahe Ghalumyan, head of the National Assembly Standing Committee on Territorial Administration, Local Self-Government, Agriculture, and Environmental Protection, stated that the changes are not aimed against the Church but are intended to regulate land relations.

According to the government, the initiative is driven by a policy of ensuring the targeted and efficient use of state and community property, and the amendments should be viewed in that context.

Earlier, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, along with bishops and archbishops calling for the resignation of the Catholicos, issued a statement urging support for reforms within the Armenian Apostolic Church. Pashinyan read the statement during a Facebook live broadcast, after which participating bishops and archbishops signed it. He also announced the formation of a coordinating council tasked with organizing reforms within the Church, with membership decisions to be made unanimously.

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UN Experts Urge Armenia to Move Beyond Legal Reforms Toward Real Gender Equali

Emil Lazarian
DevDiscourse
Mar 26 2026

The appeal comes from the UN Working Group on discrimination against women and girls, following a 10-day country visit that assessed Armenia’s progress and remaining gaps in gender equality.

Armenia must transition from legal commitments to tangible, real-world gender equality outcomes, United Nations experts said, calling for deeper structural reforms to ensure women and girls fully enjoy their rights in everyday life.

The appeal comes from the UN Working Group on discrimination against women and girls, following a 10-day country visit that assessed Armenia’s progress and remaining gaps in gender equality.

Strong Legal Foundations, But Gaps Remain

The Working Group praised Armenia for its sustained efforts to promote gender equality, highlighting legislative reforms, national policies, and targeted programmes aimed at empowering women and girls.

“These steps provide a solid and encouraging foundation upon which further transformative and lasting change can be built,” the experts said.

However, they stressed that formal equality—laws and policies on paper—is not enough. The real challenge lies in achieving substantive equality, where women experience equal opportunities and outcomes in practice.

From Legal Guarantees to Real-Life Impact

The experts urged Armenia to adopt a more comprehensive approach, including the use of frameworks such as CREATE, to address persistent structural barriers.

“This transition is essential to address entrenched patriarchal stereotypes,” they noted, emphasizing that cultural norms and systemic inequalities continue to limit women’s full participation.

A key concern highlighted was the gap between legislation and implementation, with experts warning that progress risks stagnation without consistent enforcement across government institutions.

Data, Inclusion, and Intersectionality

To drive effective policymaking, the Working Group called for stronger use of gender-sensitive data, including disaggregated statistics that capture the realities of different groups of women and girls.

“Policies must reflect the lived realities of all women and girls, particularly those in vulnerable situations,” the experts said.

They also stressed the importance of intersectional approaches, recognizing that factors such as socio-economic status, geography, and other forms of discrimination often overlap.

Economic Participation Still Lagging

One of the most striking findings relates to women’s participation in the workforce.

According to the experts, one in two working-age women in Armenia remains outside the labour force, representing both a significant loss of economic potential and a barrier to inclusive growth.

Unequal care responsibilities were identified as a major factor limiting women’s economic and political engagement.

Call for System-Wide Reforms

The Working Group recommended a series of systemic measures to accelerate progress, including:

  • Gender-responsive budgeting across public institutions

  • Gender impact assessments for policies and legislation

  • Mainstreaming gender equality across all sectors and governance levels

  • Stronger collaboration with civil society and international partners

Protecting Women in Public Life

The experts also raised concerns about the safety and participation of women in public spaces, calling for stronger protections for:

  • Women human rights defenders

  • Journalists and activists

  • Female politicians

They emphasized the need to address online and offline harassment, hate speech, and violence, which continue to deter women from engaging in public and political life.

Empowering the Next Generation

Special attention was given to the rights and aspirations of girls, with the Working Group noting their strong vision for a future rooted in equality and opportunity.

“It is essential that this vision is supported and realised,” the experts said.

Looking Ahead

The UN Working Group reaffirmed its commitment to supporting Armenia’s efforts to build a more inclusive, equitable, and just society.

A comprehensive report on the visit and its findings will be presented to the UN Human Rights Council in June 2027, providing a roadmap for future reforms.

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Activists considered Pashinyan’s dispute with a refugee to be discrimination a

Emil Lazarian
Caucasian Knot
Mar 26 2026
Activists considered Pashinyan’s dispute with a refugee to be discrimination against Karabakh residents.
Nikol Pashinyan, in expressing complaints to a refugee from Nagorno-Karabakh, behaved in a manner unacceptable for a government official. Politicians at all levels should not legitimize violence and discrimination, NGO representatives and activists said.

As reported by the “Caucasian Knot,” Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan apologized to a Karabakh refugee after raising his voice in a conversation with her on the Yerevan metro, saying that “those who fled” should not say that he “gave up Karabakh.”

The organizations called on the Armenian authorities, including the Prime Minister, to “refrain from rhetoric containing elements of discrimination and insults, as well as to ensure respect for the rights and dignity” of refugees and demanded “a response to manifestations of hate speech in the public space and on social media, as well as to comply with ethical and responsible standards.”

About twenty public organizations signed the statement: the public organizations “Protection of Rights Without Borders”, “New Culture of Justice”, “Armenian Progressive Youth”, “Public Journalism Club”, Yerevan Press Club, Institute of Multidisciplinary Information, Regional Center for Democracy and Security, “Center for Public Consolidation and Support”, “Helsinki Association”, Armenian Committee of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly, “Asparez” Journalists’ Club, “For Equal Rights”, and the Center for Media Initiatives. The Ecolur Information NGO, the Foundation for the Development and Protection of Law, Journalists for Human Rights, and MediaStep. Nagorno-Karabakh Ombudsman Gegham Stepanyan noted that “the metro incident was a complete expose of the Armenian government’s rhetoric: on the one hand, they create a veneer of care, while on the other, they systematically attack and stigmatize forcibly displaced people.” For hundreds of thousands of people living in Armenia, displaced people from Artsakh (Karabakh) are truly sisters and brothers, and they demonstrate this not by repeating it several times a day according to a set agenda, but by their attitude. The map of Armenia should not be turned into a tool of manipulation. But in the hearts and aspirations of people, there is another map, which is not an illusion, but a natural and justified desire to return there, to the homeland where they were born, lived, and created.” – he told a “Caucasian Knot” correspondent.

Chairman of the NGO “Union Artsakh”, human rights activist Artak Beglaryan noted that “history is still “He will evaluate the actions of the people of Artsakh and how they were left alone and fought for their dignity.”

It is necessary to “carefully record cases of public calls for hatred, discrimination, intolerance, and hostility against the people of Artsakh, as well as the use of violence, and to report crimes to law enforcement agencies,” he told a “Caucasian Knot” correspondent.

Journalist Liana Petrosyan believes that “both human rights activists and international organizations tasked with protecting the rights of refugees and forcibly displaced persons should pay attention to the metro incident.”

“The highest political authority of the state is also considered a role model for the general public. The head of state’s statements will also be disseminated at the everyday level, which will have a negative impact on the emotional and moral-psychological state of refugees. Work must be done to prevent the further spread of hate speech towards forcibly displaced persons. “It’s no secret that we didn’t flee, but were forcibly displaced, with no guarantee of physical existence or safety,” Petrosyan noted.

Activist Arus Bakunts noted that “for a politician, conducting a campaign on public transport implies the status of a ‘guest,’ while a citizen in the metro is in his personal space, for which he has paid, and he is not obliged to participate in a political dialogue.”

According to her, “when a citizen asks not to talk to him, any continuation is perceived as aggression and a lack of respect for the voter.”

Political analyst Arman Abovyan called the incident in the metro “a shameful incident,” and added that “the woman expressed what millions of Armenians think and feel.”

The young woman “showed that national dignity is not empty words, and became “A symbol of the restoration of our trampled honor and dignity,” he wrote on his Facebook page*.

Armenian public figure Karpis Pashoyan wrote on his social media page that “by calling the people of Artsakh ‘fleeing,’ Nikol Pashinyan questions their right to protection and survival.”

French-Armenian human rights activist Franz Papayan wrote on his social media page that “Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s despicable and cruel behavior toward Armine Mosyan, a refugee from Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), and her child has turned against Nikol Pashinyan himself. This story has caused a huge stir in Armenia and throughout the diaspora. It’s worth remembering that Pashinyan’s government refused to defend the Armenians of Artsakh, who, frankly, had no other choice,” he pointed out.

Translated automatically via Google translate from class=”gmail_default” st1yle=”font-family:verdana,sans-serif;font-size:small”>Источник: class=”gmail_default” st1yle=”font-family:verdana,sans-serif;font-size:small”>
Source: Caucasian Knot

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First ever EU-Armenia summit to take place on 4 and 5 May 2026

Aram Torosian
Concilium EU
Mar 26 2026

The President of the European Council, António Costa, together with the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, will represent the EU at the EU-Armenia summit taking place in Yerevan on 4 and 5 May 2026. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will represent Armenia.

Ahead of the summit, President Costa and President von der Leyen will attend the European Political Community meeting, taking place in Yerevan on 4 May 2026.

The EU-Armenia summit will focus on strengthening bilateral relations in particular connectivity in energy, transport and digital. Leaders will also discuss the progress related to ensuring peace, security, connectivity and prosperity in the South Caucasus, as well as current global challenges, including the latest developments in the Middle East and Ukraine.

Armenia is a close EU partner, and we look forward to deepening this relationship with our first-ever summit. United by shared values and a commitment to international law and the rules-based international order, this milestone will mark an important investment in peace, security, connectivity and prosperity in the South Caucasus.

António Costa, President of the European Council

The EU-Armenia Summit reflects the increasing dynamism of the bilateral partnership over the past years. EU relations with Armenia are based on the EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA), in force since 2021, and the Strategic Agenda for the EU-Armenia Partnership, agreed in 2025. The EU is a key partner for Armenia’s reform agenda and for trade and investments. It is also the country’s largest donor. In its conclusions of October 2023, the European Council tasked EU institutions to “strengthen EU-Armenia relations in all their dimensions”.

Background

Through the CEPA agreement, Armenia has committed to pursuing a comprehensive reform agenda based on democracy, transparency and the rule of law – in particular the fight against corruption, reforming the judiciary and enhancing its accountability to citizens, and ensuring equal economic, employment and social opportunities for all.

In September 2024, the EU launched a visa liberalisation dialogue with Armenia to support Armenia in its goal of achieving a visa-free travel regime with the EU. 

On 14 July 2025, European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen met with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to reaffirm and advance the growing partnership between the European Union and Armenia. 

In August 2025, the EU welcomed the initialling of the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace treaty and the signing of a political declaration. This agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan marks a significant breakthrough to end decades of conflict. The EU stands ready to help develop inclusive regional connectivity through investments and the full opening of communications in the region, in support of sustainable peace and stability.


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Armenian extradited to US over alleged role in RedLine infostealer scheme

Parkev Tvankchian
SC Media
Mar 26 2026
Armenian Hambardzum Minasyan has been extradited to the U.S. to face charges related to his alleged involvement in the RedLine information-stealing operation, according to CyberScoop. Included in the charges filed against Minasyan were conspiracy to commit money laundering, conspiracy to violate the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, and conspiracy to commit access device fraud. “Hambardzum Minasyan allegedly conspired with others to enrich himself by developing and administering RedLine, one of the most prevalent infostealing malware variants in the world, which has previously been used to conduct intrusions against major corporations,” according to the Justice Department. The indictment further claims that Minasyan set up two virtual private servers to run RedLine, creating online file-sharing hubs to distribute the malware to affiliates, and opening a cryptocurrency account to collect payments from those partners. Such a development comes nearly two years after both RedLine and Meta infostealers were dismantled by the U.S. and other law enforcement operations as part of Operation Magnus, resulting in the subsequent U.S. indictment against alleged RedLine developer Maxim Rudometov.

https://www.scworld.com/brief/armenian-extradited-to-us-over-alleged-role-in-redline-infostealer-scheme

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