- Tatevik Lazarian
Armenian banks have restructured over 30 billion drams ($81.5 million) in loans to farmers and firms affected by Russia’s recent bans on agricultural imports from Armenia, according to the country’s Central Bank.
Moscow imposed the bans in late May and early June as it pressed Yerevan to quickly choose between continuing to seek membership of the European Union and remaining part of a Russian-led trade bloc. Russia has long been the main export market for Armenian fruits, vegetables, mineral water, flowers, fish and alcoholic beverages.
Armenian greenhouses and fish farms employing thousands of people are especially dependent on the Russian market. The Armenian government has scrambled to help their owners as well as the other affected entities by subsidizing their exports to other countries. The measure appears to have had a limited impact so far, as evidenced by a 20 percent year-on-year drop in Armenia’s overall exports recorded in June.
The government has also encouraged the banks to extend agricultural loan repayments due to the sanctions.
“We have current statistics showing that more than 30 billion drams worth of loans have already been restructured,” Hovannes Khachatrian, the Central Bank’s deputy governor, told a news conference.
“In the worst-case scenario, the portfolio that needs restructuring may increase several times,” he said.
Khachatrian estimated the Armenian banks’ combined agricultural credit portfolio at roughly 400 billion drams ($1.1 billion). According to Daniel Azatian, the chairman of the Armenian Union of Banks, it rose by a record 23 percent in the first half of this year. The bulk of the new agricultural loans were most probably extended before the Russian sanctions.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and other Armenian officials have downplayed their impact on the Armenian economy. By contrast, the World Bank expressed last month concern at possible consequences of the embargo, saying that they “could spill beyond trade and affect growth, prices and social conditions.” Both Khachatrian and Azatian insisted they do not pose a serious threat to the Armenian banking sector.
“Our banking system is so well capitalized and has so much liquidity that we can withstand any risks,” Azatian assured reporters.
Moscow has threatened to take other punitive measures against Yerevan such as a sharp rise in the price of Russian natural gas supplied to Armenia, curbs on Russian tourists visiting the country and tougher requirements for hundreds of thousands of Armenian migrant workers in Russia.
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Yerevan ‘Unaware’ Of Italian Proposal For EU Migrant Center In Armenia
The Armenian Foreign Ministry declined to comment on Tuesday on Italy’s calls for the European Union to deport en masse illegal migrants to third countries, including Armenia.
Italian Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi put forward a relevant proposal to his counterparts from other EU member states during an emergency meeting in Brussels on Tuesday. It followed last week’s influx of some 50,000 migrants from Morocco into Spain’s Ceuta enclave that triggered alarm across the EU.
“Now the time has come to put into practice new hub models for the external processing of asylum procedures and for returns in safe third countries,” the Reuters news agency quoted Piantedosi as saying at the meeting.
Under the proposal revealed by Italian media on Monday, the EU would open expulsion centers for migrants outside the bloc and keep them there while processing their asylum applications. Italy already has a similar arrangement with Albania. Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani mentioned it ahead of the Brussels meeting.
Tajajni said the EU should consider creating similar centers in the “countries of origin and transit.” A preliminary list of those countries reportedly suggested by the Italian government includes Armenia.
“We are not aware of such information,” an Armenian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service when asked to present the Armenian side’s position on the issue and say whether Rome has discussed it with Yerevan. She did not comment further.
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RFE/RL – Baku Sees Constitutional Referendum In Armenia
- Ruzanna Stepanian
Armenia’s leadership may soon hold a constitutional referendum to meet Azerbaijan’s key precondition for signing a peace treaty between the two nations, a senior aide to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev said on Tuesday.
Azerbaijan objects to a preamble to the current Armenian constitution referring to a 1990 declaration of independence, which in turn cites a 1989 unification act adopted by the legislative bodies of Soviet Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. The only legal way to remove that reference is to adopt a new constitution through a referendum.
While rejecting the Azerbaijani precondition in public, Prime Minister Pashinian has repeatedly called for the kind of constitutional change that is demanded by Baku. Pashinian said last month that he has a popular mandate to enact such a change after his Civil Contract party’s victory in the June 7 parliamentary elections rejected as fraudulent by the Armenian opposition.
“We are receiving signals that the process of adopting a new constitution will begin in Armenia in the near future,” Aliyev’s chief foreign policy aide, Hikmet Hajiyev, told the Turkish TV channel Haber Global.
“It is possible that a referendum will be organized in Armenia,” he said. “After the removal of the demands addressed to Azerbaijan in the preamble to the Armenian constitution, we will no longer see any obstacles to the final signing of a peace agreement.”
Hajiyev visited Armenia and met with the secretary of the country’s Security Council, Armen Grigorian, one week after the disputed elections. The meeting took place in the northern Tavush province. Pashinian was also in Tavush on a short holiday that day, a fact that prompted opposition and media speculation that he held secret talks with Hajiyev.
The Armenian premier said afterwards that Hajiyev’s trip was aimed at “managing” the risk of another Armenian-Azerbaijani war. He had regularly stated before that peace has already been established between the two South Caucasus states.
The current constitution stipulates that the draft of a new constitution must be approved by at least two-thirds of the parliament deputies before being put on a referendum. Pashinian’s party fell short of such a majority in the June 7 elections.
Pashinian has yet to clarify just how he is planning to overcome this hurdle. He said on July 9 that the new Armenian parliament’s composition does not allow the new constitution’s adoption “solely through intra-parliamentary mechanisms.”
Some Armenian opposition figures and commentators have speculated that Pashinian could hold the referendum without the draft constitution’s mandatory parliamentary approval. But another leader, Ishkhan Saghatelian of the Hayastan alliance, suggested on Tuesday that Pashinian is more likely to pressure the parliamentary opposition to back the draft rejected by it.
“It is obvious that tough developments await Armenia this fall,” Saghatelian. “I do not rule out that he will make an appeal, gather people and try to put pressure on us to satisfy Azerbaijan’s demands because Nikol Pashinian gave his word to Aliyev but did not receive enough votes to fulfill that promise. So he will try to use threats, blackmail, arrests.”
Hasmik Hakobian, a parliament deputy from Civil Contract, said in this regard that Pashinian may well resort to the kind of pressure that he had exerted on a former Armenian parliament in order to become prime minister during the 2018 “velvet revolution.” He was far more popular at the time and faced no political foes capable of rallying massive crowds.
“If our [draft] constitution is acceptable to the people, I don’t think any deputy will oppose that important change,” claimed Hakobian.
To push the draft through the National Assembly, Pashinian’s party will need to co-opt or win over at least six of the 41 opposition parliamentarians representing Hayastan and the Strong Armenia bloc. Saghatelian and Strong Armenia’s parliamentary leader Narek Karapetian insisted that no member of their respective faction will switch sides. Saghatelian said these and other opposition forces should form a united front against the change of the Armenian constitution enacted in 1995.
“We must unite everyone’s efforts so that we can abort the anti-state, anti-Armenian agenda that is being imposed on us,” he told reporters.
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The New Silk Road moment: How China shapes the future and what it means for Ar
Photo: Public domain
Op-ed by Stepan Kocharyan, Editor-in-Chief of the Armenpress English Department
At sunrise, around six in the morning, bistros are already full, serving breakfast to workers rushing to their jobs. Railway stations are buzzing as passengers board trains that operate with minute-by-minute precision. Students fill university campuses, studying AI, engineering, and other fields that will shape the technologies of tomorrow. This is China—a country preparing for the next generation.
Across three visits spanning nearly a decade to various parts of the country, perhaps the most lasting impression is this: China is not waiting for the future. In many ways, the future has already arrived there.
My first trip was in 2017, when I spent a week in Lanzhou, the regional capital of Gansu Province in northwestern China. Having visited various countries before, it became clear to me within the first few seconds of leaving the airport that I had entered another world.
Years later, in 2024, I had the privilege of returning to China and traveling extensively throughout the country before revisiting parts of it in 2026.
Each destination offered a different perspective.
After seeing China from so many different angles—from the coasts of the South China Sea to the megacity landscape of Beijing, from modernized mountain villages to cities bordering the historic Taklamakan Desert, and from maritime trade centers to ancient routes once traveled by Silk Road merchants—I was left with one recurring thought: China has seized the future.
From a personal perspective, I noticed an unusual sense of calm amid the nonstop buzz.
These journeys provided insights into a country that is sometimes misunderstood abroad, especially given the never-ending narratives about great power rivalries and other mainstream accounts.
What I witnessed was not simply a fast-growing economy, but a nation engaged in long-term planning and transformation—investing on an enormous scale in every aspect of life, from infrastructure to education and human capital.
These policies are reshaping not only China itself but also the entire world, given the country’s enormous role in the global supply chain.
The progress of technological development in all areas of life—from AI-assisted remote surgical procedures in hospitals in remote desert towns to something as ordinary as rapid online shopping, where orders can arrive at your doorstep in as little as 30 minutes or even less, depending on your location—is a testament to Chinese ingenuity, which is reflected in technologies designed to make everyday life as convenient as possible while minimizing wasted time.
Every technology, innovation, and creative solution is aimed at increasing convenience and efficiency. I vividly remember traveling on a high-speed train in China at around 400 km/h when I ordered food online. It was delivered to my seat at the next station, where the train stopped for just two minutes.
Much of the mainstream international debate about China often focuses on ideology, geopolitical competition, or narratives surrounding the so-called “Chinese threat,” as perceived by some nations, often fueled by attempts to rock the boat.
Whatever one’s views may be on geopolitics or global affairs, China’s economic transformation, opening-up policies, and its modernization efforts represent a remarkable development story that deserves careful study.
According to World Bank data, over the past four decades, China has lifted more than 800 million people out of poverty—one of the most significant economic and social transformations in human history.
Today, China is a manufacturing powerhouse, producing an extraordinary range of goods, from consumer electronics and household products to advanced industrial equipment. This achievement is driven by massive investments in infrastructure, logistics, and technological innovation.
The country has built a major high-speed rail network, expanded ports and highways, modernized cities, and carried out infrastructure projects on a scale rarely seen elsewhere. At the same time, China continues to advance the Belt and Road Initiative, seeking to strengthen connectivity between Asia, Europe, Africa, and beyond.
Chinese companies have also become global leaders in fields such as electric vehicles, batteries, solar energy, and artificial intelligence.
In the vital area of clean energy, China has become a global leader, rapidly expanding solar and wind power capacity while playing a dominant role in much of the world’s battery supply chain.
In 2024, while stationed in Beijing for four months alongside journalists from more than 100 countries, I had the opportunity to cover major official events, including the Two Sessions, where President Xi Jinping outlined the government’s program for the coming year.
I also traveled to numerous provinces and cities across China, gaining a broader understanding of the country’s development, culture, and transformation.
Among the places I visited were Sanya and Haikou in Hainan Province, often described as China’s Hawaii, where I covered the Boao Forum for Asia. Beyond my professional duties, I also had the chance to experience the beauty of the island, including its golden sandy beaches and tropical landscapes.
In 2024, I also visited the historic Xinjiang region, where I had the honor of accompanying a delegation led by a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson to Urumqi, Shihezi, and Alar. In Shihezi, I had a rare opportunity to meet officials from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC), who explained how the city had been built from scratch over several decades, transforming what was once a largely undeveloped area into a modern oasis.
I also traveled across Jiangsu Province, one of China’s most economically advanced coastal regions in the east.
I walked through the Forbidden City in Beijing, stood in Tiananmen Square, climbed the Great Wall, and viewed centuries-old treasures of Chinese civilization preserved in museums. I visited construction sites on the scale of entire cities, observed the movement of cargo containers in busy ports with the precision of a carefully planned system, traveled through the vast landscapes surrounding the Taklamakan Desert, played chess and checkers with a robot (and suffered a humbling defeat each time) and also had the unforgettable experience of seeing China’s famous pandas in Jiangsu.
This year, I once again returned to China, revisiting Xinjiang’s Urumqi, as well as Lanzhou in Gansu Province, and exploring beautiful rural areas hidden among the mountains. I witnessed the rapid development in all sectors. Parts of the cities I once thought I was familiar with had transformed beyond recognition, starting with Urumqi Airport, which recently opened an entirely new, huge terminal for passenger traffic, while the old terminals are now used exclusively for cargo shipments. Of course, it would be naïve to say that I’ve seen it all, since even a lifetime isn’t enough to see all of China, and hopefully I still have many journeys ahead of me.
These trips gave me the opportunity to witness China’s diversity—from ancient historical sites to some of the world’s most modern infrastructure projects.
But above all, I had the chance to get to know the people of China—from the hospitable Uyghurs in Xinjiang, who have fascinating traditions, to the hardworking and optimistic farmers in mountainous villages, and the motivated and disciplined Chinese youth of Beijing.
They are all united by shared values: a deep connection to their ancestral heritage, respect for traditions and customs, an endless thirst for innovation, and a relentless drive to move forward, racing against time as though every second counts. Now, looking back, perhaps I have discovered the answer to the question that a Chinese reporter once asked me: “What are your expectations from these visits?” I answered that I wanted to discover the secret behind Chinese development—and now it seems that I have. Aside from effective government policies, the answer appears to lie in the people themselves: their sheer determination, ingenuity, and drive for innovation and creativity.
No country is without challenges. China faces its own difficulties, as does every major nation. However, the consistency of its long-term planning, its ability to implement large-scale projects, and its emphasis on technological advancement demonstrate a remarkable capacity for problem-solving.
As an Armenian, I found myself asking an important question: Where does my country fit into this global landscape?
For centuries, Armenia was more than simply a stop along the Silk Road. It was a bridge between civilizations—a place where cultures, ideas, goods, and knowledge met. The Armenian nation historically benefited from its position at the crossroads between East and West.
As China seeks to revive the spirit of the Silk Road through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), countries like Armenia have an opportunity to participate in a new era of connectivity, cooperation, and shared development.
Armenia was among the first countries in the region to support the Belt and Road Initiative. Today, the country continues to pursue connectivity projects with various international partners while seeking to diversify its economic and diplomatic relationships.
In 2025, Armenia and China elevated their relations to a strategic partnership and agreed to strengthen cooperation under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. China has also become one of Armenia’s most important trading partners. According to official data published by the Armenian foreign ministry, in 2025, bilateral trade between the two countries reached approximately $2.64 billion, making China Armenia’s second-largest overall trading partner. Armenian exports to China totaled about $763.6 million, while imports from China reached approximately $1.877 billion.
These figures demonstrate that the relationship is becoming increasingly significant in practical economic terms, highlighting the importance of further exploring and utilizing its untapped potential. The cooperation has been progressing in various areas, including education, investments and culture. Most importantly, China has officially welcomed Armenia’s Crossroads of Peace initiative, while Yerevan has signaled that this landmark connectivity project could be linked with the Belt and Road Initiative. The opportunities for stronger cooperation are vast: the market offers endless possibilities, while Armenia’s growing tech sector could also find significant opportunities there.
While others often focus on short-term political cycles, China plans in decades. This difference in approach deserves attention—especially for countries like Armenia that are seeking sustainable economic development.
Across the world, many countries remain consumed by ideological divisions, conflicts inherited from previous generations or fueled by external actors, internal political struggles, and short-term calculations. Meanwhile, one of the greatest geopolitical and economic transformations of our era continues to unfold in the East.
Each visit to China left me with the same impression: the world’s center of gravity is shifting faster than many of us realize.
While many countries debate, China builds. From my observations, instead of focusing on immediate political gains, China thinks in terms of generations ahead.
The twenty-first century will not be defined only in Washington, Brussels, or Moscow. Increasingly, it is being shaped in Beijing.
For centuries, Armenia prospered when it connected civilizations rather than choosing between them. Its historical role was not to separate East from West, but to serve as a bridge between them. Today, as China seeks to reconnect Asia, Europe, and beyond through new trade and infrastructure networks, history may once again be offering Armenia an opportunity—especially as Yerevan positions itself once again in the spirit of its historic role as a bridge between continents.
China’s rise is not only apparent in statistical data; it can be seen in its cities, universities, laboratories, ports, factories, and the everyday lives of hundreds of millions of people. It is visible in the speed of construction, the scale of innovation, and the confidence of a society that is advancing toward the future at remarkable speed.
On this path, China is extending opportunities for cooperation to partners willing to engage under President Xi Jinping’s vision of a “global community of shared future,” with the Belt and Road Initiative serving as its primary platform.
The Chinese dragon has awakened long ago—not in mythology, but in factories, research centers, ports, universities, and digital networks. The world is adjusting to this reality.
Armenia cannot become China, nor should it attempt to. Every country has its own history and identity, and perhaps even its own destiny. Yet the wisdom found in ancient Chinese sayings conveys an important message: fate matters, but so does effort.
Armenia can benefit from Chinese experience, learn from its discipline, long-term planning, investment in education, infrastructure development, and consistent focus on economic transformation.
The future will belong to countries that understand the importance of connectivity, innovation, and cooperation. In the spirit of the ancient Silk Road, Armenia has an opportunity to strengthen its role as a bridge between civilizations and participate in a new era of shared development. Given the changes and transformations taking place across the world, we do not have the luxury of overlooking the vast opportunities in Armenia–China relations. Advancing cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative is therefore of vital importance.
The BRI offers an opportunity to pursue a path toward a prosperous future—not through imitation or mere formalities, but through genuine cooperation, experience-sharing, and mutual respect.
The nation whose ancestors once built the Great Wall of China is now building what could become one of the most monumental connectivity projects of our lifetime: the BRI, an endeavor whose impact could echo across future generations.
The Silk Road was never just about trade. It was about the exchange of ideas, cultures, knowledge, and human potential. It was, in a sense, a path towards a global community of a shared future – the core idea behind today’s BRI.
Perhaps one of its greatest lessons today is that civilizations prosper when they connect and turn walls into bridges.
Embracing this lesson could prove to be one of the defining choices of the century.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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CTBTO regional workshop for Eastern European National Data Centers opens in Ar
A regional five-day workshop for the National Data Centres of Eastern European countries, organized by the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO), began on August 3 at the Territorial Seismic Protection Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Armenia.
Armenia’s Minister of Internal Affairs, Arpine Sargsyan, also attended the event.
Representatives from various countries, experts, and guests participated in the workshop, the Ministry of Internal Affairs said in a press release.
On behalf of the Government of Armenia, Minister Sargsyan thanked the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization for holding the workshop in Armenia, emphasizing that such a representative gathering demonstrates a commitment to joint work and the exchange of scientific expertise. She noted that the workshop would create new professional opportunities for participants.
“The workshop is not only an experience aimed at ensuring the effective implementation of the Treaty but also an opportunity to strengthen the resilience of the Republic of Armenia. I would like to emphasize that Armenia remains committed to the goals of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and to strengthening international peace and security,” Sargsyan said, according to the press release.
Highlighting the important contribution of the Territorial Seismic Protection Service to the International Monitoring System, Sargsyan stressed that such involvement demonstrates Armenia’s readiness to play an active role in this field.
Minister Sargsyan expressed gratitude to the staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ Territorial Seismic Protection Service and partner institutions for their efforts and effective work in organizing the event.
Speeches were delivered at the workshop by Sos Margaryan, Director of the Territorial Seismic Protection Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and Yassine Chaari, a representative of the Technical Secretariat of the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization.
During the workshop, the participants will become familiar with innovative solutions in the field and improve their professional skills through simulation exercises.
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Ukrainian FM congratulates Armenian counterpart on reappointment
Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha has congratulated his Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan on his reappointment.
“Congratulations to Ararat Mirzoyan on his reappointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia. I wish Minister Mirzoyan every success in keeping up his good work and serving the people of Armenia. I look forward to continuing our close cooperation to further strengthen Ukraine–Armenia relations, deepen our bilateral dialogue, and advance peace, security, and stability in our wider region,” the Ukrainian FM said on X.
Following the parliamentary elections, PM Nikol Pashinyan’s government began a new term, with nearly all cabinet members retaining their posts.
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Estonia’s FM congratulates Mirzoyan on reappointment as Armenia’s foreign min
Estonia’s Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna has congratulated Ararat Mirzoyan on his reappointment as Armenia’s Foreign Minister.
“Congratulations, my dear friend Ararat Mirzoyan on your reappointment as Armenia’s Foreign Minister!” he said on X.
“Looking forward to continuing our close cooperation and further strengthening the partnership between Estonia and Armenia. Wishing you every success.”
Following the parliamentary elections, PM Nikol Pashinyan’s government began a new term, with nearly all cabinet members retaining their posts.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Latvian FM congratulates Armenian counterpart on reappointment
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia Baiba Braže has congratulated her Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan on his reappointment.
“Congratulations, Ararat Mirzoyan on your re-appointment as the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia! I look forward to continue working with you to deepen our bilateral relations and to advance our cooperation for the benefit our countries,” the Latvian FM said in a post on X.
Following the parliamentary elections, PM Nikol Pashinyan’s government began a new term, with nearly all cabinet members retaining their posts.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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Moldova’s FM congratulates Armenian counterpart on reappointment
Moldova’s Foreign Minister Mihai Popșoi has extended congratulations to his Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan on his reappointment.
“Congratulations to Ararat Mirzoyan on your reappointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia. I look forward to continuing our excellent cooperation and strengthening Moldova–Armenia relations for the benefit of our countries and people,” FM Popșoi said in a post on X.
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Armenia’s new parliament holds first session as opposition, as expected, makes
Armenia‘s newly elected parliament convened for the first time on 2 August. Three political forces won seats in the ninth National Assembly: the Civil Contract, Strong Armenia and Armenia factions. During the opening session, lawmakers managed only to appoint members of the Counting Commission. Heated exchanges between the ruling party and the opposition prevented them from addressing the rest of the agenda.
The opposition’s main grievance was the absence of the Catholicos from the opening session. The authorities did not invite him, and he did not bless the work of parliament. Opposition lawmakers described this as an unprecedented event in the history of independent Armenia.
Under the constitutional law governing the National Assembly’s rules of procedure, both the president and the Catholicos of All Armenians have the right to deliver opening remarks at parliament’s first session. This time, however, only President Vahagn Khachaturyan addressed lawmakers. Earlier, the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin said it had received no invitation for the Catholicos. When journalists asked Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan about Garegin II’s participation, he replied: “I do not know such a Catholicos.”
The incident reflects the long-running dispute between the Armenian authorities and Catholicos of All Armenians Garegin II. More than two years ago, Prime Minister Pashinyan called for the Catholicos to step down. He initially argued that Garegin II could not lead the Armenian Apostolic Church because he had broken his vow of celibacy and fathered a daughter. Pashinyan later accused him of links with foreign intelligence services. The ruling Civil Contract party also included the removal of “the de facto head of the Church” in its election manifesto.
Lawmakers also fiercely debated the nomination of Ruben Rubinyan, the ruling party’s sole candidate for speaker of parliament.
Opposition MPs repeatedly referred to his research work at Istanbul Policy Center in Turkey in 2017–18. They asked whether he had interacted with local residents and even questioned what they looked like.
“Ask me directly whether I met representatives of the Turkish intelligence services in Turkey and whether they recruited me. Ask me: ‘Is that true?’ And I will answer: ‘No,’” Rubinyan said.
Parliament resumed its first session today. Lawmakers have already settled one of the main items on the agenda. In a secret ballot, they elected Ruben Rubinyan as speaker with 63 votes in favour and 28 against.
The opposition Armenia bloc boycotted the secret ballot. MPs from the second opposition force, the Strong Armenia faction, voted against Rubinyan’s nomination.
In the previous parliament, Rubinyan served as deputy speaker. Between 2022 and 2026, he also acted as Armenia’s special envoy for the normalisation of relations with Turkey. A few days ago, Rubinyan said he would be unable to continue in that role if parliament elected him speaker. The ruling party has not yet announced who will succeed him.
- Pashinyan: ‘Russia wants either exclusive ties or nothing’
- ‘Moscow will only push Armenia out of Russian-led blocs’: Reaction to Russia’s foreign intelligence claim
“Where is the Patriarch?” Opposition MPs visit him to receive his blessing
On the opening day of the session, opposition MPs began chanting, “Where is the Patriarch?” after the president’s address. During the oath-taking ceremony, they pointedly refused to stand or recite the oath. They said they were protesting the Catholicos’s absence. However, they signed the written text of the oath, allowing them to take office formally.
At the end of the first working day, MPs from both opposition factions visited the Catholicos’s residence.
The Mother See’s information service said Garegin II blessed the opposition lawmakers. He spoke of an “alarming situation and serious problems” facing the country. He also criticised what he described as the authorities’ “illegal and unconstitutional actions” against the Church.
The Catholicos praised what he described as the opposition MPs’ “devotion and filial love for the Church”. He said their stance was especially important at a time when “the authorities continue their campaign of repression, while national benefactor Samvel Karapetyan remains under arrest for speaking out in defence of Holy Etchmiadzin”.
In June last year, Armenian authorities opened a criminal case against Russian businessman and billionaire Samvel Karapetyan. Prosecutors accused him of publicly calling for the seizure and usurpation of power. In an interview with local media, Karapetyan discussed the escalating conflict between the government and the Church. He said he supported the Church and added: “If Armenia’s political forces fail to resolve this situation, we will have to intervene in the campaign against the Church in our own way.” His supporters founded the Strong Armenia party after his arrest, and he has remained under house arrest since December last year.
105 MPs in the new parliament
The three political forces that entered the National Assembly secured the following number of seats:
- The ruling Civil Contract party – 64 seats
- The Strong Armenia faction – 29 seats
- The Armenia bloc – 12 seats
Strong Armenia leader and businessman Samvel Karapetyan did not enter parliament. During the election campaign, his allies confidently predicted victory and even said Karapetyan would become prime minister. However, he is ineligible to serve either as an MP or as prime minister. Under Armenia’s constitution, anyone holding citizenship of another country cannot hold either office. Karapetyan holds Armenian, Russian and Cypriot citizenship.
Former President Robert Kocharyan headed the electoral list of the Armenia bloc, making him its candidate for prime minister. However, Kocharyan declined to take up his parliamentary seat. His son, Levon Kocharyan, who also ran on the bloc’s list, accepted a mandate and has already joined parliament. He also served as an MP for the Armenia bloc in the previous legislature.
“I will do everything to ensure our children never experience war”
Rubinyan thanked the more than 700,000 voters who backed Civil Contract. He said they had given the ruling party “a mandate to continue Armenia’s democratic reforms and peace agenda”. According to Rubinyan, those voters had defended the country’s sovereignty and independence.
He said the time had come for Armenians to enjoy peaceful lives, have children and raise them without fear.
“My son, who is almost two years old, and children of his age have never experienced war. I will do everything to ensure that my children, your children and all our children never have to learn what war is,” he said.
Rubinyan also thanked those who voted for opposition parties out of conviction rather than in exchange for election bribes.
“It is time to change the political discourse,” Rubinyan says
Addressing opposition MPs, Rubinyan raised the issue of the tone of parliamentary debate. He said society, political circles and journalists had formed a common view of parliament in recent months. According to him, many now see the National Assembly as a place for pointless arguments, slander and insults.
“They say this parliament will be even worse than the previous one in that respect. It seems everyone expects exactly that from us. I want to propose that we break this curse together,” the speaker said.
He argued that the opposition factions had largely stayed away from the work of the previous, eighth convocation of parliament.
“All we saw here was political confrontation, shouting and radical speeches. It is time to change the narratives that have dominated Armenian politics over the past six years. I propose that we make this parliament a place for vigorous but respectful debate that never crosses the boundaries of decency.”
At the same time, he warned that if the opposition rejected his proposal and continued “down the well-trodden path”, the ruling party was ready to respond “in the toughest possible way”.
“Why did we take our seats?” Opposition MPs explain
Ishkhan Saghatelyan, an MP from the Armenia faction, argued that neither the opposition nor the ruling party had truly won the election.
He again claimed that the authorities had used administrative resources during the campaign and imprisoned opposition figures.
“This parliament has a serious legitimacy problem. We are here to organise political struggle and advance national goals. We are here to raise the concerns of Armenia’s citizens, speak about the prisoners held in Baku and Armenia’s occupied territories, and, yes, defend the people of Artsakh’s right to a collective return.”
Hayk Farmanyan, an MP from the Strong Armenia faction, echoed that message.
“We accepted our mandates to remain true to our Armenian identity, to fight for our national values, and to defend our dignity, our identity and our Church.”
Comment
Political analyst Lilit Dallakyan shared her impressions of the new parliament’s opening session on social media:
“Well, I ‘congratulate’ the Armenian people on the start of work by a new, high-quality, substantive parliament that is supposedly ready to tackle Armenia’s complex challenges.
The daily exchange of ‘Your father is a murderer’ [directed at MP Levon Kocharyan, son of former President Robert Kocharyan] will now gain a new, equally substantive argument: ‘Your uncle is a Russian oligarch’ [directed at MP Narek Karapetyan, nephew of Strong Armenia leader Samvel Karapetyan]. That will, in turn, prompt the reply: ‘You are Turkish dictators’ [directed at the authorities].
The only positive aspect is that this season of the series is unlikely to interest anyone or distract people from the real problems that are rapidly emerging.
At a time of profound change across the world, Armenian society and every individual will have to look for solutions to their own problems. Ultimately, that will bring about the changes the country needs.”
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