Narek Apitonyan, Deputy Minister of Economic and Technological Development of Armenia, received George Akhalkatsi, head of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) Armenia office.
According to TKEN, during the meeting, current projects implemented in the energy sector and possible directions of future cooperation were discussed.
—
The military conflict of the USA and Israel with Iran has created a new geopolitical reality on the southern borders of Armenia. In the conditions of an unprecedented regional crisis, official Yerevan is forced to play a complex diplomatic game, from maintaining pauses and operational contacts with Ankara and Baku to multi-vector rhetoric on European platforms. About what is hidden behind the foreign policy maneuvers of the authorities, will the country manage to avoid isolation, and is Armenia’s economy ready for inevitable logistical shocks? VERELQtalked to a political scientist and an economist Hrant Mikayelyan with.
In the photo: Hrant Mikayelyan, source: 168.am
VERELQ: In the very first hours of the American-Israeli operation, the death of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei was a shock for many. However, official Yerevan maintained a pause of almost three days before establishing direct contact with Tehran. How would you explain this silence? Was this political paralysis in the face of the unexpected scale of the escalation, waiting for a response from global players, or cold, calculated pragmatism?
Hrant Mikayelyan. The fact that Yerevan was late in contacting the Iranian side to express condolences could, of course, be partially attributed to unprofessionalism and the weekend. Although I believe that the authorities would have responded more promptly to a situation of such importance if they knew exactly how to respond. Therefore, most likely, it is really a matter of pragmatic calculation.
After the serious clashes in Iran in January 2026, many believed that the Iranian regime was no longer able to resist and might actually fall. Considering the very tough attitude of the Americans, this situation could have bad consequences for Armenia, especially since the Armenian government is now actively developing relations in the Western direction, including the American one. Besides, Armenia does not have its own security parity with Azerbaijan.
It seems to me that the Armenian side wanted to maintain a pause until it became clear that Iran will endure, and will definitely endure, at least in the foreseeable future. It is clear that we cannot make predictions for an indefinite period, but now we see that the initial goals of the Americans have not been realized and most likely will not be realized. It was not so obvious in the first two days, so the Armenian government pragmatically refrained from a clear response. In the end, however, condolences appeared.
VERELQ: Against the background of this “Iranian pause”, the actions of Armenian diplomacy in the Turkish-Azerbaijani vector look especially contrasting. Yerevan contacted Baku and Ankara very promptly after the incidents of the downing of Iranian drones on their territory. What lies behind this arrangement of priorities? Is this an attempt to insure Armenia against a regional fire, a gesture of loyalty to the Western coalition, or a signal to neighboring countries about Yerevan’s strict neutrality?
Hrant Mikayelyan. I think that in this case this is a gesture of loyalty to the Western coalition. It is not only Azerbaijan and Turkey. Yerevan MFA has also established contact with Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the Emirates. All these are the countries that were subjected to the Iranian strikes. It is clear why this is done. if Yerevan strictly maintained neutrality, it could simultaneously reach out to both Iran and Azerbaijan, urging both sides to de-escalate and expressing its concern or hope for regional stability. But that was not done, contact was established only with the Azerbaijani side. Moreover, I do not think that the Armenian side should have maintained neutrality in the situation of conflicts between Iran and Azerbaijan.
VERELQ: Meanwhile, as soon as the identity of the new Supreme Leader was clarified in Tehran, the slowness of Yerevan immediately disappeared. the Armenian authorities reacted quite promptly, congratulating him on the occasion of his election. How would you explain such a sudden change in tempo? Does this mean that Armenia was simply waiting for the intra-elite turbulence in Iran to end, for fear of making the wrong bet?
Hrant Mikayelyan. I think the answer to this question follows from my first answer. From the moment it became clear that the Iranian regime had resisted, there was no longer any need to pause before taking sides. It became clear that Iran and its current system, the Islamic Republic, are preserved, and good relations with it must be maintained. Not to mention the fact that immediately before the American-Israeli attack, the dialogue between Armenia and Iran in the field of strategic relations was actively developing. It is interesting, of course, how it will develop in the future. it is possible that the dialogue will resume as soon as this war is over. It is possible that the process will be delayed, but most likely we will only have a pause, not a complete cessation of contacts.
VERELQ: On March 11, in the European Parliament, Nikol Pashinyan demonstrated diplomatic equilibrium. He called Iran a “good neighbor”, but immediately curtsied to the USA and the Gulf countries. And he positioned Armenia itself as a “small state”, which can only pray for the wisdom of the leaders of world powers in order to end the war diplomatically as soon as possible. How viable is such a strategy of total egalitarianism and abstraction? Does Yerevan, trying to please everyone, not risk ending up in isolation?
Hrant Mikayelyan. The policy of “low profile” is justified in the case of Yerevan, and there is nothing surprising here. Advancing against someone makes sense only when you can influence something. With its anti-Iranian, anti-American or any other actions, Armenia will not affect the outcome of the war between America and Iran. Moreover, Armenia can suffer from it, but it cannot gain anything, so such a policy is completely logical.
But I would not call it complete neutrality. Pashinyan accused the clerics of working for the KGB (KGB) without any evidence, and his speech had an implicit anti-Russian character. Conventionally speaking, trying not to take sides in the conflict between Iran and the USA, he took an anti-Russian position, for which the European audience thanked him. It is not neutrality. That is why Yerevan will not remain isolated. The anti-Russian position is in the greatest demand today from the collective West. As for the isolation in the format “for no one”, Armenia was in such a situation until 2018, and it was not a big problem.
Another question is: how well is this policy being implemented, and are the levers supporting diplomacy developing? Diplomacy does not exist in a vacuum. it relies on military-political instruments, a system of alliances and a network of contacts, including economic ones. There are questions about how well this is done.
The statement that if you do not take any specific position, you will end up in isolation, is not very true. Especially taking into account that today they do not pay for the position with strategic support. they can only express thanks and provide hidden political assistance. Instead, you can pay very dearly for a certain position. we see that many Gulf countries paid for their evasive stance, and Iran made them the target of its strikes in the framework of the conflict with Israel.
Therefore, Armenia definitely does not need to position itself on one of the sides of the Iranian-American confrontation. Although at some point, when the situation stabilizes, Armenia should provide charitable and humanitarian aid to Iran, as Azerbaijan did. In addition, it would be advisable to send specialists to clean up the rubble and provide technical assistance, which is not military, but will help maintain a friendly image in the eyes of the Iranian partners.
VERELQ: Let’s move on to the economy. Iran is not just a neighbor for Armenia, it is a logistical and energy hub of critical importance. In the conditions of a large-scale war near the southern borders, what macroeconomic risks threaten Armenia in the first place? And the main thing. Do you see a real anti-crisis plan for diversifying those risks in the government’s current actions, or is Armenia just hoping for the best for now?
Hrant Mikayelyan. It is very difficult to develop an anti-crisis program in one week. Armenia’s logistics do not allow to redirect flows so easily and quickly. Iran is not only a source of goods or a consumption market, but also a logistic route through which the products reached Armenia. Another logistics destination is the emirate of Dubai, which has also been badly affected, and I cannot say with certainty that supplies from there are now continuing at full volume. Therefore, at the moment there is no such plan, and there is nothing surprising in this, because the situation is developing very quickly.
Is such a program necessary? I think that in the future, strategies should be developed in different directions, including the Iranian one. But it is difficult to assume that this war will continue for months. This is not a contact, but an air war with a large number of expensive missiles. On both sides, that stockpile has already been depleted in huge quantities, and the military potential diminishes as munitions are used up or stockpiles are destroyed. Already after a month, the ability of the parties to continue combat operations with the same intensity will be many times lower, so the crisis will begin to fade one way or another. at least that’s how it seems now.
I don’t think that at this moment it can lead to a large-scale economic crisis, but it should be assumed that Armenia is starting to live in the realities of the post-globalized world. That world will be much less connected to long logistics chains, and they need to be optimized. Today it is the Iranian crisis, tomorrow it may break out in another place. Իրանը, Իսրայելը և ողջ Մերձավոր Արևելքը լարվածության կետ են տվյալ պահին, բայց նման կետեր կան ամենուր՝ Լատինական Ամերիկայում, Հարավարևելյան Ասիայում, Արևելյան Եվրոպայում։ Not to mention the fact that similar points also exist in Armenia itself and on its borders. Therefore, the state should first of all increase the level of self-sufficiency, self-sufficiency and food security, as well as create large strategic reserves in case of communications failure.
—
Mario Nalpatian
Mario Nalpatian, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s representative to the Socialist International and one of its Vice Presidents, delivered the following message on Thursday during the 61st session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. Nalpatian addressed the Council in his capacity as a representative of the Socialist International.
Ladies and gentlemen,
It’s an honor for me to speak here on behalf of the Socialist International.
At a time when the world is in turmoil, when international relations are strained, and the rule of law is too often ignored, the Socialist International reaffirms its belief in a world that respects human rights and the rights of peoples, is dedicated to protecting and reinforcing our democracies. We stand for international relations grounded in principles, not force, in multilateral cooperation, implementation of the global development goals, fight against neocolonialist aspirations, and limitation of the concentration of wealth, and for a global order in which genocides—whether in Gaza/Palestine, Darfur/Sudan, or Rohingya/Myanmar—are prevented, halted, and punished. This vision is not naïve: it is grounded in the hard lessons of history and in the enduring belief that human dignity must not be sacrificed to expediency or power politics.
It is in this spirit that the Council of the Socialist International, in its latest meeting in Malta, November 2025, adopted a resolution on the Situation in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, asserting that the conflict can not be resolved by military means and for the process to be successful, it must include collective, voluntary, safe, dignified, unhindered, and internationally guaranteed return of all those displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh since the 2020 war and after September 19, 2023, ensuring full protection from any form of intimidation or coercion.
The Socialist International also calls for the immediate release of the remaining Armenian detainees in Baku, including former leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh, and for the prevention of the destruction or alteration of Armenian religious and cultural heritage in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, and to safeguard the region’s historical legacy.
The Socialist International, as a global organization, in these troubled and uncertain times, reiterates the need for respect for and compliance with international law and the United Nations Charter, and considers their violation and all unilateral acts of war to be unacceptable.
—
Displaced Artsakh Armenians receive assistance immediately upon arriving in Armenia in 2023
Official Moscow said on Thursday that Yerevan has rejected the latest round of Russian humanitarian assistance for displaced Artsakh Armenians, claiming that the Armenian government did not want any reference of Russian charity ahead of the June 7 elections.
“The justification for Yerevan’s refusal to agree to the next batch of humanitarian aid from Russia for those displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh raises more questions than answers,” said Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova at a press briefing on Thursday. “It is obvious that Yerevan’s refusal to provide exclusively charitable and non-political humanitarian aid is due to the Armenian authorities’ pre-election desire to erase all references to Russia.”
The spokesperson said that as part of Russia’s assistance, 140 tons of humanitarian cargo—comprised of food, basic necessities, and special children’s kits—had been sent to 7,000 families displaced from Artsakh.
“Meeting basic needs was enabling the people, as well as the Armenian authorities, to concentrate on solving more serious problems such as housing, employment, social reintegration, which exclusively falls within the purview of the authorities. This humanitarian assistance, could have helped them focus on priority goals,” Zakharova said.
She said that Yerevan had justified its move by saying that during the pre-election period, Armenian law restricted “the provision of donations, as well as charitable assistance.”
Zakharova explained, however, that Armenia’s electoral code imposes such restriction on organizations and entities that are somehow connected to political figures and parties running in the elections. International or charitable organizations, she said, are prohibited from carrying out any election-related publicity or “propaganda,” as she put it.
“It is simply impossible to think that this [Russian assistance for displaced Artsakh Armenians] is in any way connected with propaganda. It is obvious that Yerevan’s refusal to provide charitable and non-political humanitarian aid is conditioned by the Armenian authorities’ pre-election aspiration to literally erase any mention of Russia,” Zakharova said.
The spokesperson said that the Armenian authorities were harming their own citizens and claimed that they will attempt also claim that Russia refused to sent assistance.
This comes as Armenia’s Foreign Intelligence Service issued an ominous and cryptic statement this week alleging “foreign actors” are actively engaged in swaying the June elections.
During a speech at the European Parliament on Wednesday, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan claimed that “Russian and Belarussian oligarchs” were interfering in the election process by providing financial incentives to Armenian abroad to sway the elections to their will.
—
Bipartisan Letter to House Appropriations Subcommittee Calls for Armenia Security Aid, Artsakh Refugee Relief, Azerbaijan Accountability, and TRIPP Oversight
WASHINGTON– The Armenian National Committee of America welcomed a Congressional Armenian Caucus letter — backed by over 45 Members of the House of Representatives — urging the House Appropriations Subcommittee on National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs to include critical pro-Armenia/Artsakh provisions in the Fiscal Year 2027 Appropriations Bill.
The letter, addressed to Subcommittee Chairman Mario Diaz-Balart (R-FL) and Ranking Member Lois Frankel (D-FL), calls for expanded U.S.-Armenia security cooperation, $100 million in humanitarian assistance for Armenians forcibly displaced from Artsakh, a prohibition on U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan, Global Magnitsky Act sanctions accountability measures, and meaningful Congressional oversight of the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) framework.
“Over forty-five members of Congress have put their names behind a clear, principled message: the United States must stand with Armenia, hold Azerbaijan accountable, and deliver justice for the Armenians of Artsakh,” stated Aram Hamparian, ANCA Executive Director. “This letter — secured through the hard work of Armenian Americans mobilizing across the country — gives the Appropriations Subcommittee a bipartisan mandate to act. The FY27 appropriations process is one of the most powerful tools Congress has, and this Caucus letter puts that power to work for our Armenian American priorities.”
Congressional Armenian Caucus Founding Co-Chair Frank Pallone (D-NJ) led the letter and was joined by Representatives Gabe Amo (D-RI), Jake Auchincloss (D-MA), Nanette Diaz Barragan (D-CA), Joyce Beatty (D-OH), Don Beyer (D-VA), Nikki Budzinski (D-IL), Salud Carbajal (D-CA), Judy Chu (D-CA), Jim Costa (D-CA), Jasmine Crockett (D-TX), Danny Davis (D-IL), Valerie Foushee (D-NC), Laura Friedman (D-CA), Josh Gottheimer (D-NJ), Steven Horsford (D-NV), Jared Huffman (D-CA), Jonathan Jackson (D-IL), Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-CA), Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL), John Larson (D-CT), George Latimer (D-NY), Ted Lieu (D-CA), Stephen Lynch (D-MA), Seth Magaziner (D-RI), Nicole Malliotakis (R-NY), James McGovern (D-MA), Rob Menendez (D-NJ), Dave Min (D-CA), Kevin Mullin (D-CA), Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-DC), Chris Pappas (D-NH), Chellie Pingree (D-ME), Jamie Raskin (D-MD), Luz Rivas (D-CA), Linda Sanchez (D-CA), Janice Schakowsky (D-IL), Brad Schneider (D-IL), Brad Sherman (D-CA), Darren Soto (D-FL), Tom Suozzi (D-NY), Eric Swalwell (D-CA), Dina Titus (D-NV), Paul Tonko (D-NY), Lori Trahan (D-MA), and Nydia Velazquez (D-NY).
Armenian Security Assistance
The letter calls for $20 million in Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and $10 million in International Military Education and Training (IMET), warning that additional assistance “would play a critical role in strengthening Armenia’s defensive capabilities and establishing a deterrent against Azerbaijan’s unabated expansionism and threats of aggression and use of force.” The Caucus further cautioned that “the Aliyev regime will seek to take advantage of Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine and turmoil across the Middle East to press its military advantage against Armenia during this critical stage in negotiations.”
Humanitarian Relief for Displaced Armenians of Artsakh
The letter requests $100 million in AEECA Humanitarian Account funding, documenting that Azerbaijan’s 2023 invasion resulted in “the genocidal ethnic cleansing of the region’s entire indigenous Armenian population” following “a 10-month siege on the region, which saw Azerbaijan deliberately deprive over 120,000 ethnic Armenians access to food, fuel, medicine and other essential goods.” The Caucus warned that existing assistance “has been wholly insufficient to meet these families’ outstanding needs” and that Azerbaijan’s “continued refusal to guarantee the safe and secure return of Armenians to their homes, as required under international law, remains an ongoing obstacle to lasting peace in the region.”
Accountability for Azerbaijan and Release of Armenian Hostages
The letter calls for a full prohibition on U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan, documenting that “despite ongoing peace talks, Azerbaijan continues to engage in conduct that contradicts its stated commitment to peace” — including sentencing 16 Armenian prisoners of war to prison terms ranging from 15 years to life “following lengthy sham trials, during which Armenian detainees were subject to abuse and torture, and deprived of their fundamental legal rights.” The Caucus stated plainly: “President Aliyev has repeatedly demonstrated that he is not an honest broker for peace in the region, and the U.S. must not reward his regime with security assistance of any kind.” The letter also calls for a Global Magnitsky Act sanctions review targeting Azerbaijani officials responsible for human rights abuses.
TRIPP Oversight
On the TRIPP corridor framework, the letter acknowledges the agreement “raises concerns regarding Armenia’s sovereignty and ownership rights over its sovereign territory” and flags “unanswered questions regarding the security of the route, especially assurances that the route will not be used to facilitate military transportation or arms sales between Turkey and Azerbaijan, which would undermine Armenia’s security interests.” The Caucus also expressed concern over “Azerbaijan’s solicitation of foreign investment to engage in the demolition, reconstruction and redevelopment of formerly Armenian-populated areas,” calling for State and Commerce Department reporting on whether U.S.-based entities operating in Azerbaijan have “materially aided Azerbaijan’s ongoing human rights violations.”
The ANCA mobilized Armenian Americans nationwide through its action alert to contact their Representatives ahead of the co-signature deadline. Armenian Americans can continue to engage their Representatives and track legislative developments.
https://asbarez.com/over-45-members-of-congress-co-sign-anca-backed-letter-advancing-pro-armenian-foreign-aid-priorities/?fbclid=IwY2xjawQgjsNleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEe9gOBbE79WdRq4I7Ir_kFZ2AgqcVV4qUysQsrrooDsrVTFFn7SG9oaq_827M_aem_xj9fZxHMkmoEwREVfVfYog
—
Vice-President JD Vance and Second Lady Usha Vance at the Dzidzernagapert Armenian Genocide Monument on Feb. 10
BY HAYK MARTIROSYAN
The rumors about the forced “resignation” of Dr. Edita Gzoyan, the director of the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute, have been confirmed. It’s now possible to discuss it openly. Claiming there is a significant amount of injustice and humiliation involved would be an understatement. Under such circumstances, even mentioning scientific impartiality and academic freedom seems pointless.
I worked at AGMI intermittently from 2006 to 2014. And during the last eight years, have been a researcher at the Lepsius House in Potsdam (providing archival materials and literature, organizing joint initiatives, etc.), while continuing to cooperate with the Museum-Institute regularly. I am currently also a member of the editorial board of the AGMI journal.
Dr. Gzoyan was elected director of AGMI two years ago. It is clear these past two years have been the most productive in AGMI’s history across numerous fields: there has been an unprecedented number of scholarly articles published in international and prestigious journals; after persistent efforts, the International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies was included last year in the highly sought-after Scopus list of academic journals (the only one from Armenia); international conferences and events were organized with global partners; an audio-guide system was introduced and made available in multiple languages; the contributions of all staff members—not just a select few—were recognized and encouraged; connections with Diasporan Armenian scholars were strengthened, and their contributions to AGMI’s efforts increased. It is impossible to list all the accomplishments. Why remove Gzoyan? Where did she fail?
Consider the scholar’s perspective: review the works and articles published by Gzoyan from the prior two years, note those in impactful international journals. How many people in our field can you name in Armenia who have more publications? Consider the active collaboration with Diasporan scholars. Take as clear proof of disagreement with this decision the fact that two Diasporan scholars on the Board of Trustees—Raymond Kevorkian and Stephan Astourian—have both left the board (as well as Vasken Yacoubian, President of the AGBU Armenia office), along with two other scholars from Armenia (Hranush Kharatyan and Harutyun Marutyan).
Look at the management aspect: the best evidence is the joint letter-appeal from all 74 AGMI employees (although it was clear that it would not be accepted) asking to prevent the change of director. As someone who spent many years at AGMI and knows its inner workings well, I assure you that such unity and positive atmosphere have never existed there before—I, of all people, know that.
Apparently, the claims are correct that her dismissal relates to J.D. Vance’s visit and the director’s conversation about Artsakh, which is unacceptable by the authorities. Moreover, judging from the videos, she even had the “audacity” to accompany Vance to the khachkars commemorating the massacres of Armenians in Azerbaijan and tell him about them, presenting him with an informative book. (Here I would gladly recount an attempt to “convince” an influential professor in Leipzig on precisely this topic in a much more complicated situation, and the respected professor’s “beautiful” and “accessible” reply—but I cannot make it public.)
Personally, I believe Vance’s visit was simply the final straw. Because, to her credit, Gzoyan has always spoken out about the ethnic cleansing in Artsakh. A large amount of work has been done for that cause. She has also raised other topics unacceptable for the “constructive” authorities within the context of the Armenian Genocide (for example, topics about Nemesis, Tehlirian Trial, etc.). The reason for Gzoyan dismissal is certainly not the construction project happening at the memorial complex, as is being presented. The construction is primarily under the ministry’s control. If that were the reason, the director would have been dismissed last year when the controversy surrounding the construction reached its peak. If construction had truly been the issue, they could have appointed an “extraordinary and plenipotentiary foreman” until the work was completed. Or a rhetorical question arises: after the construction is finished, will the future director with construction expertise leave the position?
Gzoyan can leave with her head held high. Unfortunately, the enormous sense of hurt, disappointment, and injustice will hardly diminish because of that.
Alas—long live “academic freedom,” long live “effective” governance, long live the “appreciation” of Diasporan Armenian scholars, long live the “recognition” of the efforts to internationalize AGMI’s work and Armenian scholarship, long live your talent for “taking into account” the opinion of AGMI employees, and finally, long live “justice.”
Now appoint a “professional” whose only qualification will be “flexibility” and adaptability. Otherwise, the “Vance syndrome” tends to recur.
Dr. Hayk Martirosyan served, with some interruptions, as a research fellow at the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute from 2006 to 2014. Since 2017, he has been a research associate at the Lepsiushaus in Potsdam. Martirosyan studied Oriental and Turkic studies at Yerevan State University and earned his doctorate from the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia. His research focuses on the history of missionary activity in the Ottoman Empire, missionary biographies, and the history of aid organizations and rescue efforts for Armenians. He is the author of two monographs and more than two dozen scholarly articles.
—
Dr. Razmig Panossian is greeted by attendees
The Kessab Educational Association of Los Angeles hosted a special gathering on March 6 to welcome one of its beloved sons, Dr. Razmig Panossian, who met with fellow Kessabtsis during his visit to Los Angeles. Community members gathered for an evening of conversation focused on Armenian language, identity and the future of Diaspora communities.
Dr. Panossian, who works with the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in Portugal, spoke about the foundation’s work supporting Armenian cultural and educational initiatives across the Diaspora. He emphasized that language remains one of the most important pillars of Armenian identity and encouraged families to keep Armenian present in everyday life by speaking it regularly at home.
He noted that while Eastern and Western Armenian serve as the principal forms used throughout, regional dialects such as Kessaberen carry deep historical and cultural value. Preserving these dialects, he explained, helps maintain the unique character and traditions of communities like Kessab. He also encouraged parents not to worry about correcting children between dialects, but rather to prioritize speaking Armenian and creating an environment where the language continues naturally.
Dr. Panossian also highlighted educational initiatives that support Armenian language learning, including the Zarmanazan Western Armenian summer program, an immersive program that brings together youth, educators and participants from Armenian communities around the world. Through creative activities, collaborative learning and teacher training, the program creates a dynamic environment where Western Armenian is actively used while strengthening connections among participants and helping develop the next generation of Armenian language educators.
He concluded by noting that strong Armenian communities are built through education, cultural engagement and the continued effort to preserve language and heritage across generations.
The evening provided an opportunity for Kessabtsis to reconnect with their roots and reaffirm their shared commitment to sustaining Armenian culture within the Diaspora.
The Kessab Educational Association of Los Angeles promotes education, cultural preservation and community engagement among Kessabtsis and the broader Armenian Diaspora through programs and initiatives that strengthen Armenian identity and heritage.
—
Armenia’s border with Iran in the Syunik Province
YEREVAN (Azatutyun.am)—The continuing war between the United States and Israel and Iran will likely delay the planned opening of a U.S.-administered transit corridor for Azerbaijan through Armenia, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on Thursday.
“It is obvious that the TRIPP (Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity) is not a priority for the US administration today, at least, because we see what is happening and what they are busy with,” he told reporters. “Unfortunately, there is a high probability that it will affect [relevant] processes in terms of timelines because the [U.S.] government is focused on that issue.”
The TRIPP is due to connect Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan through Armenia’s strategic Syunik region bordering Iran. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan released the first major details of the TRIPP after meeting in Washington on January 13.
A joint U.S.-Armenian “implementation framework” confirmed that a special company controlled by the U.S. government will build a railway, a road, energy supply lines and other infrastructure along Armenia’s border with Iran and manage them for at least 49 years. Pashinyan and Mirzoyan said late last year that work on that infrastructure will start this summer.
In the months leading up to the ongoing war, Iranian officials, notably a top aide to the late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, spoke out against the transit arrangement. They feared that it could undermine Armenian control of the border and lead to U.S. security presence there. Yerevan sought to allay their concerns. Some observers believe that Tehran will now be even more opposed to the TRIPP even if the war is stopped in the coming days or weeks.
Iran is a major trading partner of Armenia and one of the landlocked country’s two conduits to the outside world. Although the Armenian-Iranian border has remained largely open since the start of the U.S.-Israeli air strikes on the Islamic Republic on February 28, the conflict has reportedly led to a serious fall in cargo traffic between the two states.
—
March: 12, 2026
Disgust. This is the only feeling that any RA citizen, regardless of political preferences, can have after listening to Nikol Pashinyan’s speech in the European Parliament yesterday.
In that speech, he condensed all his admiration and gratitude towards Azerbaijan, its president, while at the same time combining it with hatred towards everything Armenian.
From the podium of the European Parliament, Nikol Pashinyan voiced the dirtiest narratives of his intra-Armenian propaganda, about the Armenian Apostolic Church, high-ranking clergymen, and all those fighting against his anti-national policy.
Perhaps only due to the lack of confidence in the translation, he did not use the expressions “to dump”, “plaster on the walls”, “to throw something else”, in a substantive sense repeating the same bile with which he has been poisoning the Armenian society for the last two years.
At the same time, from the high European podium, he stated several times in different wordings that Armenia owes its existence today to… Azerbaijan.
The entire causality of Pashinyan’s speech was built on the fetishization of false “peace”, so that if the border delimitation process with Azerbaijan had not started two years ago, Armenia would not exist today and would instead be some territory under foreign rule. The Europeans, of course, applauded Pashinyan, not publicly showing their perception that, having saved Armenia from imaginary “foreign rule”, Pashinyan is no longer secretly handing it over to Azerbaijani-Turkish rule.
The assessment that Nikol Pashinyan has not been able to get rid of the mold of an eccentric oppositionist, even after being in power for 8 years, was once again confirmed yesterday in the hall of the European Parliament with all its misery.
In general, protesting against the political actors of one’s own country, requesting and begging for external support has been characteristic of the oppositions of different times, which, acting in European forums, have tried, often justly, to overcome the seemingly unsolvable problems with domestic instruments. Pashinyan also broke that unwritten law by aligning himself with President Sandu of Moldova and other figures with a similar political pedigree who are ready to do anything for the sake of maintaining power. Everything without exception.
What happened in the hall of the European Parliament, with all its unpleasantness, testifies to a positive reality. According to everything, Pashinyan is seriously aware of the danger of losing power and, fearing its consequences, is begging for help from the Europeans. Pashinyan hinted to Aliyev that if he too supports him in maintaining the power, he can add the phrase “long live the Republic of Azerbaijan” to the list of chants at the end of his speech.
Harutyun Avetisyan
—
March: 12, 2026
Nikol Pashinyan confirmed that the director of the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute, Edita Gzoyan, was removed from her position on his instructions.
“When the country’s prime minister says that there is no Karabakh movement, what does it mean to present a book on the subject of the “Artsakh issue” to a foreign guest? How many people can conduct foreign policy in this country?
The government conducts foreign policy in this country, and the government official of Armenia who says something contrary to Armenia’s foreign policy should be fired, what is the issue there? Are we a state or a self-made group?” said Pashinyan.
According to him, he considered the book dedicated to US Vice President James David Vance during his visit to the museum a provocative act and urged Gzoyan to write an application for his release.
—