SHAR IS COMING TO GYUMRI, DO NOT LEAVE YOUR HOMES. The warning worked, Sarik Minasyan

April 20, 2026

Nikol Pashinyan’s efforts to organize a motorcade from Yerevan, to detain people and thereby create the impression of a crowd at the “Varchabend” concert in Gyumri’s Vardanants Square, failed in such a way that the sound of the already shamefully failed Pashinyan concert in the evening is probably still heard in the ears of Sarik Minasyan, the CP candidate who lost in the Gyumri council elections, and Shirak governor Davit Arushanyan, on whose shoulders it was placed. The “sacred duty” to ensure the fullness of Vardanants Square.

168.amAccording to reports, Nikol Pashinyan fell into such convulsions from the half-empty appearance of Vardanants Square that it cost Sarik Minasyan a loss of balance and, as a result, on the social network rude behavior, for which he has already apologized.

And no matter how much the CP ladies and men published close-up photos from their convenient ruckuses, no matter how much the entire administrative resource was filled in Gyumri, especially the highly “literate” Shirak, who considers Shirak to be one of the most beautiful cities in Armenia, for example, with the governor of Armavir, no matter how much Defense Minister Suren Papikyan, who left the business, published heart-warming pictures from the square, no matter how well-known singers sang from the stage, the reality did not change. Vardanants Square remained half-empty. Aram MP3, of course, is a talented artist and many people love him, but the people of Gyumri didn’t even leave their homes to listen to him, it was so unpleasant for them to see Nikol Pashinyan and the CP members.

According to our information, the number of people was less than during the final rally of the CP during the Gyumri council elections.

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  • Armenia-Azerbaijan. Will there be an enclave exchange?

Gyumri once again rejected Pashinyan, and this is the reality. Gyumri does not forgive Pashinyan’s encroachments on either its faith or its decisions.

It is noteworthy that the “Union of Informed Citizens” did not publish the number of listeners of the Varchaband concert in Vardanants Square, counting the number of cars in the motorcade (according to the CP members: 1230 cars, but perhaps they also attributed to their motorcade just the cars of those going to Gyumri – A.V.).

It is noteworthy that a day before the concert, the people of Gyumri warned each other on social networks not to leave the house, the shar is coming to the hometown. In fact, there is a culture of listening to each other in Gyumri.

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Armenia-Azerbaijan. Will there be an enclave exchange?

April 20, 2026

Soviet cartography of Nikol Pashinyan’s government and: «of the peace agenda» about twists and turns

Recently, the topic of enclaves in the territory of Armenia and Azerbaijan has been somewhat pushed to the background, but there is no doubt՝ after the June parliamentary elections, the topic of border demarcation will definitely return to the current agenda. Thus, Doctor of Political Sciences Artur Khachikyan is publishing the possible scenario of territorial concessions in favor of the neighbors, starting with the early handing over of the enclave of Tigranashen (Kyark), «which will cut the North-South strategic road, cutting off Syunik from the north»։

And it seems that the events are leading to it. Under the “peaceful” calls of Pashinyan and his teammates, the village of Tigranashen leaves the impression of an empty and uncertain settlement., is noted In the latest report of Lurer periodical. The territory of the village at the foot of Tezhkar (Ghez’l-Dash) mountain, which is about 8-10 km from the border village of Nakhichevan, is 960 hectares, the total exclave is almost 1430 hectares.

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According to official data, there are about 40 houses in Tigranashen, through which passes the strategic road connecting the Ararat Valley to Vaik and Syunik, but most of them are either empty or inhabited by elderly people. As a result of the visit of the activists of the “Non-Western Azerbaijan” movement Suren Surenyantsi and Hayk Nahapetyan to the village, a manifesto was prepared, listing the problems and demands regarding the security and future of the village in the context of the “peace process” between Baku and Yerevan.

According to Baku’s version, Kyarki is located in the Ararat Marz of Armenia, within the borders of the Sadarak region of the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic under the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan, and “657 square meters of Nakhichevan in the Soviet period. km territory was illegally handed over to Armenia.” It is noted that on February 18, 1929, by the decision of the Central Electoral Commission of the Central Executive Committee of the Transcaucasian Soviet Socialist Republic, 10 villages of the Nakhichevan region were handed over to Armenia, which allegedly grossly violated the terms of the Moscow Treaty of March 16, 1921 and the Kars Treaty of October 13, 1921.

In 1930, 3 more villages were joined to Armenia: Lehvaz, Astazur and Aldara, as well as Kyark. According to the decision of the Central Election Commission of Azerbaijan on May 5, 1938, a significant part of the surrounding lands of that village was transferred to Armenia, which led to the complete isolation of Kyarki from the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Nakhichevan.

at the same time according to former RA Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan conclusions published by some mapsի՝ «the village never had the status of an enclave and from the beginning was not only part of the First Republic of Armenia, but also part of Soviet Armenia. The village was called Karke (Kyar in Azerbaijanic:in).

Another Armenian village, Genu, was located in the immediate vicinity of Tigranashenthe with the name, which was also a part of Soviet Armenia. the name is derived from the evergreen tree. Over the years, the village has been divided into two parts, Turkish J:as a result of the resettlement of representatives of the Afarlu clan, and received Jafarlu and Geight the names. For example, from 1926 c:Artezner village was part of the territory of Soviet Armenia…

The same applies to the historical Armenian villages of Tavush. ohfor example, Voskepari, which, both in 1918-1920 and in the Soviet years, was in Ijevan region: In Barani region.

Misrepresentation of historical facts, blatant disregard for the rights and safety of border residents, lessons learned from history, and blatantly unprofessional interpretations have for decades deprived us of the legal basis to protect the rights and interests of our citizens, endangering the security of our country.”

A convincing answer there is none to the question of when exactly and: on the basis of which documents these or those enclaves appeared. most likely, they areand:were formed elementally due to the ethno-religious composition of the population of one or another region and: its economic and: with the characteristics of economic activity։

“Until 1936, no Azerbaijani enclave existed on the territory of Armenia on Soviet maps.” continues the topic is the famous Armenian cartographer Ruben Galchyan. “For the first time only in 1936, the official map of the Transcaucasia was published, on which the first two Azerbaijani enclaves appeared, in the Tavush region of Armenia, and another such area, the present-day Tigranashen, in the Ararat region, was marked on the map in 1939”, but on another Soviet map published a year later, there are all enclaves except Kyarki.

1940ssorry last and: Later, the leadership of the Armenian SSR proposed to Baku to include the exclave in Armeniaand:from the town of Zod on the southeast coastand:outlet in front of a larger area (moreover, according to unofficial information, a Kurdish autonomous district within the Armenian SSR was previously planned here as a replacement for the much larger and more populated similar region (“Red Kurdistan”) between Nagorno-Karabakh and the Armenian SSR within Azerbaijan in 1923-32. There was also an unrealized project for a 20 percent territorial expansion of that district, development of social infrastructure, food industry, and cotton cultivation there). However, Baku did not plan to eliminate Yerand:60 km of the direct road to that Azerbaijani exclave, not accepting the exchange offers.

By the way, the same question, two neighbors «fraternal» between republicsand: in the context of broader demarcation, in his extensive letter to Khrushchev put Honored Art Worker of the ASSR and: Honored Architect of the USSR MrRafael Israelyan, winner of the post-prize on July 20, 1962, with whomand:came the short answer: “It will come againthe bowl» (by the way, during the same period, Khrushchev initiated a project to transfer the lands of Northern Kazakhstan to the RSFSR):…

The escalation of the Karabakh conflict on the border in the 1980s and 1990s was naturally followed by armed clashes between the Armenian and Azerbaijani SSRs along the entire border, including in the Nakhichevan Autonomous Region. The residents of Kyarki moved to the adjacent territory, where they built the village of Yeni Kyarki 1992-in: In August, units of the new Azerbaijani army occupied the Artsvashen (Bashkend) enclave of the Krasnoselsk region of Armenia, which was to be returned has hope Pashinyan’s government՝ within the framework of a hypothetical exchange of enclaves (in: by the way, hardly any of the former residents or their descendants will return there). According to Galchyan՝ «will be the most logical solution to the question «The exchange of the Armenian Artsvashen enclave with the Azerbaijani one»: Otherwise, if the parties return their enclaves, a whole complex of problems related to their access will arise, and therefore full of conflict, in which case (we would add) Baku will most likely act from a position of force or the direct threat of its use.

The above residents of Tigranashen publicfrom the letter follows՝ one of the most painful problems remains educational. As a result of the youth exodus, only 4 children currently attend the local school. According to the current regulations, schools that do not reach the minimum number of students will be closed. and: From September 1, 2026, the local school will also suffer the same fate. In addition, the villagers have no place to work, which forces them to leave their homes in search of a livelihood, whichn “further aggravates the demographic situation and accelerates the process of settlement emptying»:

And the residents consider the main and most worrying problem to be the houses and: for plots of landand:lack of formal ownership. In many cases, the state does not issue appropriate certificates, which actually deprives people of legal guarantees and: does not allow to talk about either development or long-term investments in the village. According to Hayk Nahapetyan՝ such an approach may be linked to the future of the area politically and: with legal uncertainty, because if the state officially recognizes the property rights of citizens, then in the case of possible territorial solutions, a serious legal conflict will arise»: It has a direct impact and: standard of living and: on the development prospects of the whole community». He does not increase confidence in tomorrowand: A premiseand:available by hidden the threat.

Lack of property rights, socio-economic difficulties and security problems are a closed circleand:formation, from which the village stilland:he sees no way out. An impression is created that Tigranashen is preparing one way or another as a result of the June vote of CP if successfuland:hand them over։ However, for now, that success is far from being a fact, and the second stage provided for by the current Constitution is not at all excluded…

Alexey Baliand:

vpoanalytics.com

Translation by Zhanna Avetisyan




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What is behind Onik Gasparyan’s offer to speak at a closed meeting, what is open?

April 20, 2026

On April 17, Pashinyan has plans regarding the publication of the 44-day report. Why did he skip the important episodes of the war in the National Assembly? to publish where we referred to the speech of Seyran Ohanyan, the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia, head of the “Armenia” faction, regarding the 44-day war of 2020 during the discussion of the 2025 performance of the RA government’s plan in the National Assembly.

“The generals you mentioned fled through that area, and I believe that it is within your responsibility, because the Chief of the General Staff of the RA Armed Forces makes a decision there, and you approve it. Through your zone of responsibility, Azerbaijan has bypassed and reached the borders of Shushi, Berdzor, Berdadzor and the Republic of Armenia – the borders of Goris, Kapan, Meghri. Now you say that the generals escaped, they escaped under your leadership, go and make a decision.” Seyran Ohanyan said in the parliament, addressing Nikol Pashinyan.

This thought is most comprehensive Seyran Ohanyan said as early as 2023 168.amin the interview with and after that, and perhaps the reason for the resounding is that this time it was sounded from the NA podium and addressed directly to Nikol Pashinyan.

«The PB had a defense zone of 283 km, in 2 places the enemy attacked in the southern direction: Hadrut, Jabrail, and in the northern direction: Martakert. An opportunity was created in the direction of Martakert to stop, which is the result of the work of the local operational-tactical and tactical circles. And in the southern direction, the enemy broke through the defense line. If a big breach occurs, then the commanders of Martakert, Askeran, Martuni are not to blame, that with that breach the enemy was able to reach 52 km to Shush, to reach 70-100 km to the parts of Meghri, Kapan, Goris, Sev Lake. Those commanders are not to blame. The people who should have imagined the theater of military operations in terms of space, general front, depth, time, arrangement of troops, possible regrouping and constant replenishment of the armed forces are guilty.

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If the Armed Forces makes a decision in its defense zone, that decision is approved either by the General Secretary or the President of the Republic of Artsakh, but where there are several military units, and both the Armed Forces and the rest of the corps are military units, the General Secretary is the one who ensures cooperation between those several military units, makes the decision, is responsible, and the head of the Republic of Armenia, the Commander-in-Chief, approves the decision of the General Secretary. And the enemy was able to break through and move forward in the place in which the approval of the decision was the responsibility of the head of the Republic of Armenia.

And we have to see Shushi’s operation in the context of the entire defensive operation and the consistent or gradual advance of the enemy in that entire breakthrough zone. The operation of Shushi should not be seen separately, the strategic level responsible should have faced them in the attack zone at least in the forest areas of Hadrut, where there were quite good conditions to stop the enemy,” Seyran Ohanyan told us.

The publisher, media magnate Aram Gabrielyanov tried to take advantage of the words of the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia by publicizing some details of his meeting with the former head of the RA Armed Forces General Staff, which was related to the use or not of “Iskander” and the handing over of Shushi. Moreover, this is not the first time.

And after a long silence, Onik Gasparyan decided react to the above statements, offering to speak in a closed meeting format.

“AI suggest that the National Assembly organize a closed-format discussion on the war and post-war events of 2020, involving in the discussion key political and military positions held during that period, as well as political and public figures who have the appropriate permission to deal with data containing state and official secrets, and the relatives of dead and missing servicemen.

It is time to face the reality and explode all the lies and unnecessary speculations that are being circulated. I am ready to present a detailed and multi-faceted argued analysis regarding the armed forces.” stated in the general’s statement.

Here the question arises: what did the former head of the State Security Service not say during his two-day and nearly 10-hour interrogation at the 44-day investigative commission? 168.amthe wrotethat the written analysis of Onik Gasparyan, the former chief of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia, was attached as an appendix to the report of the investigative commission headed by Andranik Kocharyan, on 70-80 pages. And although the parliamentary opposition did not participate in the work of the committee, opposition MPs (Gegham Manukyan, Tigran Abrahamyan) got acquainted with the report and the argued analysis of Onik Gasparyan. The political leadership, the people who held various positions during the war also know everything, either through participation in the work of the commission, or through the initiated criminal cases. Maybe the former head of the General Directorate of Internal Affairs thinks that the government representatives or circles can he gather opposition deputies to the same table this time so that they ask questions and say what he hasn’t said yet?

Bitter experience has taught nothing? Onik Gasparyan 5 years ago these days suggested to create a commission to study the circumstances of the 44-day war, although before that he called Nikol Pashinyan a “moral liar”. Referring to our sources, we wrote that the general’s hope was that the opposition deputies would participate in the work of that committee, but the parliamentary opposition made a political decision not to participate in that farce. And at the same time, in April 2021, Onik Gasparyan was also in a remote debate with the Security Council, because during the session held on the 4th day of the war, out-of-context parts of his speech were declassified, so demanded Publish his and the RA President’s speech at the September 30, 2020 session in full.

Moreover, 168.amwith in the conversation emphasized. “I am sure that even if they publish it, it will be edited. The truth can be revealed only in case of a change of power.”

And now, when the political opposition figures, the relatives of missing and dead soldiers, the public, military specialists demand the current authorities to publish the 44-day report, Onik Gasparyan again offers a closed discussion with those who are already aware of everything.

On the other hand, his proposal can be used by the authorities, call the relatives of the missing persons, who initially participated in the work of the investigative commission, to the discussion, and silence the demand to make the report public. Why does the former head of the General Directorate of Internal Affairs himself not want that report to be made public?

Or why Onik Gasparyan has not yet responded to those statements, which, as we mentioned, are not being made for the first time.

Why did the general, who was the head of the General Staff during the 44-day war, not respond to the claims about his responsibility in the context of the well-known counterattack operation? Nikol Pashinyan in June 2023 during an open questioning in the investigative commission about the failure of that operation had placed the responsibility on himself, although this issue is within the framework of the Onik Gasparyan-Jalal Harutyunyan tandem.

Why did Onik Gasparyan not respond to Andranik Kocharyan’s declassified statement during the questioning of the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Davit Tonoyan, that he allegedly expressed regret on the occasion of the decision to reduce the military units of the First Army Corps, which is the main reserve of the RA Armed Forces, at the expense of which, according to Tonoyan and the former head of the Defense Ministry Artak Davtyan, special purpose units were created? After all, Onik Gasparyan has been the deputy head of the General Staff since 2017, and the 1st Army Corps of the RA Armed Forces also held the rear of the 9th Defense District of Artsakh.

Why doesn’t the former head of the State Security Service publicly say when the “preparation number one” order was issued, why wasn’t it issued from the very beginning, who didn’t allow it?

Why doesn’t Onik Gasparyan say what it is according to Nikol Pashinyan’s order after November 7, 2020? be undertaken Actions to take Shushi back, for the failure of which Pashinyan said that he would have to answer in court: “Onik Gasparyan will still answer for Shushi”.

These are questions, accusations that have been made publicly, does Onik Gasparyan not find any answer to them that should be published? We are still not talking about the shameful plan of using “Iskander”, according to Andranik Kocharyan, the claims about which were again made public, and if in this case some data can pass under the state or military secret, then the other questions can be answered publicly.

By the way, it wouldn’t hurt to talk about the proposal to stop the war on the 4th day, purely militarily, as a result of which it matured, especially when Nikol Pashinyan did not deny that there was such a proposal at first, then during the disagreement between Onik Gasparyan and the Council of Ministers, he backtracked on his non-denial, and in his press conference in May 2024, Pashinyan made a similar hint. did.

“There is one episode that I haven’t talked about in its entirety, including because the image isn’t complete for me. It’s on the 7th day (Onik Gasparyan proposed to stop the war at the session of the Council of Ministers on the 4th day of the 44-day war. – M.P.) that famous talk about ending the war, what it was about, what it meant, where it came from and where it was going, for what purpose.”

So, in some cases, the leadership during the 44-day period should also be a pro-aggressor, not always in the best case, in the role of the defendant, sometimes the national interest demands just that, why not also their own interest, then it will be difficult to defend, especially when the defenders are not many or situational.

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168: Iran is buying Wa Bank. According to Tripp, Iran also has leverage. Abb

April 20, 2026

“Iran will hit the places where, according to Tehran, the threat to the Islamic Republic is concentrated,” he said today. 168TVof “diplomat” he mentioned on the air of the program Russian journalist, political commentator Abbas Juman: referring to the war against Iran and its consequences in the South Caucasus.

Abbas Juma believes that it is difficult to predict the course of the war and negotiations at the moment, because either the resumption of the hot phase of the war or the negotiation process is possible, although every statement of the US President Trump pushes the parties away from the negotiations.

Speaking from the South Caucasus, the Russian political commentator said that the war is changing Iran’s approaches, they are becoming tougher. According to him, if the war continues, if it unfolds, there is a great risk of involving other players in the war.

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“The close cooperation between Azerbaijan and Israel is not a secret for anyone, Israel’s role in the Karabakh conflict is not a secret for anyone, the fact that Iran’s opponents bet on Azerbaijan is a fact. It is a fact that Azerbaijani territories are being used for spying on Iran, for carrying out sabotage, and for intelligence purposes. It is also a fact that Iranians know this well. It’s no secret that Iranians are suspicious of official Baku. The combination of these facts allows us to assume that, yes, at a certain stage, Azerbaijan can become, if not a player, then a platform, and a certain punishment. bear for it, because the Iranians will not ask questions, ask, tolerate, that stage has passed. The Iranians will strike if they think there is a threat from the territory of Azerbaijan,” Juma expressed a similar opinion, continuing to note that Aliyev is still able to balance and shows caution, just like his elder brother in Ankara.

Juma noted that Tehran is extremely worried about the fact that Yerevan is deepening relations with the EU and the USA. According to him, Iran has the right to worry about that fact, because Iran is at war. Juma believes that today Iran is at war and has the right to consider projects like “Trump Road” as a component of aggression. “What does Trump’s path mean, what about Iran, what about access to Armenia, and what if it is a dual purpose route?” Maybe it’s not just about trade. And, according to you, how should Iran, which is already at war and showing its strength, respond?

Abbas Juma stated that he is not trying to predict, threaten, but, in his opinion, the deeper the relations between the enemies of Yerevan and Iran, the more questions Iran will have to Yerevan. “And when I say that Iran’s relations and approaches to its neighbors will be reviewed, it also applies to Armenia. In this situation, how will Armenia balance, frankly speaking, it is not very clear, because Iran has the right to be wary of TRIPP, everything that concerns the relations between Yerevan and Washington, Yerevan and Paris,” said the analyst.

What leverages does Iran have in this matter, Abbas Juma said that Iran has, including power leverage. “Iran is going to the bank, one could have said something before the war, and as long as Iran is in the form it is today, feeling the weight of the war, realizing that it is pointless to talk to these people, it will hit the places where, according to Tehran, the threat to the Islamic Republic is concentrated. How the current government will interpret TRIPP is hard to say. However, if RA disregards Iran’s basic principles, if there is a threat to Iran’s national security, if Iran perceives it that way, then Iranians will not sit idly by,” Juma said.

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RFE/RL – Thomas De Waal: Iran War Could Complicate Trump’s Caucasus Corridor P

April 20, 2026 09:29 CET
Framed as a breakthrough after decades of conflict, a Trump-backed railway project would link Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave through Armenia as part of the broader Middle Corridor connecting Asia and Europe. (file photo)

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian recently announced that the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) had entered its implementation phase.

Framed as a potential breakthrough after decades of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the project aims to link Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave via Armenian territory, while positioning the route as part of the broader Middle Corridor connecting Asia to Europe.

But the timing may prove challenging.

The ongoing US–Israel with Iran war risks undercutting Washington’s ability to follow through on the ground.

Thomas de Waal of Carnegie Europe told RFE/RL that deploying US personnel near the Iranian border for studies, security, or oversight will be difficult as long as the conflict continues, raising early questions about how quickly the project can move beyond announcements.

RFE/RL: Given the current geopolitical climate, what could realistically slow or derail TRIPP’s implementation in the near term?

Thomas De Waal: There was good energy behind TRIPP in the first phase, with the Americans pushing it. Then there was the important agreement in Washington in January, followed by JD Vance’s visit to the region, strengthening bilateral relations with both countries. So now we’re down to the implementation phase, and I think the major obstacles have largely been removed.

The ambition is to get the railway finished, or mostly completed, before the end of Trump’s second term in 2028. There is clearly a political ambition to do that.

Unfortunately, the war in Iran is already complicating things for two reasons. First, it will be difficult to have Americans on the ground near the Iranian border — doing studies or overseeing the work. That’s simply too dangerous as long as there is a conflict with Iran.

Second, they want private money to contribute to TRIPP. There is an initial American contribution of about $400 million, but to get more done, they need private investment. It will be harder to attract investors to a project that is literally just across the river from Iran.

A lot depends on how the conflict with Iran goes, and the longer it goes on the more other people who have competing ideas…. We’ve seen the beginnings of some kind of reconciliation between Baku and Moscow in the last week, which I think is not a coincidence, and obviously Georgia is still the default transit route. And maybe it’s also not a coincidence that [Azerbaijani President Ilham] Aliyev recently visited Georgia.

RFE/RL: Iran has opposed TRIPP from the start. In practical terms, what can Tehran actually do to obstruct the project, and has the ongoing war changed its leverage or willingness to act?

If TRIPP happens, Russia will want to use it and cooperate with the Americans. [..] If there are problems, Russia can say: ” You can rely on us, we have better relations with Iran. So Russia is exploring all options.

De Waal: We saw the impact that just a few rockets near Nakhchivan airport had on the region. You only need one or two missiles to create an impression of danger, and that already causes problems.

There are many scenarios in Iran: continuing conflict with the United States, or continuing a hard-line regime, or instability, even internal unrest. All of those scenarios will make people more worried about TRIPP.

RFE/RL: How about Russia? Where does Russia stand on TRIPP right now?

De Waal: Russia is looking at each moment and trying to get the best out of it. If TRIPP happens, Russia will want to use it and cooperate with the Americans. I’m sure they’ve been discussing that.

If there are problems, Russia can say: ” You can rely on us, we have better relations with Iran.” So Russia is exploring all options.

RFE/RL: There are reports that US attention is shifting away from TRIPP as it is busy with Iran. Do you think the US commitment to the project is weakening?

De Waal: No, I don’t see that. This agreement is very important to the Trump administration and personally to Donald Trump. It carries his name, so it carries prestige. There is a strong American incentive to make it work.

RFE/RL: What about funding? Is there a risk that TRIPP becomes underfunded?

De Waal: The railway across southern Armenia from Syunik to Nakhchivan is just 42 kilometers. The money can be found for that from different actors: regional players like Azerbaijan and Turkey, the Gulf states, the US, the EU, and international banks.

Thomas de Waal (file photo)

Where it’s more problematic is other projects outside TRIPP. For example, the Kars-Dilucu railway could cost around $2.5 billion, and that may rise because of the mountainous terrain and tunnels required. So there are question marks there, but for the TRIPP railway itself I’m quite confident funding can be found.

RFE/RL: Armenia is due to hold parliamentary elections on June 7, with Pashinian seeking reelection after years of tension with Moscow and domestic criticism over Nagorno-Karabakh. Is the West doing enough to counter reported Russian influence ahead of Armenia’s elections?

De Waal: I think the West is doing enough. Much of the work is happening behind the scenes, including security support from France and the United States physically protecting Pashinian from possible danger.

I don’t see Russian efforts in Armenia as very successful. To be effective, they need a strong opposition to work with, and that doesn’t really exist.

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Bypassing The Kremlin: Armenia And Azerbaijan Expand Trade, Testing Russia’s Grip

There’s also an interesting question for Azerbaijan: whether it prefers a strong Armenian leadership. Some say yes; others worry a stronger Pashinian would be more independent and closer to the West and create a problem for us.

But overall, I would be surprised if Pashinian does not win a solid victory.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
  • Ulviyya Asadzade

    Ulviyya Asadzade works as a journalist in RFE/RL’s Central Newsroom. Prior to this role, she spent nearly two decades with RFE/RL’s Azerbaijani Service, where she reported extensively on corruption, human rights, and the geopolitics of the South Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Iran. In addition to her work with RFE/RL, Asadzade has contributed to Eurasianet.org, The Bulletin, and Caucasus Edition, covering regional politics and cross-border issues.



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RFE/RL – Pashinian Raises More Questions About His ‘Divorce’

April 20, 2026
Armenia – Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and Anna Hakobian walk in Gyumri, April 19, 2026.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has exposed the presence of his former de facto wife in his official residence and made a joint public appearance with her less than two months after the announcement of their divorce dismissed by critics as a pre-election ploy.

Anna Hakobian supposedly moved out of the residence on February 27 right after unexpectedly announcing the break-up of their longtime marriage that had never been registered with a relevant state body or the Armenian Apostolic Church. Neither she nor Pashinian gave a clear reason for it.

Hakobian could be seen moving fast behind Pashinian in a nine-second video of himself filmed and posted by him on Facebook on Sunday. A few hours later, the couple made a point of strolling together and visiting a café in Gyumri ahead of a pre-election concert organized there by Armenia’s ruling political team. They made no public statements on their joint appearance which puzzled both their sympathizers and detractors.

The announcement of their divorce was met with suspicion and even ridicule from critics of the Armenian government, who questioned its authenticity. Some of them claimed that Pashinian is trying to score points with voters ahead of the June 7 parliamentary elections by distancing himself from Hakobian’s controversial activities and statements. Others speculated that he wants to end opposition claims that a charity run by Hakobian is breaching a law that bans politicians and individuals linked to them from engaging in benevolent activities in the run-up to elections.

Armenia’s Anti-Corruption Committee pledged to look into those claims earlier in February. The law-enforcement agency has since taken no action against the charity called My Step.

Hakobian, 48, is believed to have exerted a strong influence on Pashinian during his eight-year rule. Some observers have even regarded her as the premier’s closest political confidante.

In a barrage of social media posts, Hakobian resorted in May 2025 to personal insults to attack opposition activists, public figures and other citizens in response to what she called slanderous claims made about her family. She made clear that her use of words like “idiot” and “louse” is part of her government-funded campaign purportedly aimed at helping Armenians become more educated.

Hakobian toured towns and villages across Armenia last spring and summer as part of the “Getting Educated Is Fashionable” campaign launched in late 2024. Pashinian spoke during some of those meetings attended by many local government officials and other public sector employees.

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Armenia’s Ruling Party Stands By EU Membership Pledge

April 20, 2026

Belgium – European Union flags flutter outside the European Commission headquarters in Brussels, February 26, 2026.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and his Civil Contract party have made clear that despite Russia’s warnings, they will continue to pursue Armenia’s eventual membership in the European Union if they win the upcoming parliamentary elections.

Civil Contract pledged to implement relevant “reforms” in its election manifesto reflecting Pashinian’s statements on the subject.

“Once Armenia meets those [EU] standards, EU membership will become a political decision and will depend on whether the EU is ready to accept Armenia,” says the document. “If it is, Armenia will apply to become a full member of the EU. If not, the implementation of the above-mentioned reforms will be a strategic achievement for Armenia as Armenia will have become a country fully compliant with European standards.”

Pashinian’s government enacted last year a law calling for the “start of a process of Armenia’s accession to the European Union.” Moscow has since repeatedly warned that this is “not compatible” with Armenia’s continued membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), a Russian-led trade bloc that gives Armenian exporters tariff-free access to Russia’s vast market.

Putin publicly repeated those warnings when he met with Pashinian at the Kremlin on April 1. He noted that Russia remains Armenia’s most important trading partner and supplies natural gas to the South Caucasus state at a significant discount.

“As you know, energy prices, gas prices in Europe, for example, are currently skyrocketing to over $600 per thousand cubic meters,” Putin told Pashinian. “Russia sells gas to Armenia for $177.5 per thousand cubic meters. The difference is significant.”

That was widely construed as an implicit threat to strip Armenia of economic benefits vital for its economy. Parliament speaker Alen Simonian, responded by saying that Yerevan will leave the EEU if Moscow raises the gas price or imposes other economic sanctions on it.

However, Pashinian and his political allies, including Simonian, downplayed the Russian-Armenian tensions in the following weeks. The Civil Contract manifesto emphasizes that Armenia would remain an EEU member as long as possible.

According to Armenian government data, Russia accounted for 35.8 percent of Armenia’s foreign trade last year, followed by China (12.3 percent) and the European Union (11.7 percent). Its share has increased significantly during Pashinian’s eight-year rule.

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Armenian Speaker Rebukes Turkey For Dragging Feet Over Border

April 20, 2026


Armenia – A view of the Armenian-Turkish border from the Khor Virap monastery, June 7, 2025.

Turkey has taken no further steps to normalize relations with Armenia even after last August’s initialing of an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty, parliament speaker Alen Simonian complained over the weekend.

“Armenia is ready to open the [Turkish-Armenian] border, but Turkey is not taking any new steps,” Simonian told reporters at the end of a visit to Istanbul during which he attended a session of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.

“At first, they said that the border will not open until the Nagorno-Karabakh issue is resolved,” he said, according to the Turkish-Armenian newspaper Agos. “Then they said that the Karabakh issue is resolved. Then they brought up the Armenian-Azerbaijani peace agreement. We negotiated, agreed on 17 points, initialed it, shook hands, but nothing happened after that.”

Turkish media reported late last year that Ankara is finally preparing to open the border for Armenian and Turkish diplomatic passport holders as well as citizens of third countries in line with a 2022 agreement with Yerevan. They said that this will likely happen in March, ahead of Armenia’s parliamentary elections slated for June.

Armenian analysts suggested that Ankara will thus hope to boost Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s reelection chances. Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan mentioned the Armenian polls and praised Pashinian in that context in January. Armenian opposition leaders decried what they called Fidan’s endorsement of Pashinian.

In a sign of Yerevan’s frustration with the Turks, Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan skipped last week an annual diplomatic forum in the Turkish city of Antalya. Mirzoyan had attended the four previous conferences held there.

Simonian, who held bilateral meetings with his Turkish and Azerbaijani counterparts in Istanbul, blamed Azerbaijan for the Turkish side’s continuing reluctance to implement the 2022 agreement.

“On the one hand, Azerbaijan negotiates with us,” he said. “On the other, it does not allow Turkey to negotiate with us. This is a strange situation. Turkey has become a prisoner of these relations [with Azerbaijan.]”

Successive Turkish governments have for decades made the normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations conditional on a resolution of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict acceptable to Baku.

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RFE/RL – More Karapetian Supporters Rounded Up Ahead Of Elections

April 20, 2026

Armenia – Police officers are seen ahead of a rally staged by Samvel Karapetian’s Strong Armenia party in Yerevan, April 11, 2026.

Law-enforcement authorities detained 22 more supporters of billionaire Samvel Karapetian on Monday in a continuing crackdown on his opposition movement seen as the ruling Civil Contract party’s main challenger in Armenia’s upcoming parliamentary elections.

Police took them in for questioning after searching their homes in the northern town of Stepanavan and two nearby villages. They all were understood to be released without charge several hours later.

The detainees included Mher Gevorgian, a former mayor of the village of Gyulagarak, and Vruyr Ayvazian, a local council member running for the parliament on the ticket of Karapetian’s Strong Armenia party. The Investigative Committee said they were rounded up on suspicion of attending or having others attend rallies for money or under duress. Ayvazian said law-enforcement officers confiscated his two home computers as well as his wife’s and mother’s mobile phones.

“I didn’t coerce anyone to do anything, including participating in a rally,” Ayvazian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service.

In his words, he was specifically questioned in connection with Friday’s protest staged by Strong Armenia outside a court in Yerevan. Hundreds of its supporters rallied there during Karapetian’s unfolding trial to demand the tycoon’s release from house arrest. Some of them jostled with riot police at one point. At least 17 protesters were detained as a result.

Armenia – Supporters of Samvel Karapetian scuffle with riot police, Yerevan, April 17, 2026.

In an extraordinary development, the Investigative Committee charged them with hooliganism and obstruction of the police’s work. Judges did not allow the law-enforcement agency to hold any of them detention, however. Three of the arrested protesters were placed under house arrest while the others were set free.

Senior Strong Armenian members insisted on Monday that the accusations are baseless. One of them, Edgar Ghazarian, said that the arrests of these and other Karapetian supporters are designed to prevent their involvement in unfolding election campaign.

Fourteen such citizens living in the southern town of Artashat were arrested on Thursday on charges of handing out or receiving vote bribes. Karapetian’s party denies the accusations that fueled more speculation about its possible disqualification from the June 7 ballot.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian was accused by critics of planning to secure an election victory through fraud or foul play when it emerged in December that his administration requested election-related assistance from the European Union. The EU foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, revealed that Yerevan is seeking the kind of “help to fight foreign malign interference” which the EU provided to Moldova ahead of parliamentary elections held there in September 2025. Two Moldovan opposition parties deemed pro-Russian were barred from participating in the elections won by the country’s pro-Western leadership.

Karapetian, 60, has mostly lived in Russia since the early 1990s and has a dual Russian nationality. Pashinian’s political allies have accused the tycoon of plotting to topple the Armenian government on the Kremlin’s orders ever since he entered politics following his controversial arrest last June.



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Netanyahu condemned the vandalism of an Israeli soldier in Lebanon

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has strongly condemned the destruction of a statue of Jesus Christ by an Israeli soldier in southern Lebanon, while the army leadership has launched a criminal investigation into the incident amid ongoing large-scale military operations.


The incident was recorded in the Lebanese village of Debel, where the soldier hit the Christian shrine with a hammer. The Israel Defense Forces responded promptly, declaring that such behavior radically contradicts military values. Noting that the vast majority of Israelis are shocked by what happened, Prime Minister Netanyahu promised to take tough measures.


“I strongly condemn this act,” the head of the government emphasized, adding that the culprit will be severely punished based on the results of the investigation. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country, Saar, described the incident as a shame and officially apologized to the Christians whose religious feelings were offended. As a gesture of goodwill, the Israeli military has expressed its willingness to assist the local community in restoring the statue and placing it in its original location.


The scandal surrounding the religious statue takes place in the context of intense fighting in Lebanon. The military operations, which started on March 2, immediately after the joint strikes of the USA and Israel in the direction of Iran, have already killed more than 2,000 people in Lebanon. The Israeli side claims that the aim of the current military operation is the disarmament and disarmament of the armed groups against which the state has been waging an armed struggle since 2023, parallel to the ongoing military campaign in the Gaza Strip.

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