Friday, December 1, 2023
Pashinian’s Party Seeks To Oust Another Opposition Mayor
• Karine Simonian
Armenia - A view of the town of Alaverdi, May 20, 2022
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s Civil Contract party has moved to oust the
mayor of a major community in Armenia’s northern Lori province affiliated with
an opposition group.
Civil Contract lost control of the community comprising the formerly industrial
town of Alaverdi and over two dozen smaller towns and villages as a result of
local elections held in September 2022. It fell short of an overall majority in
the local council empowered to appoint the community head.
The opposition Aprelu Yerkir party secured such a majority and installed its
member Arkadi Tamazian as mayor after teaming up with former President Levon
Ter-Petrosian’s Armenian National Congress (HAK) party. The HAK won only one
seat in the council.
One of the council members representing Aprelu Yerkir, Simon Zakharov,
unexpectedly defected from the party in July, putting Tamazian’s position at
serious risk. Zakharov denied media reports that he was co-opted by his
pro-government colleagues.
But he did back earlier this week a Civil Contract bid to replace Tamazian
through a vote of no confidence. Zakharov’s defection gave Pashinian’s party
enough votes to do that.
Under Armenia law, local councils cannot discuss and vote on motions of censure
more than once a year. Aprelu Yerkir tried to take advantage of this provision
in October, initiating a vote of no confidence in Tamazian which its councilors
never planned to back. Civil Contract representatives say the initiative is null
and void because the local council did not make a quorum needed for a formal
debate on it.
Armenia - Arkadi Tamazian, May 20, 2022.
Tamazian on Friday denied that and said it is the ruling party’s motion that is
illegal. He said he will therefore not convene a special session of the council
demanded by its pro-government members keen to unseat him.
“Let them challenge my decision in court,” the Alaverdi mayor told RFE/RL’s
Armenian Service.
Tamazian said later in the day that he has asked the Armenian government to
disband the local council and call a snap election in the community. The law
allows but does not require the government to do so.
Civil Contract’s local leader, Davit Ghumashian, dismissed the request. He said
the Alaverdi council will meet early next week to remove Tamazian and elect him
as new mayor.
“Our initiative is absolutely legal,” added Ghumashian.
Ghumashian is a former member of former President Serzh Sarkisian’s Republican
Party of Armenia (HHK). He was elected mayor of a village close to Alaverdi on
the HHK ticket in 2017 a year before Pashinian toppled Sarkisian and swept to
power. Ghumashian pledged allegiance to Pashinian’s team shortly after the
“velvet revolution.”
Tamazian on Thursday effectively accused the ruling party of engineering
Zakharov's defection. The mayor labeled the defector as a “rat” motivated by
“personal interests.”
Armenia -A session of the local council in Akhurian, July 19, 2023.
Two similar defections allowed Pashinian’s party to replace the opposition head
of another community in July. The community consists of the northwestern town of
Akhurian and surrounding villages. Civil Contract failed to prevail in local
elections also held in September 2022.
Commenting on the looming political crisis in Alaverdi, an Armenian opposition
parliamentarian, Garnik Danielian, accused Pashinian’s political team of
continuing to trample of on the will of voters. “This is an undemocratic and
despicable practice,” he charged in a Facebook post.
The Armenian government already faced such accusations in the wake of local
polls held across the country in 2022 and 2021. Civil Contract was defeated in
key urban communities, notably Vanadzor, Armenia’s third largest city. Some of
those ballots were won by jailed or indicted figures at odds with the
government. One of them was set free right after deciding not to become a town
mayor.
In Vanadzor, the leader of an opposition bloc, Mamikon Aslanian, was arrested in
December 2021 just days after winning the municipal ballot. Aslanian remains in
detention, standing trial on corruption charges rejected by him as politically
motivated.
Armenia, Azerbaijan Trade More Barbs Over Peace Treaty
• Ruzanna Stepanian
North Macedonia - The foreign ministers of OSCE member states meet in Skopje,
.
Armenia and Azerbaijan have accused each other of dragging feet on a bilateral
peace treaty sought by the international community.
The foreign ministers of the two South Caucasus countries traded the accusations
on Thursday when they addressed an annual meeting of the top diplomats of OSCE
member states held in North Macedonia’s capital Skopje. The two men avoided
holding talks on the sidelines of the ministerial conference.
Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan again condemned the recent Azerbaijani
offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh that restored Baku’s control over the region and
forced its practically entire population to flee to Armenia.
“With the tacit consent of the international community, Azerbaijan has achieved
its long-standing goal: to get the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh without its
Armenian population,” Mirzoyan declared in his speech.
“Now the entire sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia has become the
target of our neighbor,” he went on. “This, coupled with continuous hatred,
military rhetoric, use of force and threats of use of force, refusal to come to
meetings organized by various international actors, including the U.S. and the
EU, demonstrates that this country [Azerbaijan] is not sincerely interested in
peace and stability in our region.”
North Macedonia - U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Armenia's Foreign
Minister Ararat Mirzoyan meet in Skopje, November 29, 2023.
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev twice cancelled EU-mediated talks with
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian planned for October. Azerbaijani Foreign
Minister Jeyhun Bayramov similarly withdrew from a November 20 meeting with
Mirzoyan that was due to take place in Washington. Baku accused the Western
powers of pro-Armenian bias and proposed direct negotiations with Yerevan.
Bayramov reiterated that offer and complained about “biased and one-sided
actions” of unnamed third parties in his speech at the Skopje conference. He
claimed that Yerevan itself is dragging out talks on the Armenian-Azerbaijani
peace treaty.
“The continuation of geopolitical intrigues organized by some actors is
counterproductive and only serves to drag out the peace process,” added Bayramov.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken telephoned Aliyev and Pashinian on Monday
to discuss ways of kick-starting the process. No dates for fresh
Armenian-Azerbaijani talks were announced as a result. Blinken met with Mirzoyan
at Skopje on Wednesday.
Armenian officials suggested earlier that Aliyev is reluctant to sign a peace
deal that would preclude Azerbaijani territorial claims to Armenia. Azerbaijan’s
September 19-20 offensive in Karabakh raised more fears in Yerevan that it may
also invade Armenia to open a land corridor to the Nakhichevan exclave.
Court Orders Release Of Prominent Armenian General
Armenia - Grigori Khachaturov attends an award ceremony in the presidential
palace in Yerevan, September 20, 2019.
An Armenian appeals court ordered on Friday the conditional release of a
prominent military general who demanded Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s
resignation in 2021.
Major-General Grigori Khachaturov was arrested in March this year on charges of
money laundering strongly denied by him. A court of first instance allowed
prosecutors last month to again extend his pre-trial detention.
Khachaturov’s lawyers challenged that decision in the Anti-Corruption Court of
Appeals. The latter agreed to grant him bail. At the same time, it placed the
general under so-called “administrative control” involving restrictions on his
freedom of movement and communication. The court did not immediately specify the
extent of those restrictions.
Khachaturov is the former commander of the Armenian army’s Third Corps mostly
stationed in northern Tavush province bordering Azerbaijan. He received a major
military award and was promoted to the rank of major-general after leading a
successful military operation on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border in July 2020,
less than three months before the outbreak of the six-week war in
Nagorno-Karabakh.
Khachaturov was among four dozen high-ranking military officers who accused
Pashinian’s government of incompetence and misrule and demanded its resignation
in February 2021. The unprecedented demand was welcomed by the Armenian
opposition but condemned as a coup attempt by Pashinian.
In a separate statement issued in March 2021, Khachaturov said “every day and
hour” of Pashinian’s rule “erodes” Armenia’s national security. He was fired a
few months later.
The charges leveled against the general stem from a controversial criminal case
opened against Seyran Ohanian, a former defense minister who now leads the
parliamentary group of the main opposition Hayastan alliance.
Ohanian was charged in February with illegally allowing the privatization of
properties that belonged to the Armenian Defense Ministry. He rejected the
accusations as politically motivated.
The National Security Service (NSS) claimed at the time that Khachaturov “de
facto” acquired one of those properties at a knockdown price and used it for
obtaining a bank loan worth 18 million drams ($45,000). One of his lawyers
dismissed the claim as “laughable.”
Khachaturov’s father Yuri was the chief of the Armenian army’s General Staff
from 2008-2016. He served as secretary general of the Russian-led Collective
Security Treaty Organization when the current Armenian authorities indicted him
as well as Ohanian and former President Robert Kocharian in 2018 over their
alleged role in a 2008 post-election unrest in Yerevan. Armenia’s Constitutional
Court declared coup charges brought against them unconstitutional in 2021.
Yuri Khachaturov and his second son Igor actively participated in last year’s
antigovernment protests staged by the country’s main opposition forces.
First Armenian-Made Satellite Launched Into Space
Armenia - Government officials, scientists and reporters watch a live broadcast
of the launch of a first Armenian-made satellite into space, Yerevan, December
1, 2023.
A first-ever satellite designed and manufactured by Armenian scientists was
launched into space on Friday.
The Hayasat-1 satellite was carried by a SpaceX rocket that blasted off from
Vandenberg Space Force Base in California.
The high-tech device shaped like a 10-centimeter cube was jointly developed by
the Yerevan-based Bazoomq Space Research Laboratory and the Armenian Center for
Scientific Innovation and Education. Their nascent space program was formally
licensed by the Armenian Ministry of High-Technology less than three months ago.
High-Technology Minister Robert Khachatrian pledged continued government support
for the program when he spoke after the successful launch of Hayasat-1. He
called it a “very remarkable and heartening” development.
Bazoomq’s co-founder and executive director, Avetik Grigorian, spoke of the
“resumption” of Armenia’s space-related activities, alluding to Armenian
scientists’ past contributions to Soviet space programs. Hayasat-1 is “only the
first step” in that endeavor, he said.
“We need to have our own capacity to develop satellites, launch them and give
them the functions and tasks we want because otherwise we would be dependent on
big powers that may and may not be willing to support us,” argued Grigorian.
Armenia - The Hayasat-1 satellite.
SpaceX launched Armenia’s first satellite into space in May 2022. The Armenian
government reportedly purchased the ArmSat-1 satellite from Satlantis, a Spanish
company that specializes in the production of small satellites and cameras for
them. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian said at the time that it will be used for a
wide range of purposes, including border control, natural disaster management
and geology.
The government pledged to open a satellite operations center in the country
before the end of 2022. However, the construction of the facility appears to
have fallen behind schedule.
Armenia’s arch-foe Azerbaijan launched its first communication and observation
satellite into space in 2013. The Azerbaijani army reportedly used satellite
images for its offensive military operations carried out during the 2020 war in
Nagorno-Karabakh.
Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
Category: 2023
The Beauty of Kim Kardashian’s Armenian-American Heritag
Gillett News
Nov 29 2023
In a world where cultural diversity is celebrated, Kim Kardashian stands as a prominent figure whose ethnic background is intriguing to many. The renowned reality TV star and businesswoman has a distinct appearance that sparks curiosity about her heritage. So, what is Kim Kardashian’s ethnicity?
Kim Kardashian is proudly Armenian-American. Her father, Robert Kardashian, hailed from an Armenian-American background, while her mother, Kris Jenner, has ancestry rooted in Dutch, English, Irish, and Scottish origins. This fascinating fusion of ethnic backgrounds has played a pivotal role in shaping Kim’s unique identity and physical features.
Armenia, the country from which Kim’s paternal ancestors originate, boasts a rich and vibrant culture that extends back thousands of years. Nestled in the South Caucasus region of Eurasia, Armenia has been influenced by nearby countries like Turkey, Iran, and Georgia, resulting in a kaleidoscope of traditions, cuisine, and language within its society.
FAQ:
Q: What is the meaning of “ethnicity”?
A: Ethnicity encompasses a person’s cultural background, including their customs, traditions, language, and heritage. It signifies a shared set of characteristics among a group of individuals, often based on factors such as nationality or ancestry.
Q: Are there other notable celebrities of Armenian descent?
A: Absolutely! In addition to Kim Kardashian, there are several other incredibly talented individuals of Armenian heritage who have left a significant impact on the world stage. Some examples include the beloved singer Cher, Serj Tankian – the iconic lead singer of System of a Down, and the legendary former professional tennis player Andre Agassi.
Q: Does Kim Kardashian embrace her Armenian heritage?
A: Yes, Kim Kardashian takes great pride in her Armenian roots. She has made multiple visits to Armenia, advocating for the recognition of the Armenian Genocide and raising awareness about her ancestral heritage. Notably, Kim even named her daughter “North West” as a tribute to her Armenian background.
In essence, Kim Kardashian’s Armenian-American ethnicity has not only shaped her physical appearance but also contributed to her remarkable journey in the entertainment industry. Through embracing her heritage, she has become an inspirational figure, encouraging individuals worldwide to celebrate and cherish their own cultural backgrounds.
https://gillettnews.com/news/the-beauty-of-kim-kardashians-armenian-american-heritage/266926/
The Kardashian Family: Embracing Their Armenian Heritage
Gillett News
Nov 29 2023
In the realm of reality television and popular culture, the Kardashian family has risen to prominence. Known for their opulent lifestyles, business endeavors, and controversial relationships, the Kardashians have enraptured audiences across the globe. Yet, beneath the glitz and glamour lies a lesser-known fact—the Kardashians have deep Armenian roots. Let’s explore the significance of their Armenian heritage and the profound impact it has had on their lives.
Armenian Heritage:
The Kardashians’ Armenian lineage stems from their father, Robert Kardashian. Born in Los Angeles, California, he was raised by parents who immigrated from Armenia. The roots of their Armenian heritage can be traced back to the historical region of Armenia, situated in the South Caucasus region of Eurasia.
Armenian Genocide:
The Kardashians’ connection to Armenia is intimately intertwined with the tragic narrative of the Armenian Genocide. This atrocity refers to the systematic extermination of the Armenian population by the Ottoman Empire during World War I. Shockingly, it is estimated that more than 1.5 million Armenians perished during this horrific event. Rather than shying away from their heritage, the Kardashian family has been unwavering in their support for recognizing the Armenian Genocide, using their platform to raise awareness of this historical tragedy.
Armenian Culture and Traditions:
Though they were born and raised in the United States, the Kardashians have enthusiastically embraced their Armenian heritage, actively participating in Armenian cultural events and traditions. Their multiple visits to Armenia have fostered a deep connection with their ancestral homeland, enabling them to engage with the local community. Furthermore, the family has extensively contributed to philanthropic endeavors, supporting various causes in Armenia.
FAQ:
Q: Are all the Kardashians of Armenian descent?
A: Yes, all the Kardashian siblings—Kourtney, Kim, Khloé, and Rob—are of Armenian descent through their father, Robert Kardashian.
Q: Do the Kardashians speak Armenian?
A: While the Kardashians may not be fluent in Armenian, they have exhibited an interest in learning the language and have actively sought to reconnect with their Armenian roots.
Q: How have the Kardashians contributed to Armenian causes?
A: The Kardashians have utilized their influential platform to shed light on the Armenian Genocide, thereby raising awareness. Additionally, they have wholeheartedly supported philanthropic initiatives in Armenia, including the construction of a children’s center in Gyumri.
In essence, the Kardashian family’s Armenian heritage serves as an integral facet of their identity. Through their resolute advocacy for Armenian causes and their enthusiastic embrace of Armenian culture, the Kardashians have emerged as esteemed ambassadors for their ancestral homeland. Their far-reaching influence has not only sparked discussions about the Armenian Genocide but has also played a pivotal role in spotlighting the rich history and cultural tapestry of Armenia.
Exploring the Rich Armenian Heritage of the Kardashians
Gillett News
Nov 29 2023
The Kardashians: Unraveling their Armenian Heritage
Gillett News
Nov 29 2023
Russia blocks Armenian goods over ‘sanitary concerns’
Nov 28 2023
28 November 2023
Russian customs have blocked the entry of a number of Armenian lorries for ‘violating sanitary measures’, as relations between the two countries continue to deteriorate.
An unknown number of lorries have been at the border between Georgia and Russia, since 23 November.
On Monday, Garnik Danielyan, an opposition MP from the Armenia faction, stated that several Armenian lorries have already returned to Armenia, while ‘about 200 others are waiting in line’.
A representative of Rose Field, a company that has lorries stuck at the border, told Hetq that Russia was barring the entry of the lorries because it ‘trying to oppress Armenia economically. The reason is that Armenia is changing its political trajectory.’
‘There has always been phytosanitary control, either formally or normally, but there was no such problem as the widespread banning of exports’, they added.
The lorries are believed to be carrying fruits, vegetables, flowers, and fish, some of Armenia’s main exports to Russia. According to Hetq, Armenian exports to Russia have dramatically increased since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, as Russia has sought to replace supplies previously coming from the West.
Russian customs officers reportedly told Rose Field that the order not to let the lorries through had ‘come from Moscow’.
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This week, Russian media reported that queues in Upper Lars had been getting longer because weather conditions had limited access to some roads. On Tuesday, Kommersant reported that up to 2,600 lorries were waiting at the border.
On Sunday, Armenia’s State Revenue Committee stated that it was holding ‘regular discussions […] to settle the situation’.
Once news broke of the Armenian lorries being denied entry into Russia, Armenian opposition groups shifted the blame on to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government for snubbing several high-level Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) meetings.
‘I think Russia is sending certain messages [to Yerevan]’, Artur Khachatryan, an opposition MP from the Armenia Alliance, told RFE/RL.
He added that Moscow was retaliating against Pashinian’s decision not to participate in the Minsk CSTO summit at the end of November.
[Read more: Lukashenka urges Armenia to ‘seriously consider’ not leaving the CSTO]
Armenia’s relations with Russia have been rapidly deteriorating since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020, with Yerevan seemingly pushing itself away from the Moscow-led CSTO and Commonwealth of Independent States in favour of closer ties with the West.
In addition to the Minsk summit that Pashinyan sat out in November, Armenia refused to host joint CSTO peacekeeping exercises and refused to take part in two other CSTO drills in autumn.
Yerevan also refused to send a representative to serve as the CSTO’s deputy secretary general in March.
Russia has frequently introduced restrictions of imports from neighbouring countries on ‘sanitary grounds’, including Armenia, during times of heightened tension.
In early October, as the Armenian Parliament prepared to ratify the International Criminal Court’s Rome Statute after the court issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin, Russia reportedly held 60 Armenian lorries for a week at the border.
In late October, after Pashinyan gave a speech at the European Parliament in which he criticised Armenia’s security allies, Russian MPs decided to postpone discussions of a draft law that would recognise Armenian driving licenses for the purpose of entrepreneurial and labour activities.
Eric Akis: Armenian orange cake a sweet treat for dinner parties
Nov 29 2023
A dense, orange-flavoured cake with a crisp base. Serve it with orange-flavoured whipped cream and garnishes.
My wife has been baking an Armenian-style orange cake for years and often does so when we are having guests for dinner. It’s a sweet treat that becomes a special occasion dessert when plated and adorned with its rich whipped cream topping.
Also, for years, I’ve been meaning to share the recipe for it in my column and have finally done that today. The original recipe for it appeared in a Best of Bridge cookbook. The cake we make is updated version of it with more detailed information on how to prepare it that has some substitutions, such as using walnuts in the cake instead of almonds.
It’s an interesting cake in that the buttery, orange-zest flavoured flour/brown sugar mixture you make for it is used in two ways. Half of it is spooned and pressed into a cake pan and used as a base for the cake, as one might for a cheesecake. The other half of it is blended with an egg, sour cream, baking soda and vanilla, creating a batter for the cake.
The batter is spooned over the base, topped with walnuts and the cake is baked until risen and rich golden. You can serve the cake warm or at room temperature. At this time of year, you can also seasonally garnish the cake, by, as I did, topping servings of it with such things as mandarin orange segments and pomegranate seeds.
Dense, orange-flavoured cake with a crisp base is served with orange-flavoured whipped cream and garnishes.
Preparation time: 45 minutes
Cooking time: 35 to 40 minutes
Makes: 10 servings
For the cake
• vegetable oil spray
2 cups all-purpose flour (see Note)
2 cups golden brown sugar (loosely packed)
• finely grated zest from 2 medium oranges
1/2 tsp ground allspice
1/4 tsp ground nutmeg
1/2 tsp salt
1/2 cup cool room temperature butter, cut into small cubes
1 large egg
1 (1 cup/250 mL) tub sour cream
1 tsp baking soda
1 tsp pure vanilla extract
1/2 cup walnut pieces, broken or chopped into smaller pieces if overly large
For the whipped cream topping and garnishes
1 (1 cup/237 mL) container whipping cream
2 Tbsp icing sugar
2 Tbsp orange juice or orange-flavoured liqueur, such as Triple Sec or Grand Marnier
1 tsp finely grated orange zest
• mandarin orange segments, pomegranate seeds and/or or mint sprigs, for garnish (optional)
To make the cake, cut a nine-inch circle of parchment paper and set it in the bottom of a nine-inch spring-form cake pan. Lightly coat the paper and the sides of the pan with oil spray. Set the pan aside for now.
Preheat oven to 350 F. Combine flour, brown sugar, zest from the two oranges, allspice, nutmeg and salt in a mixing bowl. Add the butter to the bowl. With your fingertips or a pastry cutter, work butter into the flour until thoroughly distributed and no small pieces are visible.
Place half of the flour/brown sugar mixture (about two cups) into the cake pan and gently press it into an even layer, creating a base for the cake.
Place the egg into a second mixing bowl and beat well. Add the sour cream, baking soda and vanilla and mix until well combined. Add this wet mixture to the remaining flour/brown sugar mixture in the mixing bowl and mix until a batter forms.
Spoon the batter into the cake pan and evenly spread it over the base. Set the pan in the middle of the oven and bake 35 to 40 minutes, or until cake springs back when gently touched in the centre.
Set cake on a baking rack and cool 30 minutes. Now, if needed, run a thin knife around edges of the pan to release the cake from it. Remove the cake pan’s outer ring. You can serve the cake warm, or let it cool to room temperature. If doing the latter, cover cake and leave at room temperature until ready to serve. It can be made up to day before serving,
To make whipped cream topping, pour cream into a mixing bowl, or bowl of your stand mixer, and whip until soft peaks form. Add icing sugar, juice (or liqueur), 1 tsp orange zest and beat until medium peaks form. Transfer to a serving bowl and cover and refrigerated until needed.
To serve, cut the cake into wedges and set on serving plates. Top each piece of cake with a dollop of whipped cream and garnish each serving with some mandarin orange segments, pomegranate seeds and/or mints sprigs
Note: If your flour has been sitting awhile and looks compacted, give it a good whisk to aerate it before measuring it.
Eric Akis is the author of eight cookbooks. His columns appear in the Life section Wednesday and Sunday.
https://www.timescolonist.com/life/food-and-drink/eric-akis-armenian-orange-cake-a-sweet-treat-for-dinner-parties-7894825
Azerbaijani Press: Speaker of the Armenian Parliament: There is no longer a Karabakh issue, we support the integrity of Azerbaijan
Azerbaijan – Nov 29 2023
The Karabakh issue no longer exists, Yerevan supports the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. This was stated by the Speaker of the Armenian Parliament, Alen Simonyan.
‘What does it mean, is the Karabakh issue resolved? What constitutes the resolution or non-resolution of the issue? The Republic of Armenia currently does not have such an issue. The Republic of Armenia fully supports the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, which includes Karabakh. We have said this repeatedly over the past year and a half,’ Alen Simonyan told journalists.
https://aze.media/speaker-of-the-armenian-parliament-there-is-no-longer-a-karabakh-issue-we-support-the-integrity-of-azerbaijan/
Exploring Armenian Wine
Forbes
Nov 29 2023
This ancient winemaking country was never on my radar. Was it because few of the wines have historically been available in the U.S. or because the bulk of indigenous wine grapes are not familiar to us in the U.S.? It certainly also doesn’t help that the country has been buffeted by war on many sides for much of its long wine-making history.
The wine grapes from the Caucasus, primarily Armenia and Georgia, never made the leap to Western Europe. As a result, most U.S. and European consumers don’t know much about them or how to pronounce them.
However, on my first trip to Armenia, I was impressed with the overall quality of the wines and the passion that local producers put into them. Sadly, very few of them are present on the U.S. market. Storica, the Boston-based importer who led this trip, is changing that up. As are international winemakers like Paul Hobbs, while collaborating on winemaking endeavors there; and the fact that the latest SOMM film, part of a series of four, is based on wine production in Armenia. The film was just released in the U.S. and I recently reviewed it.
This was also a particularly moving trip, which most wine country trips aren’t always, given the political situation in the country. Armenia has long had a tenuous relationship with neighboring Azerjaban and it is not getting any better. So, I felt that the producers really poured their heart and soul into hosting us there in more ways than one. I wonder how many American producers might have canceled tastings and winery visits if their homeland felt imperiled?
The Background
Anyone interested in understanding Armenia should look at the country’s deep history of winemaking. The Areni-1Cave, the oldest known winery dating from over 6,000 years ago shows evidence of wine consumption dating back to 6000 B.C. The country’s primary Christian population has also ensured that wine has long been made for use in the church and at home.
There is also a deep-seated tradition of home winemaking all around the country—much like you see in Italy or any southern European country—which is testament to how much countryfolk like crafting what they grow in their yards in into a great dinner pairing. This is something we observed in abundance on this trip, at places like Yeganyan’s Gastroyard, an interactive culinary center where visitors can make lavash bread and traditional sweets (and enjoy them with BBQ at dinner right afterwards).
The wine industry here is fueled by stalwarts who are reinventing the wheel, from within, and those who have come back from many years abroad. Vahe Keushguerian, the charming protagonist of SOMM4, vividly expresses why he headed home after years of living in Italy and the U.S. Paul Hobbs, the legendary California winemaker, who has put some new styles of Argentine Malbec on the map also became interested in producing wine this country in high-elevation vineyards with tons of sunshine. Hobbs has been making wine under the Yacoubian-Hobbs label since 2014 and he has been producing wine in Sonoma since the early 2000s.
The Background on Hobbs
Paul Hobbs is a well-known California winemaker, who has also had a long career swooping in and collaborating with producers in a number of countries including Argentina as well as Cahors in the South of France as well as his latest venture in Armenia with Yacoubian-Hobbs label over the past decade.
He chatted with me briefly about how his Armenian collaboration started. He notes that he was, “approached by two Armenian brothers living in Los Angeles who liked my California wines and knew of my history of helping to internationalize the Argentine wine industry. They convinced me they were serious about doing something significant to help elevate the image of the wines in their home country and they wanted my help,” he shares.
“Early events in my career had catapulted Armenia in my imagination. …When enough seemingly disparate things align it can feel like being called. That’s what got me there. Once there of course it comes down to just one thing—the terroir. If yes, you explore deeper. If not, you go home.” He adds, which makes a lot of sense to me, that he is also working with a number of well-known European varietals “to understand how that response to the terroir from this part of the world.”
The Basics
Armenia has long been cut off from the international wine-producing world as it was part of the Soviet Union until 1991. As the Soviets did, with other neighboring countries like Moldova, the Armenians were told to focus on “Cognac,” and other fortified wines. This clearly is not even Cognac as it is made outside the French region of the same name.
Areni is the country’s flagship red grape. What is more many vineyards here are phylloxera-free and have been planted on their own roots: which is something you don’t see much in Europe except for small regions like Colares in Portugal.
A few of my favorites tasted on this trip included Noa Arkuri Noah Of Areni 2022, which had lovely stone fruit notes and flowers. The rosé sparkler from Kuesh is delightfully over the top with a fragrant aroma and hints of berries on the palate. It’s made by Keushguerian. Van Ardi is another notable producer with a nice estate. The winery’s 2022 Kangun—an indigenous white grape—had rich stone fruit notes, good acidity and notes of citrus and apricot skin on the finish.
Some of these unique varietals are picking up traction in U.S. restaurants, particularly where there is a large Armenian community in places like Glendale, in Los Angeles. Rosalie Tcholakian, an owner of the two-location Carousel restaurant shares that her dinners are growing more interested in Armenian wines. She adds that many non-Armenia customers are also showing up, so “Armenia is definitely on the map!”
Arms for Armenia
Brown Political Review
Nov 29 2023
Nov 29 2023
BRYCE VIST | NOVEMBER 29, 2023
For much of its existence, Armenia has been tossed between its larger, stronger neighbors—first Rome and Parthia, then Byzantium and the Abbasids, and later the Safavids and Ottomans. This pattern shows no signs of stopping. On September 11, 2023, the United States began holding its first military exercises with Armenian forces. Eight short days later, Azerbaijan launched an offensive against the Republic of Artsakh, an unrecognized Armenian enclave in the historically contested Nagorno-Karabakh region. Within a day, the fighting was over, Artsakh ceased to exist, and tens of thousands of civilians from Nagorno-Karabakh began streaming into Armenia proper.
"With a humanitarian crisis brewing, the United States has a rare opportunity to exploit the vacuum by signaling its readiness to uphold lapsed Russian security obligations."
Azerbaijan’s most recent conquest capped a 30-year mission to recapture Nagorno-Karabakh, prompted by a successful Armenian incursion in 1994. For Armenia, the events of September represent a catastrophic institutional failure. They lay bare not only the rot in an aging military obsessed with past glories but also complacency in a diplomatic policy that relied on ancient allies (principally Russia) to the exclusion of all others. The fact that many observers believe Azerbaijan actually gained Russian permission for the invasion demonstrates just how badly Armenia erred. Russia’s reaction seems to confirm the speculation: An official government statement blithely called for a ceasefire, though former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev invited readers of his Telegram channel to “guess the fate” of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan for deciding to “play with NATO.”
Russia’s sudden about-face has upended a Caucasian balance of power that, only a decade ago, seemed entrenched. With a humanitarian crisis brewing, the United States has a rare opportunity to exploit the vacuum by signaling its readiness to uphold lapsed Russian security obligations. In doing so, it could win an ally in Armenia and humiliate an adversary in Russia.
Some history may be in order. Since the Russo-Persian War of 1826–28, Armenia has been Russia’s natural southern ally against Muslim influence inside the Caucasus. Outside the Caucasus, however, common cultural heritage has stimulated robust ties between Armenia and Iran. Armenians are one of Iran’s largest recognized minorities, and Iran has served as a vital conduit for trade since Türkiye closed its border with Armenia in 1993.
"Rather than crawl on all fours to beg Moscow for forgiveness, Armenia stood upright and shopped for allies elsewhere."
Meanwhile, Azerbaijan has historically been under Türkiye’s patronage due to the countries’ common religious and ethnic identities. Israel has also forged strong bonds with Azerbaijan, which it perceives as a potential ally in an Irano-Israeli war. The two nations’ arrangement allows Azerbaijan to import Israeli drones; in exchange, Israel receives tacit authority to use Azeri airfields in potential anti-Iran strikes.
These tripartite alliances––between Russia, Armenia, and Iran on the one hand and Azerbaijan, Türkiye, and Israel on the other––have remained largely stable since the fall of the USSR.
Recently, however, one has begun to fracture. In 2018, Pashinyan swept to power in the so-called “Velvet Revolution,” which grew out of street protests against corruption and a perceived lack of economic opportunity. Yet underlying the movement’s explicit motives was a clear subtext: deep concern that Armenia was being ossified by Russian influence. This fear largely stemmed from former Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan’s 2013 rejection of an offer to develop closer ties to the EU in favor of increasing Armenia’s economic reliance on Russia.
"In making overtures to the United States, Armenia has taken a crucial first step out of Russia’s oppressive orbit, but in doing so, it has also made itself incredibly vulnerable to attack."
After the Velvet Revolution, Russian President Vladimir Putin began treating Armenia with considerable suspicion. When Azerbaijan marched on Artsakh in 2020, previewing its 2023 takeover, Russia saw an opportunity to cut its rebellious client down to size. It stepped aside, acting only to safeguard the Lachin Corridor, an extremely narrow lifeline from Armenia to Artsakh.
Armenia learned a lesson from its humiliating defeat in 2020—but not the one Russia intended. In early September of this year, Pashinyan claimed that relying on Russia as a sole security guarantor was “a strategic mistake.” Rather than crawl on all fours to beg Moscow for forgiveness, Armenia stood upright and shopped for allies elsewhere. Sure enough, it found a promising candidate––hence the fateful military exercises that likely provoked the Azeri invasion.
In making overtures to the United States, Armenia has taken a crucial first step out of Russia’s oppressive orbit, but in doing so, it has also made itself incredibly vulnerable to attack. It is thus equally crucial that, for both geopolitical and humanitarian reasons, the United States meet Armenia halfway.
The United States should begin by exploiting the fact that Azerbaijan’s allies—and therefore Armenia’s foes—are also American allies. Türkiye and Israel are core American partners: Türkiye is a NATO member, and Israel is a trusted friend. Both of these nations need America more than they need Azerbaijan. The United States could leverage its moral and material support for Israel’s anti-Hamas campaign to convince Jerusalem to go without Azeri airfields. Türkiye would be a tougher sell, but it could be induced to decrease financial support to Azerbaijan in return for an ebbing of US support for Syrian Kurds (whom Türkiye identifies as terrorists).
If US pressure works and both Türkiye and Israel halt shipments of offensive weaponry to Azerbaijan, the Armenian position would already be far more secure. Should the Azeris nonetheless not stop at Artsakh, the United States should explore shipping weapons to Armenia, which still uses outdated Soviet arms that cannot meaningfully stand up to Azerbaijan’s modern imports.
Further Azeri aggression is not merely theoretical. Azerbaijan has been vocal regarding its desire to create the Zangezur Corridor, a narrow transport route between Azerbaijan and its exclave of Nakhichevan that would pass through the Armenian province of Syunik. Azeri President Ilhan Aliyev has said that the corridor is a “historical necessity” that will be built “whether Armenia wants it or not.”
Armenia is likely to refuse to allow the corridor’s establishment during peace talks, reasoning that it amounts to ceding sovereign territory. If the countries are unable to compromise, the war over Nagorno-Karabakh could lead to an even more brutal conflict on internationally recognized Armenian land. Moreover, even if the issue of the Zangezur Corridor is resolved, Aliyev has previously claimed that all of Armenia is truly Azerbaijan. Without clear mechanisms to prevent the Azeris from acting on such a claim, another severe humanitarian crisis is possibly imminent.
If concerns over a potential repetition of the Armenian Genocide do not move American policymakers, then more pragmatic reasons should. Armenia is still a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a post-Soviet security alliance composed of six nations firmly ensconced in the Russian sphere of influence. Flipping the allegiance of a CSTO signatory would be a considerable diplomatic coup and signal to the remaining five that the United States stands ready to fill Russia’s abandoned security guarantees. In the longer term, a firmly US-aligned Armenia could be a burr in Russia’s southern flank, tempering aggression of the sort that Georgia faced in 2008. An alliance could even hold benefits for US-Iran relations, which are historically poor, by providing a third-party mediator friendly to both countries.
Opportunities to simultaneously win allies, embarrass foes, and make positive humanitarian impacts are rare. For them to be relatively cheap is even rarer. Yet in Armenia’s case, the United States can accomplish all three objectives by merely pressuring allies and, if necessary, sending a few caches of outdated arms. With the Caucasus’s close proximity to global flashpoints, the United States cannot afford continued instability in the region. It must not delay.