Category: 2022
Armenia, Georgia Battle Over Yogurt
The Caucasus neighbors have started a food fight over yogurtGiorgi Balakhadze (CC BY-SA 4.0)
Armenian-Georgian relations have taken a sour turn over Georgia’s refusal to allow Armenian yogurt to cross its border, deeming the dairy product to be an infringement of Georgian intellectual property. The move has reignited long-standing who-did-it-first tensions that flare up frequently between the two ancient neighbors.
The controversy began when a former prime minister of Armenia, Hrant Bagratyan, reported on social media that Georgia had begun barring entry to Armenian-made yogurt, a regionally famous dairy product that is known as matsun in Armenia and matsoni in Georgian. Bagratyan’s post quickly spread and Armenian authorities confirmed the news, explaining that Georgians consider matsun to be an infringement on the intellectual property rights Tbilisi claims to matsoni.
Georgian officials said the story highlighted by Bagratyan in fact was about a single incident that occurred last year. “The customs department told us that there was a trailer at the border loaded with produce similar to produce that is patented produce in Georgia,” Tengiz Kalandadze, chief of the Food Department at the Georgian Ministry of Agriculture, told RFE/RL.
“The law on intellectual property bars the usage of names similar to a patented name, and since the Armenian word matsun sounds too similar to Georgian matsoni, we sent the trailer back,” he said.
Georgia called dibs on matsoni in 2012 by copyrighting it as a “geographical indication,” a protection mechanism that ties food products to specific a country or territory of origin. Matsoni has thus become to Georgia what champagne is to France and Scotch whiskey is to Scotland.
In practical terms, this means that matsun exports cannot reach Russia, a key outlet for Armenian produce, as Armenia’s only land route to Russia runs through Georgia.
Armenian officials complain that no one asked them who matsoni/matsun belonged to. “Back in 2011, the intellectual property authorities of Armenia filed an objection against the registration of the name matsoni to the relevant bodies of the European Union and Georgia, arguing that this name can be confused with matsun produced in Armenia,” Gayane Antonyan, a spokesperson for Armenian Ministry of Economy, told reporters in Armenia after the controversy kicked off. “However, the objection was not taken into account.”
Matsun continued to get a free pass through Georgia until last year, but then Tbilisi began to more vigorously enforce its geographic indication protection laws, Armenian officials said. One Armenian dairy producer began branding its matsun as “Armenian mountain yogurt” in order to skirt Georgia’s restrictions, Bagratyan reported.
While the two governments have since indicated that they are trying to come up with a solution, the episode prompted ordinary Armenians and Georgians spar over the “true” ownership of the yogurt, reigniting long-standing who-did-it-first tensions that flare up frequently between the two ancient neighbors.
“Why can’t we just allow that both of us have been fermenting milk in a similar way for centuries and that it is perfectly normal that we have a similar word for it?” one voice of reason commented in a long thread on Facebook. “Matsuni and matsoni are brothers and so are we.”
Armenians point out that the root of either word is the old Armenian word mats (to curdle, glue together). This view is in fact shared by some Georgian linguists, but for many in Georgia, the issue is less what scholars say and more the stereotype that Armenia’s national sport is claiming ownership of just about everything in the region.
Then Georgia’s main pro-government TV channel, Imedi, elevated the dispute into an entirely new dimension.
In its report on the controversy, the network aired an image of a bottle of yogurt with matsoni written in Georgian and “Karabakh is Azerbaijan and dolma is also Azerbaijani” in Armenian. Dolma – known to Georgians and Armenians as tolma – is another food item hotly contested in the Caucasus, this time between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Karabakh, of course, is even more hotly contested and was the object of two wars between the countries, one in the 1990s and one in 2020.
The Armenian embassy in Tbilisi demanded an explanation for the story. Imedi later apologized, claiming it was a “technical error” because had it simply picked an image of the embattled yogurt off the internet without checking what the Armenian said, but the damage was done.
“Hell, let’s just go to war with Armenia,” joked one Georgian Facebook user in an angry reaction to the brouhaha on the social media. “History will say that Armenia and Georgia went to war over yogurt. Is this what you want?”
Azerbaijani troupe performs play on 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war at Fajr festival
TEHRAN – An Azerbaijani group performed a tragedy about the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war at the 40th Fajr International Theater Festival on Friday.
Azerbaijani Ambassador Ali Alizada attended the performance of the play “Like a Breath”, which was directed by Samir Gulamov at Tehran’s City Theater Complex.
The play tells the story of a mother who does not believe that her son has been killed in the war and is always waiting for him with longing and high hopes. The mother believes that her son will definitely return someday. In the darkness of one of the long nights, the mother almost reaches her dream. In fact, she has to come to terms with the lack of a bridge between fantasy and reality.
“We have always supported our soldiers in wars and we remember them by telling stories about their valor,” Alizada said before watching the play.
“For sure, theatergoers here will feel impressed by the play and will show sympathy,” he added.
The troupe performed the play at the Azerbaijan State Academic Musical Theater on November 8, 2021 to celebrate Victory Day, which is observed every year since 2020 in commemoration of Azerbaijan’s victory in the Nagorno-Karabakh war, which is called “The Patriotic War” in the country.
During the performance, which was also attended by several Turkish diplomats, Alizada said that the victory belongs to all Muslims.
He also added that there are many cultural affinities between Iranian and Azerbaijani people and hoped that the participation of the troupe would help widen cultural relations between the two countries.
The troupe also performed “Shy Girl” (“Utancaq Qiz”) based on a story from the Russian writer Fyodor Dostoevsky on Saturday. One more performance has also been arranged for each play.
Groups from Afghanistan, Armenia, Iraq, Algeria and several other countries are scheduled to perform during the Fajr International Theater Festival, which will run until February 15.
Groups from Italy and France canceled their performances at the festival due to COVID-19 restrictions for departure from their country of origin.
Photo: An Azerbaijani troupe performs “Like a Breath” during the 40th Fajr International Theater Festival at Tehran’s City Theater Complex on February 11, 2022.
MMS/YAW
Turkish Press: Amid normalization talks, businesspeople in eastern Turkey await opening of Armenian border
Amid the normalization process between Turkey and Armenia, businesspeople in the Turkish eastern province of Kars, located near the Armenian border, are waiting for the opening of the border between the two countries.
Speaking to Anadolu Agency, the businesspeople said that the opening of the Dogukapi border gate, which is a freight station near the Turkey-Armenia border and has been closed for 29 years, could boost the trade in the region.
Turkey closed the border gate in 1993 after Armenia occupied the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan. The railway line was renewed in 2009 when the two neighboring countries signed “Zurich protocols” in an attempt to normalize relations, but the border was never opened as the protocols failed to be ratified at national parliaments.
Turkey and Armenia held the first round of talks to normalize relations on Jan. 14, and the second meeting of special representatives set for Feb. 24 in Vienna.
Ertugrul Alibeyoglu, head of the Kars Chamber of Commerce and Industry, told Anadolu Agency that they expect a “massive influx of tourists” from Armenia to historical and religious sites in Kars, in case the ongoing diplomatic contacts with Armenia are concluded positively and as a result, a connection between Kars and Armenia by road and railway is established.”
“Tourism will develop mutually and this tourism boom will benefit both countries,” he said.
Adem Ertas, head of the Chamber of Agriculture in Kars, said Dogukapi “was one of the most important gates that connected our country with Russia in the past. Livestock and agricultural materials were traded from here, grain and wheat were imported and exported.”
“The normalization process with Armenia is good news for us. I hope Dogukapi will open as soon as possible,” he added.
Adem Burulday, head of the Union of Craftsmen and Artisans Chambers, said opening the door to Armenia will also benefit shopkeepers in Kars and Akyaka.
Restaurant owner Alpay Kurt said: “We would be very happy to see Dogukapi is open. It will both contribute to tourism and be good for shopkeepers here.”
Murat Kocak, another shopkeeper, said: “The door of a new country means new people… With the opening of the door, there will be trade between the two countries.”
* Writing by Iclal Turan.
Azerbaijani press: MFA: Plight of missing Azerbaijanis Baku’s top priority
By Sabina Mammadli
Baku has stated that the plight of Azerbaijanis who went missing during the first Karabakh war with Armenia in the early 1990s is a top priority on its agenda.
Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Leyla Abdullayeva made the remarks in response to a query about why Armenia had waited 30 years to share any information about the 4,000 missing Azerbaijanis.
“I would like to emphasize that the Azerbaijani side prioritizes the issue of missing people and will not allow the Armenian side, which is directly responsible for this issue, to remain silent for another 30 years about the fate of over 3,700 missing Azerbaijanis and the location of their mass burial places,” Abdullayeva said.
Azerbaijan handed over the remains of over 1,700 servicemen to Armenia immediately after the 44-day second Karabakh war, without expecting any reciprocal action and without receiving any information from Yerevan about thousands of Azerbaijanis who went missing during the first Karabakh war, the spokesperson added.
Abdullayeva said that the discovery of massive graves of Azerbaijanis on the liberated territories and the provision of the international community with evidence resulted in Armenia transferring the remains of 108 of thousands of missing people after 30 years.
She stressed that Armenia had yet to make a statement on the abovementioned subject.
Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov earlier said that mass graves had been discovered in the liberated lands.
“Azerbaijan discovered mass burials on the liberated territories, so the assertions of the Armenian side that it has no information about these burials are unacceptable. The statements of the Armenian side on this issue are unfounded, and we are sure that the international community will not accept them,” the minister said.
On February 8, the Foreign Ministry stated that humanitarian issues were one of the main topics of a virtual meeting attended by French President Emanuel Macron, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, European Council President Charles Michel and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on February 4.
At the meeting, Aliyev underlined that Armenia had to provide information about the mass graves of 3,890 missing Azerbaijani citizens (including 71 children, 267 women and 326 elderly people). The presidents of France and the European Council both supported this issue.
Armenia, which is responsible for determining the fate of about 4,000 missing Azerbaijani citizens, promised to cooperate in this matter.
The ministry stated that Armenia’s later denial of its international humanitarian obligations, as well as promises made during the abovementioned meeting, is completely outside the moral, ethical, and legal framework in light of Azerbaijan’s discovery and return of the bodies of 1,708 Armenian servicemen.
It should be mentioned that in the 20th century, Armenians perpetrated systematic crimes and atrocities against Azerbaijanis to break the spirit of the nation and annihilate the Azerbaijani people of Nagorno-Karabakh. The Khojaly genocide is regarded as the culmination of Armenian mass murders.
Some 613 Azerbaijanis, including 63 children, 106 women and 70 elders were brutally murdered on the ground of national identity in Khojaly in 1992.
This heinous act was preceded by a slew of others. Armenians set fire to around 20 buildings in the Baghanis-Ayrim village of Gazakh region, killing eight Azerbaijanis. A family of five, including a 39-day-old newborn, were all burnt alive.
Between June and December 1991, Armenian troops murdered 12 and wounded 15 Azerbaijanis in Khojavand region’s Garadaghli and Asgaran region’s Meshali villages.
Armenian military detachments bombed buses on the Shusha-Jamilli, Aghdam-Khojavand, and Aghdam-Garadaghli routes in August and September of the same year, killing 17 Azerbaijanis and injuring over 90 others.
In October and November 1991, Armenians burned, destroyed, and plundered over 30 settlements in the mountainous area of Karabakh, including Tugh, Imarat-Garvand, Sirkhavand, Meshali, Jamilli, Umudlu, Garadaghli, Karkijahan, and other significant villages.
AZERBAIJANI press: Azerbaijani NGOs urge UN steps against Armenian provocations
By Sabina Mammadli
The heads of several Azerbaijan-based non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have urged UN bodies to take steps against the hate-motivated actions against Azerbaijan by Armenians working for the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Trend has reported.
As a result of discussions held in Baku on February 11, the NGO leaders sent an appeal to UN Secretary-General António Guterres.
It was stressed at the meeting that a group of Armenian UNDP employees, including Armen Grigoryan, Narine Sahakyan, Mary Tavoukjian and Stepan Margaryan, published defamation and insults on their social media accounts not only against Azerbaijan, but also against all Turkic peoples, and openly promoted separatism, abusing the status of UN employees.
Azerbaijani NGO leaders earlier asked UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay to send an expert group to Armenia to assess the current state of Azerbaijan’s centuries-old cultural and historical heritage.
NGOs said that by pursuing a policy of both ethnic and cultural genocide, Armenia has purposefully erased all traces of Azerbaijanis, the historical and ancient residents of these territories, plundered, destroyed, embezzled and distorted the Azerbaijani people’s cultural legacy. At the same time, ancient place names in these areas were changed with Armenian ones.
UNDP has been working in Azerbaijan since 1992. The UNDP activities in Azerbaijan initially focused on the provision of an early recovery program, especially to those affected by the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Over time, UNDP’s role in Azerbaijan has shifted toward longer-term socio-economic development in line with the country’s evolving needs. The main programming framework for all UN activities in Azerbaijan is the UN-Azerbaijan Partnership Framework signed between the UN and the Economy Ministry in 2016.
During a virtual conference on February 4, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, French President Emanuel Macron, European Council President Charles Michel, and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan achieved an agreement on UNESCO missions to be sent to Azerbaijan and Armenia.
AZERBAIJANI press: UN should take steps against its Armenian employees inciting hatred towards Azerbaijan – Head of NGO
By Trend
United Nations Development Program (UNDP) staff members of Armenian origin are campaigning against Azerbaijan on social media, Chairman of the Public Union “Legal Analysis and Research” (LAR) Ramil Iskenderli said at a meeting attended by a number of NGO leaders, Trend reports.
He noted that UN workers of Armenian origin incited hatred towards Azerbaijan both during and after the 44-day Second Karabakh War. A smear campaign against Azerbaijan is being conducted by UNDP Resident Representative for the Republic of North Macedonia Armen Grigoryan, UN employees Mary Tavoukjian, Stepan Margaryan and others.
According to Iskenderli, the UN has been closely cooperating with Azerbaijan since the 1990s, supporting the execution of many projects.
“However, the employees of the organization have launched a campaign against Azerbaijan, and we protest against it. They must be punished. Information on ongoing events must be brought to the attention of the UN Secretary General,” said the chairman.
CivilNet: The Soviet Club Welcomes Its Visitors Back to the USSR
Turkey steps up attacks on press freedom
ANI News By John Solomou Feb. 14, 2022 Nicosia [Cyprus], February 14 (ANI): The Turkish government, under autocratic President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has been suppressing press freedom in the country and has been exercising almost complete control of the Turkish mass media for many years, but recently it has embarked on an attempt to control what foreign media report about developments in Turkey. Last week, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTUK), which is Turkey's broadcasting watchdog, has given a 72-hour deadline for the Turkish services of the international news outlets of Voice of America (VOA), German Deutsche Welle (DW), and Euronewsto apply for a license. The deadline was accompanied by the threat that if they failed to comply and obtain the online broadcasting licenses, they would be banned. The regulator has the right to go to court, at the expiration of the deadline, and close down the websites, which feature also video news. Bridget Serchak, a Voice of America spokesperson for the US state-owned broadcaster, said: "VOA believes any governmental efforts to silence news outlets is a violation of press freedom, a core value of all democratic societies." In another statement, the Voice of America declared that it would do its best to ensure that its audience in Turkey "has free and open access to the Internet if its Turkish service is blocked by the Turkish government." So far, the reaction of the other two international media outlets has not been disclosed. Commenting on the decision, Journalist Ilhan Tasci, of the opposition Republican party, who is also a member of the RTUK, said: "This decision means that for the first time international broadcasters have become the target of the media watchdog on in addition to regional channels. It constitutes in all respects a direct interference with the freedom of the press." It should be noted that according to a regulation published in July 2019 "media service providers and internet transmission platform operators that wish to provide radio or audiovisual services on the internet are required to obtain a license or authorization from the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTSC) according to the type of service they provide. Since the new regulation went into effect, various streaming platforms including Netflix and Amazon Prime have applied for and received licenses. However, this is the first time that the RTUK used this authority for the three international news websites. Erdogan has used RTUK as a tool of increasing censorship as the broadcasting watchdog frequently imposes punitive sanctions on independent television and radio stations and websites which are critical of the Turkish government. Indicative of the repression of any criticism of Erdogan in the media is the arrest last month of Sedef Kabas, a well-known journalist for citing a proverb during a political discussion on opposition TV channel Tele 1 and repeated on Twitter, which was seen as a swipe at Turkey's President. The prosecutor also asked Kabas to be charged with insulting Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu and Transportation Minister Adil Karaismailoglu, for a combined jail term of 11 years. As a Human Rights Watch report published in October 2020 points out: "Turkey's press freedom crisis is worsening amid growing state capture of media, the lack of independence of regulatory institutions, and a new social media law designed to clamp down on the remaining spaces for free comment...Social media platforms, as well as online news sites, are among the last bastions for critical journalism in Turkey following the state-led takeover of mainstream media." In October 2020, a Turkish court decision declared one of the most prominent journalists in Turkey, Can Dundar, former editor of Cumhuriyet, a fugitive and confiscated his assets. Dundar was arrested in November 2015 after his newspaper published footage showing the State Intelligence MIT sending weapons to Syrian Islamist fighters. Since June 2016, he is living in exile in Germany. The Radio and Television Supreme Council has imposed arbitrary fines and temporary suspensions of broadcasting of several media outlets such as Halk TV, Tele 1 TV, and Fox TV, which include content critical of the government. In February 2018, a Turkish court sentenced journalists Mehmet Altan, his brother Ahmet Altan and Nazli Illicak to life imprisonment after finding them guilty of "involvement in the 2016 coup attempt." Women journalists in Turkey are in a particularly vulnerable position. The Coalition For Women in Journalism (CFWIJ) in its report titled: "Press Freedom Status for Women Journalists" says: "Turkey is one of the most dangerous countries with cases of legal harassment and intimidation by the state." The report sheds light on a total of 77 cases of violations against women journalists worldwide, in which Turkey leads as the country with the most frequent cases of legal harassment. 36 of the 77 cases in total that include murders, abduction, detentions, and physical assaults were reported in Turkey, followed by Pakistan with nine cases. Scores of journalists remain behind bars in Turkey or are continuously harassed and face a trial because they criticize, even mildly, the Government or President Erdogan's one-man rule. Many journalists and people working in the media are in pretrial detention or serving sentences for terrorism offences because of their journalistic work. The state is using the judiciary over which it has increased control to send to jail its critics on bogus charges, without compelling evidence of criminal activity. It also misuses the regulatory bodies, like the RTUK and the Press Advertising Authority (BIK), to punish and financially cripple independent media. One can easily see the repression of freedom of thought in Turkey from the fact that in 2021, just like the previous year, Turkey ranked first among the 47 Council of Europe (CoE) member states in the number of judgments from the European Court of Human Rights concerning violations of freedom of expression.
Fitch Downgrades Turkey to ‘B+’; Outlook Negative
Fitch Ratings Feb. 11, 2022 Fitch Ratings - London - 11 Feb 2022: Fitch Ratings has downgraded Turkey's Long-Term Foreign Currency Issuer Default Rating (IDR) to 'B+' from 'BB-'. The Outlook is Negative. The downgrade of Turkey's IDRs and the Negative Outlook reflects the following key rating drivers and their relative weights: High Policy-driven financial stress episodes of higher frequency and intensity have increased Turkey's vulnerabilities in terms of high inflation, low external liquidity and weak policy credibility. Fitch does not expect the authorities' policy response to reduce inflation, including FX-protected deposits, targeted credit and capital flow measures, will sustainably ease macroeconomic and financial stability risks. Moreover, Turkey's expansionary policy mix (including deeply negative real rates) could entrench inflation at high levels, increase the exposure of public finances to exchange rate depreciation and inflation, and eventually weigh on domestic confidence and reignite pressures on international reserves. The risk of additional destabilising monetary policy easing or stimulus policies ahead of the 2023 general elections is high, and there is an elevated degree of uncertainty about the authorities' policy reaction function in the event of another episode of financial stress, as political considerations limit the central bank's ability to raise its policy rate. Authorities expect that the introduction of FX-protected deposits combined with a broader strategy to encourage 'liraisation' of the financial system will support exchange rate stability and in turn facilitate a reduction in inflationary pressures. The new mechanism, expanded from retail depositors to corporates, non-residents and Turkish citizens abroad, will compensate term deposit holders if the lira depreciation is greater than the nominal interest rate. As of 9 February, FX-protected deposits were TRY313 billion (5.8% of total deposits), and corporates are expected to increase participation due to tax benefits. In Fitch's view, the new instrument's capacity to sustainably improve confidence is limited in an environment of high and rising inflation, as well as unanchored expectations. Moreover, if the instrument fails to reduce domestic demand for FX, preserving a stable exchange rate without the use of interest rates would require renewed FX intervention or additional capital flow measures similar to those recently introduced requiring the sale of 25% of exporters' revenues, as well as tighter controls to monitor that credit allocations do not add to FX demand. This policy response could in turn have a negative effect on domestic confidence. Inflation rose to 48% in January and price pressures remain high, with PPI close to 94% (partly reflecting international commodity prices and supply chain disruptions), continued exchange rate pass-through, rising inflation expectations and utility price and wage hikes. We forecast inflation to reach 38% by the end of the year and average 41% in 2022 and 28% in 2023, the second highest among all Fitch-rated sovereigns. Backward indexation, failure of the authorities to rein in expectations and additional exchange rate volatility represent upside risks to our inflation forecasts. Medium Turkish FX liquidity buffers are low relative to peers and risks derived from high financial dollarisation, the vulnerable structure of international reserves and significant exposure to changing investor sentiment. After coming under pressures in November-December, recent figures show an increase in gross (USD114.7 billion) and net (USD16.3 billion) reserves but the net foreign asset position of the central bank (excluding FX swaps) remains negative. We expect gross reserves to increase to USD118 billion in 2022 (4.2 months of current external payments), as export rediscount credits, FX conversion of deposits, a new FX swap with the UAE (equivalent to USD5 billion) and EUR1 billion deposit from Azerbaijan's Sofaz at the Central Bank will more than offset continued current account deficits and domestic FX demand, and limited portfolio inflows. Although we expect the current account deficit to narrow further to 1.7% of GDP in 2022 from an estimated 2.2% in 2021 and 4.9% in 2020, external financing needs will remain high. External debt maturing over the next 12 months (end-November) amounts to USD167 billion. Access to external financing for the sovereign and private sector has been resilient to previous episodes of stress, but is vulnerable to changes in investor sentiment. Reduced FX volatility in recent weeks and the introduction of the FX-protected deposits have allowed lira deposits to partially recover and driven some reversal in dollarisation. The scheme could mitigate near-term risks to the stability of bank funding, improve sentiment in the near term and alleviate pressure on capital ratios. Nevertheless, the combination of deeply negative real policy rates and rising inflation creates risks for financial stability, for example if depositor confidence is shaken, and could potentially jeopardise the until now resilient access of banks and corporates to external financing. In this negative scenario, official international reserves would come under pressure, as a significant portion of banks foreign currency assets is held in the central bank including FX swaps and reserve requirements. Turkish banks are vulnerable to FX volatility due to high external debt payments, the impact on asset quality (41% of loans denominated in foreign currency) and high deposit dollarisation (61.5%). In addition, Fitch estimates that 10% depreciation erodes the sector common equity Tier 1 ratio by about 50bp, although the regulator has extended regulatory forbearance to cushion the impact of depreciation on capital ratios. Turkey's 'B+' IDRs also reflect the following key rating drivers: Turkey's ratings reflect weak policy credibility and predictability, high inflation, low external liquidity relative to high external financing requirements and dollarisation, and geopolitical risks. These credit weaknesses are set against low government debt and deficits, manageable sovereign financing needs, high growth and structural indicators, such as GDP per capita and Human Development, relative to rating peers. Public finances are a strength relative to peers. Fitch estimates that general government debt increased to 42% of GDP at end-2021, below the 'B' median of 68%, as the depreciation of the lira was balanced by lower financing needs and net repayments of domestic foreign currency debt. Debt dynamics will remain vulnerable to increased currency risks, as 66% of central government debt was foreign currency-linked or denominated at end-2021, up from 39% in 2017. Fitch estimates that Turkey's fiscal deficit declined to 3% of GDP at the general government level and 2.9% at the central government level in 2021, the latter below the revised 3.5% fiscal target. We forecast that the general government deficit will widen to 4.2% in 2022 and 4.5% in 2023. Fiscal risks stem from potential payments related to the FX protected deposit scheme, fiscal measures to cushion the impact of inflation on the economy, rising interest payments and expenditure linked to inflation such as wages and pension transfers. Government debt amortisations are manageable, averaging 3.5% of GDP in 2022-2023 and our baseline assumption is that the sovereign will maintain access to external markets based on the record of regular external bond issuance, despite repeated periods of stress in recent years. We expect the Turkish economy to slow to 3.2% in 2022 from 11% in 2021, balancing still favourable external demand dynamics, recovery in the tourism sector and an accommodative policy stance against tighter financing conditions, deterioration in consumer sentiment, and the negative impact of a weaker exchange rate and high inflation. Despite growth resilience, GDP per capita in US dollar terms has deteriorated since 2013, falling by almost USD4,000 to an estimated USD8,633 in 2021, due to the multi-year weakening of the currency. On the domestic front, the support for the government continues to be under pressure as a result of rising inflation and the sharp depreciation of the lira in 2021. We expect the proximity of general elections, due by June 2023, to heavily influence policy in the direction of supporting growth. Geopolitical tensions have eased over the past year and Turkey has sought to rebuild relations with countries in the region. Nevertheless, key foreign policy issues remain unresolved such as Turkey's 2019 purchase of the S-400 Russian missile system, US cooperation with the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) in Syria or the maritime disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. The evolution of relations with Russia is uncertain due to Turkey's support and arms sales to Ukraine. ESG - Governance: Turkey has an ESG Relevance Score (RS) of '5' for both Political Stability and Rights and for the Rule of Law, Institutional and Regulatory Quality and Control of Corruption. Theses scores reflect the high weight that the World Bank Governance Indicators (WBGI) have in our proprietary Sovereign Rating Model. Turkey has a medium WBGI ranking at 37 reflecting a recent track record of peaceful political transitions, a moderate level of rights for participation in the political process, moderate but deteriorating institutional capacity due to increased centralisation of power in the office of the president and weakened checks and balances, uneven application of the rule of law and a moderate level of corruption. RATING SENSITIVITIES Factors that could, individually or collectively, lead to negative rating action/downgrade: -Macro: Policy initiatives that exacerbate macroeconomic and financial stability risks, for example an inflation-exchange rate depreciation spiral or weaker depositor confidence. -External Finances: Signs of reduced access to external financing for the sovereign or the private sector, for example due to further deterioration of investor confidence, that would lead to balance of payments pressures including sustained reduction in international reserves. -Structural features: A serious deterioration in the domestic political or security situation or international relations that severely affects the economy and external finances. Factors that could, individually or collectively, lead to positive rating action/upgrade: - Macro: A credible and consistent policy mix that stabilises confidence and reduces macroeconomic and financial stability risks, for example by reigning in inflationary pressures. -External Finances: A reduction in external vulnerabilities, for example due to a sustained improvement in terms of the level and composition of international reserves, reduced dollarisation and sustained improvement in the current account balance. Sovereign Rating Model (SRM) and Qualitative Overlay (QO) Fitch's proprietary SRM assigns Turkey a score equivalent to a rating of 'BB+' on the Long-Term Foreign-Currency (LT FC) IDR scale. Fitch's sovereign rating committee adjusted the output from the SRM to arrive at the final LT FC IDR by applying its QO, relative to SRM data and output, as follows: - Structural: -1 notch, to reflect vulnerabilities in the banking sector due to the significant reliance on foreign financing and high financial dollarization, and the risk that developments in geopolitics and foreign relations, including sanctions, could impact economic stability. - Macro: -1 notch, to reflect that risks to macroeconomic and financial stability are not fully captured by the SRM, as the current policy mix and potential reaction to shocks could further weaken domestic confidence, reduce reserves and lead to external financing and domestic liquidity pressures. Policy uncertainty also remains elevated due to the risk of additional monetary policy easing and other stimulus measures due the proximity of general elections due by June 2023. - External Finances: -1 notch, to reflect a very high gross external financing requirement, low international liquidity ratio, a weak central bank net foreign asset position, and risks of renewed balance of payments pressure in the event of changes in investor sentiment. Fitch's SRM is the agency's proprietary multiple regression rating model that employs 18 variables based on three-year centred averages, including one year of forecasts, to produce a score equivalent to a LT FC IDR. Fitch's QO is a forward-looking qualitative framework designed to allow for adjustment to the SRM output to assign the final rating, reflecting factors within our criteria that are not fully quantifiable and/or not fully reflected in the SRM. Best/Worst Case Rating Scenario International scale credit ratings of Sovereigns, Public Finance and Infrastructure issuers have a best-case rating upgrade scenario (defined as the 99th percentile of rating transitions, measured in a positive direction) of three notches over a three-year rating horizon; and a worst-case rating downgrade scenario (defined as the 99th percentile of rating transitions, measured in a negative direction) of three notches over three years. The complete span of best- and worst-case scenario credit ratings for all rating categories ranges from 'AAA' to 'D'. Best- and worst-case scenario credit ratings are based on historical performance. For more information about the methodology used to determine sector-specific best- and worst-case scenario credit ratings, visit . REFERENCES FOR SUBSTANTIALLY MATERIAL SOURCE CITED AS KEY DRIVER OF RATING The principal sources of information used in the analysis are described in the Applicable Criteria. ESG Considerations Turkey has an ESG Relevance Score of '5' for Political Stability and Rights as World Bank Governance Indicators have the highest weight in Fitch's SRM and are therefore highly relevant to the rating and a key rating driver with a high weight. As Turkey has a percentile rank below 50 for the respective Governance Indicator, this has a negative impact on the credit profile. Turkey has an ESG Relevance Score of '5' for Rule of Law, Institutional & Regulatory Quality and Control of Corruption as World Bank Governance Indicators have the highest weight in Fitch's SRM and are therefore highly relevant to the rating and are a key rating driver with a high weight. As Turkey has a percentile rank below 50 for the respective Governance Indicators, this has a negative impact on the credit profile. Turkey has an ESG Relevance Score of '4' for Human Rights and Political Freedoms as the Voice and Accountability pillar of the World Bank Governance Indicators is relevant to the rating and a rating driver. As Turkey has a percentile rank below 50 for the respective Governance Indicator, this has a negative impact on the credit profile. Turkey has an ESG Relevance Score of '4[+]' for Creditor Rights as willingness to service and repay debt is relevant to the rating and is a rating driver for Turkey, as for all sovereigns. As Turkey has track record of 20+ years without a restructuring of public debt and captured in our SRM variable, this has a positive impact on the credit profile. Except for the matters discussed above, the highest level of ESG credit relevance, if present, is a score of '3'. This means ESG issues are credit-neutral or have only a minimal credit impact on the entity, either due to their nature or to the way in which they are being managed by the entity.