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Armenpress: Nikol Pashinyan, Vladimir Putin hold private conversation

Chakhmakhchian Vatche

Nikol Pashinyan, Vladimir Putin hold private conversation

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YEREVAN, MAY 16, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a private conversation with President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin, ARMENPRESS was informed from the Office of the Prime Minister.

The Russian President said, “Honorable Nikol Vladimirovich, we are in constant touch, discussing issues of bilateral agenda and regional issues. However, there are always numerous questions, which obviously indicates the intensity of our dialogue. At the beginning of our bilateral talks, I would like to note that over the past year we have seen a significant increase in trade turnover, investments continue, and we continue to work actively on the settlement of the Karabakh conflict in the trilateral format, together with our Azerbaijani partners. There are many issues, I am glad to have the opportunity to meet you and talk about all topics.”

In turn, The Prime Minister of Armenia said, “Honorable Vladimir Vladimirovich, let me once again thank you for organizing the CSTO jubilee summit and for the traditional warm reception. Of course, the 30th anniversary of the Collective Security Treaty and the 20th anniversary of the Collective Security Treaty Organization are remarkable events, and I think we had a very meaningful conversation. It is very important that this conversation is future oriented, it’s about the further development of our Organization.

Of course, less than a month has passed since my first official visit to the Russian Federation. We had a very meaningful conversation then, and as you rightly noted, our bilateral agenda is so abundant that we could meet more often. We are in constant touch, we often have telephone conversations. In terms of the economy, I would like to note that after a certain decline in March, intensification of bilateral economic ties is noticeable. We see investment interest from Russian business, wishing to invest in Armenia. And I know that in this issue you are also encouraging Russian businessmen to invest in Armenia. I want to thank you for that.

Of course, I hope that today we will discuss issues related to regional security, stability, the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, as well as the important role of the OSCE Minsk Group, as we mentioned in our joint statement. I would like to share some information with you, so thank you for the meeting.”

Asbarez: Yerevan Reveals Six-Point Proposal it Sent to Azerbaijan for Peace Talks

Bedik Zaminian
by Asbarez Staff

 

 

 

in Armenia, Artsakh, Featured Story, Latest, Top Stories

The Armenia-Azerbaijan border


The illusive six-point plan presented by Yerevan to Baku as the basis for so-called “peace talks” with Azerbaijan was finally unveiled on Saturday, further angering opposition forces, whose protests calling for the ouster of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan are entering the third week.

The existence of the six-point plan was revealed last week by Armenia’s National Security chief Armen Grigoryan, who without elaborating on Yerevan’s proposals, simply said that the proposals include demands for security guarantees for the people of Artsakh.

Azerbaijan’s Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov last week scoffed at Yerevan’s proposal, saying that they are a reaction to the proposals the Baku has put forth, which Armenia has signaled to be “acceptable.”

Armenia’s six-point proposals were publicized by the newly-appointed ambassador-at-large, Edmon Marukyan, who is the president of the once opposition Bright Armenia party.

In an interview with Armenia’s Public Television, Marukyan outlined Yerevan’s proposal saying the first point of the document is a clarification from Azerbaijan, which submitted its plan on February 21, but Armenia received it on March 11.

The second point states that Armenia has never had and does not have any territorial claims on Azerbaijan.

According to the third point, Armenia finds it “fundamental” to ensure guarantees for the security of Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh, respecting their rights and freedoms, as well as determining the final status of Nagorno Karabakh.

In the fourth point the Armenia emphasizes the importance of the commitments enshrined in the November 9, 2020, as well as the January 11 and November 26, 2021 statements signed by the Armenian Prime Minister and the presidents of Russia and Azerbaijan.

Marukyan said they relate to the issues concerning the return of prisoners of war, the opening of transport links which he accused Azerbaijan of delaying, adding that with this point Yerevan has made it clear that unlike Azerbaijan, it remains committed to its obligations.

The fifth point states that Armenia is ready to start negotiations for the settlement of the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, for the establishment of inter-state relations based on the UN Charter, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Helsinki Final Act.

“These are the basic principles that have existed from the beginning. It is here that the nations’ right to self-determination and other important rights and freedoms are enshrined,” explained Marukyan, who added that the sixth point of Yerevan’s proposal states that Armenia has applied to the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs for organizing the negotiations.

AW: J. Mackey Gallery to present “The Art of Arthur Pinajian”

Yeghisabet Arthur
May 13, 2022 Guest Contributor Art, Announcements 0

No. 347 | 1982; Oil on canvas 25 x 29 in.

EAST HAMPTON, N.Y. – J. Mackey Gallery in East Hampton is pleased to present “The Art of Arthur Pinajian.” The exhibition includes never before seen and rare works by the 20th century artist who went from obscurity to renown. Pinajian was called “a creative force” who “can be ranked among the best artists of his era” by the esteemed art historian Dr. William Innes Homer, who examined the work and associated Pinajian with a number of New York Abstract Expressionists, such as William de Kooning, Franz Kline and Philip Guston. Like so many artistic geniuses, however, Pinajian never received public attention in his lifetime.

This changed when chance connected Pinajian’s life’s work with Thomas Schultz and Lawrence Joseph. Schultz and Joseph, the current executive directors of the Pinajian collection, purchased Pinajian’s home and studio in Bellport, Long Island, after the artist’s death. A collection of paintings by this unknown artist was found on the property and about to be discarded. The new owners of the property decided to hold on to the work and later had it appraised. Peter Hastings Falk, editor and chief of ArtNet, valued the collection of Pinajian’s work at over $30 million.

The fascinating story of discovery, salvation and restoration of Pinajian’s work has become widely featured by national and international news outlets. “Good Morning America” proclaimed it “the unlikely discovery that rocked the art world.” ABC’s “20/20” reported that the “art experts decree Pinajian deserved to be called one of the great undiscovered geniuses of the Modern Art Movement,” and multiple articles in The New York Times led the way for his first public exhibition and sale in 2013. Recently, the BBC explored Pinajian’s work in a February 2022 profile.

Pinajian (1914-1999), the son of Armenian Genocide survivors and a native of Union City, New Jersey, was an indomitable artistic force. In the early 1930s, he worked as a self-taught illustrator for Marvel comics. After bravely serving his country in World War II, where he received the Bronze Star for valor, he returned home to continue life as an artist. He attended the Art Student League in New York on the G.I. Bill.

Pinajian developed and eventually mastered his artistic style. His first studio was among the artist colony in Woodstock, New York, where his early work pulls on cubist references. It was during these formative years that Pinajian wrestled with his own unique style as a modern artist. His wide variety of work, ranging from the figurative to the abstract, conveys a playful yet colorfully fierce urgency to uncover all the facets of his own explorations. “It is satisfying to contemplate his more successful works, doubly so because they capture the excitement of visual modernism and exude a painterly integrity that is rare in our time,” said Dr. Homer.

In the 1970s, Pinajian moved from Union City to Bellport where he lived until his death in 1999. During his Bellport years, Pinajian continued to dedicate himself to his art. His color palette often turned to lighter colors than in the Woodstock years, and abstract lyrical landscapes featured prominently among his later works.

The Art of Arthur Pinajian exhibit at J. Mackey Gallery in East Hampton NY, will contain more than 30 works spanning over 40 years, including works never before publicly available. The show will be curated by Elizabeth Shaghalian Vranka, the former executive director of OSilas Gallery at Concordia College (Bronxville). In 2018, Vranka brought “The Pinajian Discovery: An Artist’s Life Revealed” to OSilas Gallery. Although she has always found his work and the “discovery story” compelling, Vranka’s appreciation of Pinajian has grown since the initial OSilas Gallery exhibition. She has subsequently featured Pinajian works in benefit events to support the Gallery and has purchased Pinajian paintings for her own collection. “While I am particularly drawn to the early Overlook Mountain abstract landscapes, which for Armenian Americans like me evoke the iconic landscape of Armenia, I am enthralled by some of his more representational works, such as the stunning landscape (No. D101) done in 1963 and the figurative paintings featured in the J. Mackey show.

No. 3883 | 1964; Oil on canvas 29 x 49 in.

For this show, both landscapes and figurative works were selected that are beautiful, impactful and dynamic.”

The public is invited to an opening reception at J. Mackey Gallery on May 21, 6:00 – 8:00 pm. Register online.




ATP leading ambitious spring tree planting throughout Armenia and Artsakh

Antranik Varosian
 Armenia Tree Project Non-Profit 0

Armenia Tree Project’s (ATP) spring planting season is currently underway. The goal is to plant 400,000 trees throughout Armenia and Artsakh this spring.

A significant percentage of this spring’s plantings are at five forest sites spanning over three provinces: Shirak, Lori and Kotayk. 

The resort town of Stepanavan, located in the northern part of Lori Province near the border with Georgia, is one of the five forest sites where 59,000 trees were planted this April. The varieties of trees included: pine, oak, maple, ash, wild pear and apple.

ATP hires local villagers to provide the labor-intensive job of planting tens of thousands of cuttings. 

Arevik Aharonyan (left) and Arevluys Danielyan

Arevik Aharonyan and Arevluys Danielyan are both from the village of Dzoramut and have been neighbors for a long time. Danielyan has been on ATP’s forestry planting team for the past four years and says that she enjoys being around friends and relatives as they plant trees together. She recounts that she enjoys working with the soil and loves the thought of being useful for future generations.

“If everyone leaves the village and moves to the cities, then who is going to protect our borders and lands? I think an educated person can create a prosperous life in the village,” said Aharaonyan. “It’s a refreshing change to work outside of home, as I’ve been a housewife for all my life. I enjoy working with my friends and neighbors and love the idea of earning money.”

Artak Pnjoyan is one of the youngest at the Stepanavan forestry site. He is 31 years old and in his third year on the team. In addition to seasonal work with ATP, he is engaged in construction and trade. On an average day, he plants 250 to 300 trees and earns no less than 10,000 AMD.

“I usually come to the planting site an hour earlier and leave about 30 minutes later than everyone else. That’s my secret. First of all, what we do is important for us locals. Neither Yerevantsis nor our compatriots from other regions will benefit from the forests we establish today as much as we locals will. We want to be sure that we have done at least something useful for our country, even if it’s a minor thing,” recounts Pnjoyan.

Karine Antonyan is from the village of Dzoramut. Before joining the forestry project, she took on various jobs working as a telecommunications operator, a pastry chef and a manager at a coffee production factory.

“I am used to working outside of home and interacting with people. Living in a village, you don’t get much of that. That is why I love this job. Also, both my husband and I don’t have a permanent job, so this is a good opportunity for us to earn some money, especially now that my son is a student and commutes to Stepanavan. We need money to maintain his needs,” said Antonyan.

ATP is looking to raise $30,000 during its spring fundraiser to help rural Armenia tackle socio-economic and environmental issues. 

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Armenia Tree Project (ATP) is a non-profit program based in Woburn and Yerevan conducting vitally important environmental projects in Armenia’s cities and villages and seeks support in advancing its reforestation mission. Since 1994, ATP has planted and restored more than 6,000,000 trees, and hundreds of jobs have been created for Armenians in seasonal tree-related programs.

AW: Turkey’s Soft Power in Russia: The Case of Tatarstan

Arbi Tashjian
 Yeghia Tashjian Tashjian’s Take, Columns 0

With the fall of the Soviet Union, Turkey (under late President Turgut Ozal) saw new opportunities to engage with the newly independent republics and autonomous regions of Russia of Turkish ethnicity in post-Soviet Central Asia and the Caucasus. Turkey was encouraged to fill the Soviet Russian vacuum in the region. For this reason, Ankara deployed its soft power to contain Russian cultural and political influence and bring these regions under its radar. 

According to Sergey Sukhankin, in recent years, Russian experts have started to admit that the “Great Turan” project is gaining popularity in the Turkic-speaking world, profoundly amplified by Turkey’s military successes and growing assertiveness in the region.

In Moscow, many are realizing that the idea of the “Great Turan,” built on the ideology of the unity of the Turkish people, is rapidly spreading not only across the South Caucasus and Central Asia, but is also gaining popularity in ethnically and religiously diverse parts of Russia as well. This is visible in the rhetoric of both Russia’s conservative thinkers and representatives of the military-political leadership, such as Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu who demonstrated a growing uneasiness over Turkey’s growing influence.

Russia’s concerns rest on two main pillars. On the one hand, Russian experts admit that Turkey’s foreign policy and military successes, ambitious domestic projects and elaborate use of “soft power,” which rest on the highly revered conservative values and traditions of the Muslim world as well as the idea of pan-Turkism, have already resulted in its increasing popularity among Russia’s Turkic-speaking peoples. On the other hand, memories of the past, of the time of internal Russian crises, when many of the Turkic separatist entities openly demanded either broader autonomy or vouched for full independence and sovereignty, are still very much alive in Tatarstan, for example. In some regions, Russia managed to find peaceful solutions, albeit having to cede sizable economic benefits and political and cultural autonomy, but in others, a confrontation took the form of open armed conflict such as in Chechnya.

This article will analyze Turkey’s soft power (cultural, business and media) in Tatarstan, located in the Volga Federal District, and the future of Turkish-Russian relations. 

Turkish Involvement in Tatarstan

On the eve of the fall of the Soviet Union in August 1990, the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic backed by Turkey issued a Declaration of State Sovereignty. After the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, it continued on the course for separation from Russia. In a referendum conducted in March 1992, the majority favored independence, and in November of the same year, a Constitution of the Republic of Tatarstan was adopted, declaring it a sovereign state. However, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation declared those documents to be illegal. In February 1994, Russia offered an autonomy agreement to Tatarstan, promising a broad range of rights and policy-making abilities, but stopping short of full independence. Tatar authorities, realizing that their options were limited, rejected becoming another Chechnya and accepted the deal.

Under the Russian deal, Tatarstan was going to have its own constitution, a legislature, a tax code, a national bank and its own citizenship system. The Kazan government can conduct its own relations with other subjects of the Russian Federation and even foreign states and can set its own foreign economic policy and trade relations. However, the re-centralization of power that took place under President Vladimir Putin reduced the region’s autonomy.

Nevertheless, the active Tatar Diaspora in Turkey remains supportive of the idea of an independent Tatarstan. On December 20, 2008, in response to Russia recognizing Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the Milli Mejlis of the Tatar People declared Tatarstan independent and asked for United Nations (UN) recognition. However, this declaration was ignored both by the UN and the Russian government.

Rais Suleimanov, a Russian religious scholar and expert on Tatarstan, wrote an article titled “Tatarstan cannot decide: is it a part of Russia or a governorate of Turkey” in which he argued that a significant contributing factor to Tatarstan’s prosperity in recent years has been investments by Turkish businesses, to the tune of $1.5–2 billion, which constitutes one-fourth of all foreign investments in Tatarstan. According to Turkish businessman Rifat Hisarciklioglu, “Tatarstan gets 30 percent of Turkey’s investments in Russia.” The Russian News Agency TASS highlighted that among those Turkish investments are “about a dozen of major enterprises built by Turkish investors … located in the Alabuga special economic zone” in north-central Tatarstan.

However, Russia, fearing the rise of Turkish political influence in the region, started closely monitoring Turkish involvement in the region. After November 24, 2015, when the Russian Su-24 bomber was shot down in Syria by an air-to-air missile fired from a Turkish F-16 fighter jet, Russia reacted fiercely. As a result, Russia introduced economic sanctions against Turkey, which prohibited “the imports of many Turkish food products including fruits, vegetables, poultry, and salt and imposed a ban on hiring Turkish nationals.”

Tatarstan’s status and political relations with Moscow and Ankara were challenged. In December 2015, Tatarstan’s President Rustam Minnikhanov commented on his region’s relations with Turkey and said, “We are in the same language group, of the same religious identity.” The Grand Mufti of Tatarstan Kamil Samigullin, who studied in Turkey under Mahmut Ustaosmanoğlu (the leader of influential İsmailağa Jamia) had similar remarks too. Concerned by such comments, Moscow centralized its influence on Tatarstan and closed many Turkish agencies and projects. 

Sculpture of Sadri Maksudi Arsal in Kazan’s Istanbul Park, Russia (Photo: Wikimedia Commons/ Reda Kerbush)

In December 2015, Tatarstan was planning the installation of a monument to the prominent statesman and scholar Sadri Maksudi Arsal, a Tatarstan native who moved after the Bolshevik Revolution to Turkey where he worked as an advisor to the first president of the Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. The monument was supposed to be opened in Kazan’s Istanbul Park by Turkish President Recep Erdoğan. After the events in late November, Erdoğan’s visit was canceled. 

Around the same time, the Yunus Emre Institute for Turkish Studies at the Kazan Federal University, which opened as a Turkish “soft power” initiative in 2012, was closed. As part of the anti-Turkish measures, the Russian Ministry of Culture circulated a “recommendation” to all republics with Turkic titular populations, including Tatarstan, to break off relations with the International Organization of Turkic Culture (TÜRKSOY). Most of the autonomous republics agreed on Moscow’s terms, except Tatarstan where its officials questioned whether the federal Ministry of Culture can “dictate” to regional cultural authorities.

Between 2012 and 2013, several terrorist attacks shook the autonomous republics of the North Caucasus and the Volga region. Moscow was also concerned about some ISIS members returning to the region. In November 2015, ISIS propagandists released two videos in which Tatarstan is explicitly mentioned as a target of radical Islamists. Some Russian media outlets, indirectly hinting at Turkey, accused “foreign countries” of backing such terror attacks.

“TRT Russia”; a Tool of Turkish Soft Power

Popular Turkish soap operas have penetrated the region, and Turkey and the Republic of Tatarstan have jointly organized cultural and academic events. Many Tatar students are attending Turkish universities. To spread Turkey’s soft power deep inside Russia and neighboring states, the state-run Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT) launched a new Russian digital platform in May 2020. TRT Russian media platform announced that it will “play a key role in battling disinformation and manipulation.” Turkey was keen on reaching its ethnic Turkic cousins in Russia and Central Asia. 

The timing of TRT Russian’s launch has drawn special interest among many foreign policy observers who were quick to point out that Turkey will be challenging Russia in its own house and backyard. In an interview with the Middle East Eye, Serdar Karagoz, the deputy director-general at TRT, highlighted that the Turkish media also has similar plans in the Balkans, Africa and China. Karagoz stated that the “objective is to reach 300 million Russian speakers who also live in Central Asia, the Caucasus, Western Europe and even in Israel.”

Turkey also aimed to whitewash its image in Russia through soft power. Russia is Turkey’s largest source of visitors in the vital tourism industry, with seven million Russian tourists visiting in 2019, according to the Turkish Tourism Ministry. After the military clashes between pro-Turkish fighters and Russia-backed Syrian forces in Idlib in February 2020, Russian media such as the Sputnik International declared Turkey’s Hatay as a province stolen from Syria and unjustly annexed to Turkey by the French mandate, creating an uproar on Turkish social media. Sputnik also had directly accused Erdogan’s family of buying oil from ISIS.

After the war in Ukraine, TRT Russian started spreading anti-Russian news and reports about the Russian military operations in Ukraine. A report published on May 13, 2022 titled “Hundreds of Russians refused to serve in the army since the beginning of the war” argues that Russian soldiers are refusing to obey military orders. The media channel also highlights in detail the latest Turkish military achievement in Kazakhstan, where both countries signed a joint production accord for drones. The memorandum of understanding signed between Turkish Aerospace Industries (TUSAS) and state-owned Kazakhstan Engineering foresees the joint production of Anka — a medium-altitude, long-endurance, unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) — by Turkish and Kazakh experts. This makes Kazakhstan the first country to produce these reconnaissance-strike drones outside of Turkey. 

Conclusion

The launch of TRT Russian was a clear message from Turkey to Russia. In the last few years, Turkey started culturally, politically and even militarily expanding in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. 

Russian elites are concerned that in the case of internal crises, pan-Turkic separatist sentiments could recur. At this juncture, a particularly telling case is that of Tatarstan. Aside from having several pro-Turkic organizations operating on its territory, Tatarstan has always stood independent from Moscow. Perhaps, the most alarming example – for Moscow, of course – was the post-2015 developments and the downing of the Russian jet in Syria. Instead of openly breaking up with Ankara, Tatar leaders opted to remain silent and even showed support for Ankara, causing visible concerns in Moscow.

Interestingly, amidst the crisis in the bilateral relations between Ankara and Moscow, conservative Russian commentators have wondered whether, in the case of a military confrontation between Ankara and Moscow, Tatarstan would act as Turkey’s “silent ally” in Russia. 

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Yeghia Tashjian is a regional analyst and researcher. He has graduated from the American University of Beirut in Public Policy and International Affairs. He pursued his BA at Haigazian University in political science in 2013. In 2010, he founded the New Eastern Politics forum/blog. He was a research assistant at the Armenian Diaspora Research Center at Haigazian University. Currently, he is the regional officer of Women in War, a gender-based think tank. He has participated in international conferences in Frankfurt, Vienna, Uppsala, New Delhi and Yerevan. He has presented various topics from minority rights to regional security issues. His thesis topic was on China’s geopolitical and energy security interests in Iran and the Persian Gulf. He is a contributor to various local and regional newspapers and a presenter of the “Turkey Today” program for Radio Voice of Van. Recently he has been appointed as associate fellow at the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut and Middle East-South Caucasus expert in the European Geopolitical Forum.


The California Courier Online, May 19, 2022

Boris Nahapetian

1-         Biden Wants to Sell Arms to Turkey

            While Ankara is Undermining NATO

            By Harut Sassounian

            Publisher, The California Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

2-         Art dealer Larry Gagosian buys Warhol’s

            iconic Marilyn Monroe for $195 Million

3-         Armenian flag disallowed at NZ Ataturk memorial

4-         COMMENTARY

            Not ‘All in a System of a Down’ These Days
            By Jenny Yettem

5-         Armenia Continues Fight Against COVID-19

************************************************************************************************************************************************

1-         Biden Wants to Sell Arms to Turkey

            While Ankara is Undermining NATO

            By Harut Sassounian

            Publisher, The California Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

With each passing day, the Armenian-American community is getting
increasingly disappointed with Pres. Joe Biden’s anti-Armenian
actions. He has done more harm than good to Armenia’s interests.

Last year, 24 hours before acknowledging the Armenian Genocide, Pres.
Biden waived Section 907 of the U.S. Freedom Support Act, thus
allowing the United States to provide various types of aid to
Azerbaijan, including ‘security’ assistance.

The U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO) reported that from 2002 to
2020 the Departments of State, Defense, and Energy, and the U.S.
Agency for International Development provided to Azerbaijan $808
million in U.S. aid, of which $164 million (20%) was for ‘security’
assistance. On March 31, 2022, the American Ambassador to Baku proudly
tweeted that the U.S. Department of Defense just donated $30 million
of ‘equipment’ to Azerbaijan. It makes no sense whatsoever, to provide
assistance to oil-rich Azerbaijan which is plush with billions of
petrodollars. This is a complete waste of U.S. taxpayers’ money.

During a recent hearing, when Senator Robert Menendez, Chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, questioned Secretary of State
Antony Blinken why the State Department failed to report to Congress
the impact of the assistance to Baku on the military balance between
Azerbaijan and Armenia, Blinken gave an evasive answer by promising to
look into it.

Even though previous presidents had also waived Section 907, thus
providing assistance to filthy rich Azerbaijan, Joe Biden, during his
2020 presidential campaign, boldly criticized Pres. Donald Trump for
waiving Section 907. Yet, within three months of becoming President,
he did the same thing as Trump.

What is the point of acknowledging the Armenian Genocide and then
providing weapons to Azerbaijan to continue killing Armenians, as was
the case in the 2020 war? What is needed is action, not empty words.

Another blunder of the Biden administration is not enforcing the ban
on the transfer of U.S. weapons to third countries. The prime example
of this violation is the use of U.S. F-16 military jets by Turkey in
Azerbaijan during the 2020 Artsakh war. In addition, the U.S. did not
ban the sale of U.S. parts in the Bayraktar Turkish drones which
played a key role in the 2020 war.

The Biden administration reduced aid to Armenia to $24 Million and
allocated a pitiful amount of humanitarian assistance to thousands of
displaced Armenians from Artsakh, while acknowledging that they are in
an “acute humanitarian crisis.”

Other shortcomings of the Biden administration are:

1) Did not pressure Azerbaijan to release immediately the Armenian
prisoners from Baku jails, after the end of the 2020 war.

2) Did not condemn Turkey’s recruitment and transfer of Islamist
terrorists to participate in the 2020 Artsakh war on behalf of
Azerbaijan.

3) Did not criticize the incursion of Azeri troops into Armenia’s
territory since May 12, 2021.

4) Failed to take action regarding the massive human rights violations
by Azerbaijan and Turkey, while Pres. Biden hypocritically talks about
human rights being a core tenet of U.S. foreign policy.

Instead, we hear repeated U.S. calls in support of “Armenia-Turkey
reconciliation” and “peace agreement with Azerbaijan,” which are
contrary to Armenia’s national interests.

Amazingly, the Biden administration just informed Congress that it
supports the sale to Turkey of missiles, radar, and electronics for
its existing fleet of F-16 fighter jets. In addition, Turkey has asked
for the purchase of 40 new F-16 jets.

The Biden administration is wrong that the proposed arms sale to
Turkey “serves NATO’s interests.” In fact, this sale faces an uphill
battle in Congress as 60 Members of Congress have expressed their
vehement opposition.

Contrary to the Biden administration’s assertion, the proposed arms
sale to Turkey will undermine U.S. and NATO interests for the
following reasons:

1) The F-16 jets will be used by Turkey in Syria and Iraq to bomb
Kurdish fighters who are U.S. allies in the fight against ISIS
terrorists, whom Turkey supports.

2) Turkey will use the F-16’s to continue its illegal intrusions into
the territorial waters of Greece, a NATO member.

3) Turkey will use the F-16 jets to threaten the territorial integrity
of Armenia.

4) Turkey continues to occupy Northern Cyprus ever since 1974 and
refuses to leave despite scores of U.N. Security Council resolutions.

5) The United States sanctioned Turkey and blocked the sale of F-35
U.S. advanced fighter jets for purchasing S-400 Russian missiles,
contrary to NATO’s interests.

Finally, at a time when NATO countries, including the United States,
are confronting Russia in Ukraine, the governments of Finland and
Sweden have asked to join NATO. Except for Turkey, all other NATO
members are in favor of the expedited memberships of Finland and
Sweden. Pres. Erdogan announced that his country will veto the
membership applications of these two countries, using the ridiculous
argument that Finland and Sweden are “home to many terrorist
organizations,” meaning Kurdish refugees. This is highly ironic coming
from a country like Turkey which for years supported ISIS terrorists
in Syria and Iraq.

By opposing Finland’s and Sweden’s NATO memberships, Turkey hopes to
achieve the following aims:

1) To cater to Russia with which it has important military and
commercial ties. Turkey is the only NATO member that has refused to
sanction Russia and close its airspace to Russian planes. Turkey is
Russia’s mole inside NATO.

2) To extract concessions from the United States to purchase arms and
gain political support in return for allowing the applications of
Finland and Sweden to join NATO.

It is clear that Turkey, Russia’s ally, does not belong in NATO.
Before Pres. Biden decides to sell F-16 jets to Turkey, I suggest that
he read The Washington Post editorial published on April 29, 2022,
titled: “Turkey reaches a new low of despotism.”

************************************************************************************************************************************************
2-         Art dealer Larry Gagosian buys Warhol’s

            iconic Marilyn Monroe for $195 Million

By Low De Wei

(Bloomberg)—The sale of a vividly-colored Marilyn Monroe portrait by
Andy Warhol for a record $195 million has drawn attention to Larry
Gagosian, the winning bidder and art world mega-dealer. It is the most
expensive work by an American artist sold at auction.

The owner of one of the largest art galleries in the world, Gagosian
is often described as the world’s most important art dealer. The
77-year-old manages an art empire with 19 exhibition spaces spanning
the world, from New York’s Madison Avenue to the heart of Hong Kong’s
financial district.

Gagosian’s “mega gallery” business model has been a major force
driving the art market’s worldwide expansion for the past two decades.
His galleries have often put up major shows rivaling those of major
museums, including a 2017 exhibition in London featuring Pablo
Picasso’s works.

The grandson of Armenian immigrants, he studied English literature and
swam competitively at UCLA.

He then rose from selling posters in a parking lot in Los Angeles in
the 1970s to becoming one of the art world’s most powerful figures.

“I didn’t have family in the business. I never worked for another
gallery,” he told Bloomberg News in a 2020 profile. “So by nature,
I’ve been a survivor and a scrappy businessman.”

He has represented Warhol, and sold the silk-screen Monroe image to
Swiss art collector Thomas Ammann in 1986. Gagosian’s stable of
artists has also included Damien Hirst, Jeff Koons, Takashi Murakami,
Richard Prince and Cy Twombly, many of them poached from rivals.

Art collectors who are customers of dealers like Gagosian often prefer
anonymity. Still, he is known for acquiring artwork for the rich and
famous including hedge fund manager Steve Cohen, entertainment
industry mogul David Geffen and Blackstone Inc. chief executive
officer Steve Schwarzman.

He has declined to comment on the sale of Warhol’s Shot Sage Blue
Marilyn, after beating out bidders at Christie’s in New York. While
Gagosian has not revealed details of his business or wealth, he is
estimated to clear $1 billion in sales annually.

************************************************************************************************************************************************
3-         Armenian flag disallowed at NZ Ataturk memorial

By Hamish Cardwell

A Wellington man who claims police threatened to trespass him from an
Anzac Day memorial if he displayed an Armenian flag in memory of
genocide victims says it is “shameful”.

He said the exclusion kowtowed to an authoritarian Turkish regime,
while a lawyer said it trampled on fundamental human rights.

Meanwhile, the Christchurch City Council has shot down a proposal for
a flag pole, citing international relations implications for flying
certain contentious flags.

The genocide of a million Armenians by the rulers of the Ottoman
empire is one of the terrible chapters of human history. Turkey
disputes the number killed and the label genocide, but most scholars
on the topic and many countries recognize the events as a genocide.

For a few years, without incident, Richard Noble has gone to
Wellington’s Ataturk memorial on Anzac day to silently protest the New
Zealand government’s lack of formal recognition of the extermination.

This year he introduced himself to a police officer on site letting
him know he was going to hold his Armenian flag, but he was told doing
so would be offensive to Turkish officials.

Noble said the officer told him he had been authorised by the
Wellington City Council to trespass anyone with an Armenian flag—on
the request of the Foreign Affairs Ministry and the Turkish
Embassy—something they both deny.

“It was a shameful and expedient move by council to circumvent my
freedom of _expression_ guaranteed under … [the] Bill of Rights in
order to protect the sensibilities of an authoritarian and repressive
regime,” Noble told a council meeting yesterday.

Noble said he left the council owned area that day, but stood out on
the public road with his flag.

He said he was an RSA member and his grandfather fought and was
wounded at Gallipoli—and his action was in no way to disparage the
solemnity of the event.

Richard Noble protesting for recognition of the Armenian genocide, at
the Ataturk Memorial in 2017.

Wellington City Council said it supported the rights of people to
protest, and that it delegated trespass authority to Police on Anzac
Day.

It denied ever being asked to stop or dissuade those protesting against Turkey.

The Foreign Affairs Ministry and Turkey’s Embassy also denied making
any request—and MFAT said no such request was made to it by the
Turkish Embassy.

The police said “they were made aware a flag the man intended to
display could be offensive to people of Turkish heritage attending the
service”.

It said a senior officer told Noble he would be asked to leave if he
displayed the flag, and he could be arrested for trespass if he did
not comply, but he was welcome to stay if he kept the flag away.

“The man then left the service without incident. He was not arrested
or issued with a trespass notice.”

Human rights lawyer Douglas Ewen said the officer’s actions were
totally inappropriate.

He said it was hard to find rights in the Bill of Rights that were not
being impinged upon.

“I find it remarkable to say the least that the police officer thought
this was a good idea—that police officer needs some re-training.”

Ewen said it would not hold water in court, and the fact Noble’s
protest was at an Anzac event changed nothing.

He said it was a terrible idea for the council to devolve power in this way.

University of Auckland senior politics lecturer Maria Armoudian said a
large number of her family was wiped out in the genocide and the
incident on Anzac day was traumatising.

“It is devastating for us… deeply disturbed by this. Your wounds
can’t heal without some kind of acknowledgement that what happened in
the past was wrong. We just want our history acknowledged and
everything that was taken from us, and taken in the most brutal and
violating ways—that’s not that much to ask for.”

Armoudian wants an apology from police.

New Zealand has to strike a difficult balance while sticking up for
human rights in the face of mass arrests and other human rights abuses
by Turkey’s leader President Tayyip Erdogan.

There was a serious falling out between the countries when the New
Zealand’s ambassador last year joined nine international diplomats
calling for the release of a jailed Turkish businessman and
philanthropist.

It has raised the specter of New Zealand being denied access to the
Gallipoli peninsula for official Anzac celebrations.

**********************************************************************************************************************************************

4-         COMMENTARY

Not ‘All in a System of a Down’ These Days
By Jenny Yettem

(Combined Sources)—Where on stage they may arouse rage against
so-called machines, in reality three of the members of System of a
Down are at political ends—with two calling for the resignation of
Nikol Pashinyan, and one remaining tacitly in support of his political
ally.

Last week, bassist Shavo Odadjian and drummer John Dolmayan, welcomed
the “Resistance” movement in Armenia, calling for the resignation of
Pashinyan and his government. According to Oragark, Odadjian and
Dolmayan have both reportedly posted information about the movement on
their Instagram accounts.

On April 24, vocalist Serj Tankian penned an op-ed for Asbarez
newspaper asking, “Would Israel Normalize Relations with Germany
Without Germany’s Recognition of the Holocaust?”

Tankian opines, “Armenians around the world are in a state of trauma
having to accept normalization of relations with a genocidal state
that continues its denial of our genocide. Not a single Armenian
thinks that normalization without reconciliation is a good idea. Would
Israel have accepted such terms at its inception as a homeland for all
Jews around the world if there were no Nuremberg trials, and if
Germany had denied its role in the Holocaust?”

He continues, “The need for normalization between the people of Turkey
and Armenia is important right now as a step in building confidence to
deal with the difficult issues of genocide acceptance and the just
steps which follow. After all, normalization and reconciliation are
not the same thing, though one can lead to the other. The dictator of
Turkey, Erdogan, and his government will never realistically take that
step, so it’s important to note that a true democratic conversion of
Turkey is necessary to ultimately lead to reconciliation with
Armenia.”

Tankian concludes, “If normalization with Turkey prevails, Armenia
will have to be smart in legislating economic protections so that
larger Turkish companies do not compromise its economy or national
security. The opening of trade routes and access to Europe, currently
only through Georgia, will lead to increased economic gain for
Armenia. It is inconceivable that we are talking about normalizing
relations with a genocidal neighbor who just attacked us 18 months
ago, but geopolitical reality necessitates peace for Armenia at this
time.”

In this op-ed, Tankian does not once mention the name Nikol Pashinyan
let alone that the current geopolitical reality was a direct result of
Pashinyan unilaterally signing a tripartite agreement in November 2020
in order to jerry-rig peace towards this lopsided normalization
agreement. Tankian has repeatedly rebuffed calls for him to withdraw
what was his ardent support of Pashinyan—for whom he flew to Armenia
in 2018, to rally on behalf of the arguably populist Pashinyan and
extend his support of the My Step movement, donning a hat bearing the
party’s slogan “Dukhov” that means “with gusto” in Russian.

It isn’t the first time that the bandmates disagree. In 2020, it
became widely known through Instagram that Tankian was a staunch
supporter of Joe Biden, while Dolmayan loaned his support to former
president Donald Trump. The two made light of their political
division, saying that it didn’t impact their personal
relationship—Tankian and Dolmayan are also brothers-in-law by marriage
to sisters, Angela Madatyan Tankian and Diana Madatyan Dolmayan.

***********************************************************************************************************************************************

5-         Armenia Continues Fight Against COVID-19

Armenia continues the fight against COVID-19. The government continues
to promote vaccinations. There were 2,223 active COVID-19 cases in
Armenia as of May 16. Armenia has recorded 422,917 coronavirus cases.
Armenia has recorded 8,623 deaths; this marks the second week where no
new deaths were recorded. 412,071 have recovered.

***************************************************************************************************************************

************************************************************************************************************************************************

California Courier Online provides readers of the Armenian News News Service
with a few of the articles in this week’s issue of The California
Courier. Letters to the editor are encouraged through our e-mail
address, . Letters are published with
the author’s name and location; authors are required to disclose their
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California Courier subscribers can change or modify mailing addresses
by emailing .

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 05/16/2022

Emil Lazarian 
                                        Monday, 
Armenian Police Stop Opposition Motorcade Rallies
        • Artak Khulian
Armenia - Police arrest a participant of a motorcade rally held by the Armenian 
opposition in Yerevan, .
Police detained more than 90 people on Monday to break up fresh motorcade 
rallies organized by the Armenian opposition as part of its ongoing civil 
disobedience campaign against the government.
Dozens of vehicles driven by opposition activists were stopped by security 
forces as they slowly traveled to the center of Yerevan from the city’s 
outskirts in several simultaneous processions that began early in the morning.
The drivers were forcibly removed from the cars that were subsequently towed 
away by the police amid traffic jams.
Opposition leaders condemned the police actions, saying that the drivers did not 
violate traffic rules and simply exercised their legal right to peaceful 
assembly.
“The policemen that you are seeing are a minority in the [law-enforcement] 
system, and let this police minority bear in mind that it will be held 
accountable,” one of them, Aram Vartevanian, told reporters.
Vartevanian accused the police of seriously damaging some of the impounded cars.
Armenia - A car belonging to an opposition protester is towed away in Yerevan, 
.
A police statement released later in the day defended the arrests and the 
dispersal of the motorcades, saying that they disrupted traffic in the city. It 
urged opposition supporters not to “restrict other citizens’ freedom of movement 
by interfering with traffic.”
The police did not halt similar processions organized by the country’s leading 
opposition forces last week.
They broke up the latest motorcade rallies as the daily anti-government protests 
entered their third week. The opposition Hayastan and Pativ Unem alliances 
pledged to step up the pressure on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian as thousands 
of their supporters again marched through central Yerevan on Sunday.
Pashinian has rejected opposition demands for his resignation sparked by his 
recent statements on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
Pashinian Again Criticizes Russian-Led Military Bloc
        • Aza Babayan
Russia -- Russian President Vladimir Putin and the leaders of other CSTO member 
states arrive for a summit in Moscow, .
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian again criticized the Russian-led Collective 
Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) on Monday for not openly siding with Armenia 
in its border dispute with Azerbaijan.
“As you know, one year ago Azerbaijani troops invaded Armenia’s sovereign 
territory,” Pashinian told a CSTO summit in Moscow. “Armenia appealed to the 
CSTO to activate its mechanisms for crisis situations. Unfortunately, we cannot 
say that the organization reacted in a way that was expected by Armenia.”
Armenia appealed to the CSTO for help shortly after Azerbaijani troops 
reportedly crossed several sections of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border and 
advanced a few kilometers into Armenian territory in May 2021. It asked the 
alliance of six ex-Soviet states to invoke Article 2 of its founding treaty 
which requires them to discuss a collective response to grave security threats 
facing one of them.
Russia and other CSTO member states expressed concern over the border tensions 
but did not issue joint statements in support of Armenia. The bloc’s secretary 
general, Stanislav Zas, said last July that the Armenian-Azerbaijani dispute is 
not serious enough to warrant a CSTO military intervention.
In an apparent jibe at Russia, Pashinian also criticized his country’s unnamed 
ex-Soviet allies for selling weapons to Azerbaijan, which he said were used 
against “Armenia and the Armenian people” during the 2020 war in 
Nagorno-Karabakh.
Tajikistan - CSTO holds a military exercise in 2021.
At the same time, Pashinian again acknowledged Russian President Vladimir 
Putin’s “special role” in stopping the six-war through a ceasefire brokered by 
Moscow in November 2020. He further declared that Yerevan remains committed to 
the CSTO because it regards the bloc as a “key factor of stability and security” 
for Armenia and the entire “Eurasian region.”
In his opening remarks at the summit, timed to coincide with the 30th 
anniversary of the CSTO’s creation, Putin focused on the continuing war in 
Ukraine. He briefed the leaders of Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and 
Tajikistan on Russia’s “special military operation” there during an ensuing 
discussion held behind the closed doors.
Belarus is the only non-Russian CSTO country to have publicly backed the Russian 
invasion. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko chided the other member 
states for adopting a more cautious stance and not acting in a united front 
against NATO’s eastward expansion.
“If there is no unity in our ranks we may not exist tomorrow,” warned Lukashenko.
A joint statement released by the CSTO leaders after the summit makes no 
explicit mention of the conflict in Ukraine.
Armenian Government Under Fresh Fire Over Peace Treaty With Azerbaijan
        • Astghik Bedevian
Armenia -‘Opposition leader Ishkhan Saghatelian speaks at a rally in Yerevan, 
May15, 2022
Armenia’s political leadership has come under fresh fire after trying to dispel 
opposition concerns about its position on an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty 
sought by Azerbaijan.
In March, Baku presented Yerevan with five elements which it wants to be at the 
heart of the treaty. They include a mutual recognition of each other’s 
territorial integrity. The Armenian government said they are acceptable to it in 
principle, setting the stage for official negotiations on the issue.
Armenian official revealed earlier this month that they came up with six other 
issues that should also be included on the agenda of the talks. They said the 
proposals relate to the future of status of Karabakh and the security of its 
ethnic Armenian population.
Edmon Marukian, a recently appointed ambassador-at-large, shed more light on 
them in an interview with Armenian Public Television aired on Friday.
In particular, he said, Yerevan made clear to Baku that “the issues of 
guaranteeing the security of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenians, respecting their 
rights and freedoms and determining the final status of Nagorno-Karabakh are 
fundamental to the Armenian side.” Marukian said this disproves opposition 
allegations that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian is ready to accept all 
Azerbaijani terms of the deal.
Armenia - Edmon Marukian, the leader of the Bright Armenia Party, speaks at an 
election campaign meeting in Yerevan, June 18, 2021.
Pashinian triggered anti-government street protests after declaring last month 
that the international community is pressing Armenia to “lower the bar” on the 
status issue and signaling his readiness to do that.
Reacting to Marukian’s remarks, leaders of the country’s two main opposition 
alliances staging the protests said they are now even more convinced that 
Pashinian wants to help Azerbaijan regain full control over Karabakh.
“Can Nikol Pashinian explicitly state that Artsakh can never be a part of 
Azerbaijan and that they see no solution along these lines?” one of them, 
Ishkhan Saghatelian, told a weekend news conference. “Everything else is 
manipulation.”
Pashinian’s stance was also denounced by Levon Zurabian, a top aide to former 
President Levon Ter-Petrosian who has long advocated a compromise solution to 
the Karabakh conflict.
Armenia - Opposition supporters rally in Yerevan, .
Zurabian said Pashinian’s administration did not specify the status of Karabakh 
and mechanisms for determining it acceptable to the Armenian side. Nor did it 
make clear that the issue must be on the agenda of peace talks with Baku, he 
said in a Facebook post.
“It once again became clear to us that today Armenia has a government that does 
not understand anything about diplomacy and is literally insane,” he wrote.
“It turned out that Armenia has no idea what it wants to include in the peace 
treaty or what it wants to change in Azerbaijan's proposals,” added Zurabian.
Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov said on May 10 that the document 
presented by Yerevan “can’t be called proposals.” Pashinian complained 
afterwards that Baku wants the planned talks on the peace accord to focus only 
on its own ideas.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2022 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

CivilNet: Battling Azerbaijan’s armenophobic policies and Armenia’s domestic human rights challenges

Kanayan Tamar
CIVILNET.AM

11 May, 2022 07:05

Kristine Grigoryan, Armenia’s Human Rights Defender, discusses her office’s priorities regarding Armenia’s various internal and external human rights challenges. Ms. Grigoryan also talks about whether the Human Rights Defender’s Office has sufficient resources to conduct its activities, and what she and her team are doing with regard to police brutality.

Azerbaijani press: Deputy FM: Border delimitation with Armenia envisages return of Azerbaijan’s exclave villages

Hambardsumian Paul
10 May 2022 15:53 (UTC+04:00)
1 315

Azerbaijani Deputy Foreign Minister Khalaf Khalafov has stated that border delimitation with Armenia envisages the return of Azerbaijani exclave villages as well, Trend has reported.

Khalaf Khalafov underlined that the villages of Azerbaijan’s Gazakh region and Nakhchivan’s Karki should be resolved within the delimitation process, the report added.

Armenia will never be able to claim that these villages are not part of Azerbaijan, the deputy minister stressed.

“These lands are part of Azerbaijan. The issue of the return of these territories to Azerbaijan will be considered within the framework of the delimitation process. The return of these territories under the control of Azerbaijan will be discussed and a solution will be found,” Khalafov added.

Furthermore, he stated that the Azerbaijani-Armenia peace talks should be held in line with the five basic principles put forward by Baku.

Khalafov said that following the Brussels meeting and the events that preceded it, Armenia agreed to a peace treaty, and the start of the delimitation of the state borders with Azerbaijan, and efforts are being made in this direction.

“Armenia hasn’t yet rejected the five-point proposal,” he underlined.

Since the early 1990s, Armenia has kept under occupation seven villages of Azerbaijan’s Gazakh region, as well as Nakhchivan’s Karki village.

Armenia’s unfounded territorial claims and aggression against Azerbaijan were not limited to Karabakh but also covered other regions. Villages in the Gazakh region, 100 km off Nagorno-Karabakh, often come under armed attacks from Armenian invaders since the 1990s.

The Gazakh region has a 168-kilometer border with Armenia. Long before the start of the First Karabakh war (1988-1994), Armenian armed forces often opened fire on residents living in the Gazakh region’s border villages, burning houses, and destroying or stealing animals.

The villages occupied by Armenians are Gazakh’s Sofulu, Barkhudarli, Baghanis Ayrim, Gizil Hajili, Yukhari Askipara, Ashagi Askipara, and Kheyrimli villages, and Karki village of Nakhchivan’s Sadarak region.