Category: 2021

Local Group Unveils Armenian-Themed Mural

Talar Tumanian
Outlook
July 24 2021
Photo by Christian Leonard / Burbank Leader
A crowd of city and state officials, school district representatives and members of the local Armenian community stand with artist Pauline Hacopian as she cuts a ribbon at a ceremony introducing her newly created mural.

Burbank for Armenia presented this week what the organization believes is the city’s first public mural depicting Armenian culture.

The group unveiled the mural, created by local resident Pauline Hacopian, during an event on Monday. Displayed on an exterior wall of the Nexus Auto Group and facing North Edison Boulevard, the piece incorporates several aspects of both Armenia and the Los Angeles area.

Mount Ararat, which the Bible suggests is the resting place of Noah’s ark after the flood and is a national symbol of Armenia, serves as a centerpiece of the mural. Pomegranates, also emblematic of the country, hang over the design that includes the L.A. skyline and the Armenian Genocide Memorial in Armenia.

“I wasn’t born in Armenia, I was born here, so [in the artwork] L.A. meets my roots,” Hacopian explained in an interview. “It’s … a bunch of different monuments that kind of make me who I am.”

In February, Burbank for Armenia invited young local artists to submit applications to design the mural. The organization announced Hacopian’s selection in early June, pairing her with Nexus Auto Group, whose owner volunteered an exterior wall of his building to the project.

“I heard about this great thing, and I really wanted to have it on our wall because being Armenian and seeing this mural was such a beautiful thing,” Nexus owner Vahe Hamzoian said in an interview.

The mural is Hacopian’s first, she said. Being able to create one that represents her Armenian roots, she added, is a “dream come true.

Photo by Christian Leonard / Burbank Leader
Local artist Pauline Hacopian said her mural reflects both her connection to the Los Angeles area and her Armenian heritage. Burbank for Armenia selected her design for the artwork in a contest held earlier this year.

Romik Hacobian, who spearheaded the creation of Burbank for Armenia, explained that the group was founded in October, when Armenians were fighting Azerbaijan — backed by Turkey — in a war over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. He said his girlfriend, Lusine Simonyan, worried every day about her youngest brother, who risked being drafted into the Armenian armed forces.

An Armenian area of Nagorno-Karabakh that called itself the Republic of Artsakh sought to unify with Armenia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, despite international recognition of the area as Azeri territory. Last year’s war echoed for many Armenians the genocide carried out by the Ottoman Empire starting in 1915. The 2020 conflict ended with a ceasefire that gave Azerbaijan control over much of the disputed territory.

In the months after its formation, Burbank for Armenia promoted fundraisers that supported Armenia’s armed forces. The group has also held a book drive for local schools and, along with the Burbank chapter of the Armenian National Committee of America, successfully lobbied municipal officials to light City Hall with the colors of the Armenian flag in remembrance of the Armenian genocide.

Hacobian and other members of the local Armenian community, he said, “always discussed about bringing Armenians together and how that would work.

“And then eventually because of this crisis,” he added, “it kind of just … came together.”

Looking over the mural she created, Hacopian said she hopes it will prompt passersby to ask questions about Armenia and the issues it is facing. Not many non-Armenians knew about the war with Azerbaijan last year, she explained, but she hopes art will encourage community members to learn about the events.

Burbank for Armenia hopes the mural will be the first of many throughout the city, Hacobian said. He added that the organization is considering making the commission an annual initiative, as several businesses expressed interest in hosting an art piece.

The inaugural work has already attracted some attention from local officials. Burbank Mayor Bob Frutos and state Sen. Anthony Portantino addressed the crowd on Monday, and other attendees included members of the City Council and Burbank Unified School District Board of Education. Board member Armond Aghakhanian also spoke during the event as a Burbank for Armenia member. Agkakhanian, who helped launch the BUSD’s diversity, equity and inclusion committee about two years ago, reiterated the importance of DEI during his speech.

Photo by Christian Leonard / Burbank Leader
Burbank Mayor Bob Frutos addresses community members during an event this week presenting what is believed to be the city’s first Armenian-themed mural. Behind him are Burbank Unified School District board member Armond Aghakhanian, state Sen. Anthony Portantino, Nexus Auto Group owner Vahe Hamzoian, local artist Pauline Hacopian and Burbank for Armenia founder Romik Hacobian.

“As we look at this mural, we must not forget that the foundation for a thriving, healthy society and a city is diversity, equity and inclusion,” he told attendees. “Here at Burbank for Armenia, we are committed to creating a community that supports and values each of its members equally as we celebrate our differences.”

His next words, however, were interrupted by a screech from a Smart and Final truck; the grocery chain has a location across the street from Nexus.

But the disturbance soon led to a moment of connection. As Aghakhanian made his way through the crowd after his speech, he spotted the driver of the truck, who was apparently waving at the group. A smile spread across his face.

“He’s Armenian!” Aghakhanian shouted.

 

Pashinyan proposes Russian border posts along entire Armenia-Azerbaijan frontier

Kalashian Nyrie
July 30 2021






By Neil Hauer in Yerevan July 30, 2021
Following clashes, Pashinyan as proposed Moscow secure the whole border.


Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has suggested that Russian border posts be placed along the entirety of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border to secure its safe demarcation, with simmering tensions between the two South Caucasus nations threatening to boil over once more.

On July 28, three Armenian soldiers were killed in what was the deadliest clash between Armenia and Azerbaijan since the end of last autumn’s Nagorno-Karabakh war. Clashes have become more frequent along the border since mid-May.

Speaking at a government session on July 29, Pashinyan also said that observers from the member states of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) could also monitor the border, adding that the Minsk Group of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and other formats could be acceptable alternatives to secure a peaceful border delimitation.

Internationally mediated negotiations involving the Minsk Group co-chaired by Russia, the US, and France have been unable to produce a lasting settlement of the conflict.

“As a member of the CSTO, Armenia, which will take over the chairmanship in the organisation in September, fully understands its responsibility to avoid threats to the CSTO’s security and stay away from involving allies in armed conflicts, and I officially exclude any provocative actions from Armenia’s armed forces,” Pashinyan said. The CSTO groups Armenia, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said in Moscow shortly after Pashinyan’s statement that “Russia continues contacting Yerevan and Baku to secure the implementation of the three-party agreements”. The Russia-brokered agreements brought the 44-day war between Armenia and Azerbaijan to an end last November.

Fighting ended with Baku regaining control over parts of the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh and all seven adjacent districts that were under ethnic Armenian control for almost 30 years. Under the ceasefire deal, around 2,000 Russian peacekeeper troops were deployed to in and around Nagorno-Karabakh to keep the peace.

The war claimed at least 6,900 lives.

 

Armenia’s Lost Mandate

Andranik Taslakhchian
July 29 2021
29/07/2021 International Affairs Political Government
By David Davidian
Armenians find themselves badly scarred after losing last autumn’s Second Karabakh War to Azerbaijan. As of this writing, and following the November 2020 “Armistice,” Armenia continues to endure the incursion and occupation of about two thousand Azerbaijani soldiers on internationally recognized Armenian territory.

David Davidian

Azerbaijan is currently using all its military, psychological and diplomatic tools to force Armenia to sign a peace treaty that rests heavily in the former’s favor. Armenia has lost much of its perceived sovereignty and is thus ignored by its allies. Allies are earned, not gifted. These global circumstances and Armenia’s ineffectiveness have put Armenia itself in a critical condition.
Armenia has a historical mandate; the survival of what little remains of its lands, culture, and heritage in a hostile geopolitical setting. This challenging goal could be achieved by the Armenian state by providing maximum security for its citizens, utilizing its diaspora’s strategic value, and being diplomatically savvier than its enemies. Armenia has not fulfilled this obligation, nor has even come close. Thirty years ago, Armenian leaders took the easy way out, and Armenians are paying the price today.
As the Soviet Union dissolved, the leaders of Armenia, a combination of ex-KGB and Cowboy Capitalists, set the state’s societal course for the next thirty years, based on regressive historical determinism. It was assumed that Armenians have historically been unable to generate the required sovereignty maximizing their ability to counter the regional forces aimed at their degeneration and that temperament has not changed. It is one thing to think Armenia could magically win reparations for the Turkish genocide of the Armenians and just as absurd to suggest that if Armenia buries its head in the sand, nobody will notice this miniscule state.  Armenia’s enemies and allies have most certainly noticed. The die, cast thirty years ago, has been refined along the way. Armenia’s leaders appear reluctant about teaching its society what is necessary to survive in inhospitable geography, nor does native Armenian society want to hear it.
 Rather than instituting a society where national security is the mantra, Armenian leaders established a system quickly adapted to by a post-Soviet population. The laissez-faire structure created was characterized by unequal law enforcement tilted toward the rich and powerful, with society following in its path. The individual goal was maximizing one’s fortune. While this might be the goal of most individuals, it will fail as a national policy when such intent supplants law enforcement, education, economic planning (equated with the Soviet Union), demographic stability, military preparedness, and base-level civil discipline. Systems without transparent checks and balances; that lack personal responsibility; and that are run by near Mafia-like precision cannot serve such a mandate. They do serve other interests. How can an enlisted Armenian be guaranteed he won’t be shot in the back by “friendly fire” if a fellow soldier is paid handsomely enough?
A citizen will never know if a military procurement is in the State’s best interest — rather than the arms dealers’ — if the primary accepted motivation is personal profit. How can an Armenian citizen know if a civil servant is serving the Armenian national interest rather than a foreign interest, as a white-collar mercenary, if the civil servant is paid enough? In Yerevan, rumors abound — but shouldn’t exist — since democracy’s prerequisite is transparency. Reach your own conclusions.
 State security remains a topic discussed in smoke-filled rooms, and to what degree remains unknown. Instead, conspicuous consumption and the accumulation of wealth have replaced even a minimum level of patriotism. A patriot is an individual who has the propensity to serve the interests, ultimately, of a grand national strategy1. Patriotism is null and void if it lacks adherence to a grand national strategy. Patriotism requires mechanisms for its effectiveness, mainly involving civic obligations rather than flag-waving. One need not even invoke Rousseau’s social contract argument, for one can look at the instance of war. Soldiers defend a nation through battle. Soldiers must have a solid sense of patriotism, take personal risks, and believe in some vision greater than themselves. The same is not valid for mercenaries. Patriotism is measured by the extent to which citizens identify with the state, its values and participate in maintaining and advancing its strength by serving the wider community. Patriotism encourages public discourse and a more efficient running of the state. If this participation is discouraged, so is the connection between the state and its citizens. No nation-state can succeed when its citizens make their own rules and state structures serve personal interests. By the late 1990s, Armenian leaders promulgated the fallacy that a national ideology was an imaginary structure. Let us be clear: There cannot be a grand national strategy upon which all modern states are built if there is no national ideology. It is unclear what universe these late-Soviet period academics, including Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrosian, lived in. Today’s Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan is a Ter-Petrosyan disciple. Armenia’s enemies see these policies, and the outcome of the Second Karabakh War was one of the results of enforcing such policies.
 Post-Soviet Armenian society adapted to the easiest way out, encouraged by an un-patriotic current feeding into Armenian individualism. If a system is established on theft and thuggery that results in the existence of big oligarchs, and the society adapts to such a scenario, it is in the interest of the oligarchs to keep that system intact. In sharp contrast, the average patriotic citizen might start asking questions and demand governmental transparency with checks and balances in place. Such a patriot might ask why the elementary education system is still a holdover from Soviet days (in attitude, at least). A patriot might ask why some people get away with murder, and while others face red tape, questionable fines and traffic tickets. A patriot might ask why the military and state security infrastructures are opaque. Removing such defective practices from national life will lead to a more vibrant state.
 Ironically, I would conjecture that the Soviet-era Sardarapat Memorial, a symbol of national pride and survival, would not have been built after Armenia’s 1991’s independence. Similarly, a less impressive Genocide Memorial would exist, not matching the grandeur of the Soviet-era complex. Few Armenian flags wave in Armenia today, and few national monuments have been constructed there since the fall of the Soviet Union.
 Of vital importance to the state is its diplomatic prowess. A state’s diplomatic corps is an institution that is developed and refined over time. It has almost no effectiveness when diplomats and foreign ministers are transactional political appointees — like interns — not part of a culture that serves a national ideology, assuming one exists. Diplomatic acumen and relations take time to mature. Armenia’s soon-to-be Foreign Minister, Armen Grigoryan, has no diplomatic experience. The same goes for Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan. Poor diplomatic expertise does not lend itself to being an effective negotiator; in fact, quite the opposite.
 Civil attitudes towards the state and what it represents are critical to national security. The country’s ability to withstand existential threats is founded on societal strength as much as it does leadership. In long-standing issues, such as frozen disputes, societal resilience counters eventual demoralization.
 It is beyond the scope of this article to engage in a comparison of three decades of strategic changes and maneuvers in the Southern Caucasus and broader region. However, it suffices to state that because Armenians won the First Karabakh War, which ended in a 1994 cease-fire, Armenian society became complacent with a perception as a winner and never bothered to pursue a peace treaty with Azerbaijan at the time, when the iron was hot. Some reasons for this include inadequate diplomacy and but mainly a lack of grand national strategy. Armenian leaders and oligarchs were enriching themselves at the expense of time.
 Just as everyone with a keyboard has opinions, I will state some suggestions.
– No clear national vision (ideology) for Armenia exists; strategic actions are transactional. A clear grand nationalstrategy must be published and continuously refined.
 – Every ministry and civil infrastructure must be responsible to the citizens, and not simply answer to a prime minister or some appoi If the Armenian constitution requires a change, so be it. Today is the Internet era; the days of hiding behind a bureaucratic infrastructure must be eliminated. Armenia must move its society away from laissez-faire lifestyles which lack direct personal responsibility for what happens to the collective. These behaviors are void of essential discipline, endowed with a false hope that somebody else will do the heavy lifting.Something is wrong when the vanity of one automobile license plate number determines how the motorist is treated and how this motorist treats others.
– Armenia must utilize the best and brightest available within Armenia, as well as fromits diaspora, even if doing so exposes endemic incompetence. Wars have been lost for less. Members of Parliament must never be permitted to serve if their business and personal affairs create a conflict-of-interest.
 – Armenians must reach a base level of discipline that will result in citizen activity not being detrimental to the state’s greater good. The State’s ability to enforce the rule of law — with all citizens being equal in the eyes of the law – must be basic requirements
 – Armenia must revamp its military, security, defense, and diplomatic structures to meet the demands of the 21 century and to address the needs of a grand national strategy.Armenia is not in Europe where, after two successive world wars, the incentive for peaceful inter-state coexistence continues. Armenians must adjust themselves to their actual environment.
– When a minimum of these requirements is met, Armenia will have begun to take an active role in its security, moving away from inexperienced, incompetent, oligarchic, laissez-faire, personality-based leadership. Addressing this mandate is more challenging today since Armenia’s current power centers have a vested interest in extending Armenia’s thirty-year degeneration.
 Yerevan, Armenia
1 See (English) Armenia’s Existential Threats and Strategic Issues, May 2020 page 13 (Armenian) Existential threats and strategic issues against Armenia, March 2020, page 15
Author: David Davidian (Lecturer at the American University of Armenia. He has spent over a decade in technical intelligence analysis at major high technology firms. He resides in Yerevan, Armenia).
(The views expressed in this article belong  only to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy or views of ). 

Eat Like an Armenian with These Tips from a Local Guide

Tatoyan Vazgen
Smithsonian Magazine
July 29 2021
July 29th, 2021, 6:00AM / BY My Armenia Program
Preparing klulik from Sasoun at Noosh. (Photo by Areg Vardanyan, My Armenia Program)

In the summer of 2020, the Center for Folklife and Cultural Heritage’s My Armenia Program partnered with Armenian publication Yerevan Magazine to publish a special issue highlighting community-based cultural heritage tourism in the country. Over the next few months, the Center will publish English translations of the articles to Smithsonian Voices.

During this difficult time in the region, we hope these stories shine a light on the resilience of the Armenian people by showcasing their vibrant, diverse cultural heritage.

It is no secret that food is one of the driving forces of international tourism and that Armenia’s national menu appeals to both foreign and domestic tourists. Margarit Mirzoyan from Yerevan Magazine reports on her conversations with ethnographer Rouzanna Tsaturyan and the My Armenia Program’s product development specialist Narine Abgaryan, who currently work on the development and reconceptualization of gastro-tourism.

The Flavor of the History

I place the cast-iron frying pan on the gas flame. A few minutes later, when the pan is hot, I add a piece of butter. I cautiously touch the juicy tomato with the knife so as to soften it, and then I peel and chop it.

When the butter starts to sizzle, I add the chopped tomato, gently mixing the contents of the pan. When the tomato is about to reach the desired color, I break two eggs and whisk them, adding salt and black pepper. The whisking sound of the fork and the flavor of the frying tomato permeate the house, creating a typical morning vibe. When the tomato becomes darker, I add the whisked eggs and just a pinch of sugar (don’t overdo it). I stir the omelet until it thickens and add another pinch of salt and pepper, then turn off the gas. I put the frying pan on a wooden board and take it to the balcony, where I serve the dish with fresh matnakash (Armenian leavened bread) and a bit of goat cheese.

Enjoying freshly made chanakh at Chalet. (Photo by Areg Vardanyan, My Armenia Program)

Any dish—even the simplest omelet with tomatoes—has a long history before it appears on our tables. Some people care only for the taste, smell, and perhaps also the visual aesthetics of a dish. And some people want to learn about the culture of food as simple as bread with cheese or the omelet that I make every morning. Ethnographers study this by exploring the history and characters behind each dish.

Rouzanna Tsaturyan believes that people use food to speak about anything—be it politics, gender issues, history, societal changes, revolution, or even fashion. Food is the crossline that unites everyone or that entices foreigners to appreciate other cultures. Tsaturyan explains, “today, when the term ‘traveling’ has become more widespread than ‘tourism,’ we focus on the interaction of cultures instead of simply passing by what we see.” She adds, “it is vital to touch the pulse of those cultures, and food is the best mediator for that. It enables us to enter a different reality and understand the people, the society, and the community around us.”

Traditional Armenian

Armenian culture is gastro-centric. Any occasion, be it happy or sad, has associations with food. Accordingly, the My Armenia Program (MAP), which is actively developing cultural tourism in Armenia, has been trying to position traditional Armenian cuisine as a popular tourist attraction and Armenia as a gastro destination.

Many MAP experiences present the historic and cultural heritage typical of a given location and use local residents to provide the experience and to prepare the dish in their own distinctive way—even if it is traditional Armenian tolma, lavash or barbeque. For instance, one family in Goris makes tolma, but with Goris bean leaves. Visitors to their restaurant (which is called Loby Goris, translated as Bean Goris), may experience not only the preparation and tasting of tolma but also a greater understanding of beans and their cultural significance in the local community.

Special Goris tolma being served at Loby Goris. (Photo by Areg Vardanyan, My Armenia Program)

Another example is the Hatsatun family restaurant in Sisian where everything is made and served in clay vessels from the owners’ workshop. A clay pot containing layers of pilaf with emmer wheat, along with potatoes and tomatoes from Sisian, goes into the very same oven where the owners make their clay pots.

As Narine Abgaryan explains, “Armenians have been cooking delicious food for centuries but this everyday practice in itself has not made Armenia a popular gastro destination so far. People often do not even realize that their everyday meal can be interesting to the tourists, even though it has profound historic and cultural roots.” In these MAP experiences, local people maintain their daily activities. The only difference is that tourists also join them.

Research-Based

The My Armenia Program conducts extensive research on the cultural heritage of each experience, exploring it from the perspectives of both tourism and ethnography. Historical sources prior to the 19th century are scarce, but ethnographers conduct detailed oral-history interviews to understand the history of the featured dish from multiple angles: pan-Armenian, regional, local, and finally personal. For the latter, ethnographers seek stories of both the dish and its maker, noting variations in the recipe. This enables MAP to present the experience to tourists in ways that are both rich and comprehensive.

MAP pays particular attention to crossroads of the old and the new. For instance, two young women who moved to the village of Ashnak cook dishes that are typical of Sasoun, but they add almonds, thereby contributing to a meal that has a history of centuries. “We strive to form a new approach to Armenian tourism, considering cultural heritage as the foundation,” Abgaryan observes.

Examining greenhouse goodness at Wild Gastro. (Photo by Areg Vardanyan, My Armenia Program)

The Single Right Question

Ethnographers divide what we now call Armenian cuisine into two distinct branches: Western Armenian and Eastern Armenian. Further subdivisions are by region and province. Due to historical events, particularly the Armenian Genocide that forced many Armenians to leave their original homes, Armenian culture and cuisine spread throughout the world. For the Armenian Diaspora, traditional cuisine was one very important way to preserve Armenian cultural identity. On the other hand, when Eastern Armenia became part of the Soviet Union, it diverged from Armenian Diaspora communities worldwide. Soviet dishes— such as packaged pasta, canned food, Russian borsch, or Soviet style hamburgers—became the new staples of Eastern Armenia.

Rouzanna Tsaturyan believes that a single to-the-point question about this or that dish may shed light on the history of Armenia and its past transformations. For instance, asking about the shape of bread in the Aghavnavank community of Tavush may yield memories and stories of forced displacement and resettlement in the new place. In this way, ethnographers learn about traditional cuisine and how it changed during the planned economy of the Soviet Union.

Gata made at Under the Wallnut. (Photo by Karen Nersisyan, My Armenia Program)

Gastro-tourism Highlights from My Armenia:

  • Hotel Mirhav | tolma, pakhlava (type of pastry, also known as baklava)
  • National Aesthetic Center, Gyumri | tatar boraki, pokhindz
  • Under the Walnut | gata
  • Yeghevnut Hotel | flour porridge, tan
  • Aghavnatun | bread and barbecue of Aghavnavank made in the Tavush tonir
  • Ar Areni | the lifecycle of grapes—from the vineyard to the kitchen and wine cellar
  • Chalet Gyumri | Gyumri chanakh
  • Hatsatun by Sisian Ceramics | Sisian qyalagyosh—traditional dish with buttermilk—and emmer wheat pilaf
  • IRIS Guesthouse | ghapama and local bread baked in the traditional oven
  • Legend Guesthouse | tonir gata
  • Loby Goris | Goris tolma with bean leaves
  • Mtnadzor Restaurant | fish kapama
  • Noosh Guesthouse | Sasoun traditional klulik and signature nushello
  • Old Ashtarak | Syrian-Armenian cuisine: ishli kyufta and layered pastry
  • Old Martiros Guesthouse | soup with karshm and buried cheese
  • Sona Guesthouse | collection and preparation of herbs, mushrooms, and berries
  • Tatoents Qotuk | sweet sujukh and Armenian pickles
  • Vanki Tak Wild Gastro | asparagus and fish in wild nature

 

Iran Urges Peaceful Settlement of Azerbaijan-Armenia Border Disputes

Lilit Nahapetian
Tasnim News Agency, Iran
July 30 2021
  • July, 30, 2021 – 16:03
  • Politics news
– Politics news –

In a statement released on Thursday, Iranian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Saeed Khatibzadeh expressed regret over the deaths and injuries of nationals from the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, calling on the both parties to show self-restraint.

He also underlined the necessity of the peaceful settlement of border disputes between the two countries.

Khatibzadeh stressed that Baku and Yerevan must overcome the tensions and clashes, and respect the internationally recognized borders.

He further emphasized the necessity of establishing sustainable peace in the South Caucasus region as soon as possible, and expressed Iran’s preparedness to provide any kind of assistance for the establishment of sustainable peace in the region.

On Wednesday, three Armenian troops were killed and two wounded in border clashes with Azerbaijani forces.

The two neighboring countries fought a six-week war last year in which Azeri troops drove Armenian forces out of swathes of territory they had long controlled in and around the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave. The conflict claimed thousands of lives.

Although the fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh, which is internationally recognized as part of the Azerbaijan Republic, ended in a Russian-brokered ceasefire, clashes on the border have persisted at irregular intervals this year, occasionally causing fatalities.

Iran willing to broker peace between Azerbaijan, Armenia

Khoyetsian Rose
The Statesman, India
July 30 2021

IANS | Tehran | July 30, 2021 1:18 pm


– The Statesman

Iran’s Foreign Ministry has urged neighbouring Azerbaijan and Armenia to overcome tensions and conflicts, and vowed to offer “any kind of assistance” to broker lasting peace between the two countries.

In a statement published on the Ministry’s website on Thursday, spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh expressed Iran’s concern over continuing border clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia, reports Xinhua news agency.

The Iranian official expressed regret over the deaths and injuries endured by both countries, and stressed the need for mutual restraint and the respect of internationally recognised borders.

– The Statesman

Iran’s announcement came a day after both Azerbaijan and Armenia confirmed the two sides recently engaged in a new border clash, which caused casualties from both sides.

While Armenia claimed that that three of its soldiers were killed, Azerbaijan said two of its soldiers had been wounded by shelling.

Later, the two countries accepted a Russian ceasefire proposal in an effort to calm tensions.

Wednesday’s clash was one of the deadliest since the 44-day conflict in the the Nagorno-Karabakh region and surrounding areas last year, which ended after a ceasefire was reached under the mediation of Russia.

Iran voices concern over Armenia-Azerbaijan border clashes

Adrine Hakobian
Tehran Times, Iran
July 30 2021
  1. Politics
July 30, 2021 – 19:0

TEHRAN – For the second time in a week, Iran expressed concern over continued border clashes between Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan, which claimed lives on both sides and aroused concerns in neighboring countries in the South Caucasus region. 

Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh expressed concern over the continuation of border clashes between the border guards of Azerbaijan and Armenia.

In a statement on Thursday, Khatibzadeh expressed regret over the deaths and injuries of the two countries’ nationals, and called on both parties to show self-restraint.

Armenia’s Defense Ministry said Wednesday that three of its troops were killed and two more were wounded in clashes with Azerbaijani forces on the border between the two ex-Soviet nations, which have been locked in a decades-long tug-of-war over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, AP reported. 

Azerbaijan announced that two of its troops were wounded on Wednesday. 

The two South Caucasus nations once again blamed each other for the latest flare-up which came on the heels of another clash last week. Azerbaijan said Armenian forces opened fire at its positions on the Kalbajar section of the border. The Armenian military said its personnel was attacked by the Azerbaijani forces.

Azerbaijan said Armenian forces opened fire at its positions on the Kalbajar section of the border. The Armenian military said its personnel was attacked by the Azerbaijani forces.

Armenian Foreign Ministry issued a statement saying that “the Azerbaijani side has been deliberately initiating escalation,” and the Foreign Ministry in Azerbaijan said in turn that “the responsibility for aggravating the situation by committing another provocation on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border lies entirely with the military-political leadership of Armenia.”

In the wake of the clashes on Wednesday, Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry urged Armenia “to stop military provocations and start negotiations on the delimitation of the two states’ borders.”

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry vowed to “use all its military-political tools in accordance with international law” in response “to the use of force by Azerbaijan against the territorial integrity of Armenia.”

Khatibzadeh underlined the necessity of the peaceful settlement of border disputes between Baku and Yerevan. 

He stressed that the two countries must overcome the tensions and clashes, and respect the internationally recognized borders.

The spokesman further emphasized the necessity of establishing sustainable peace in the South Caucasus region as soon as possible, and expressed Tehran’s preparedness to provide any kind of assistance for the establishment of sustainable peace in the region.

On July 27, a few days before the start of border clashes, Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and his Azeri counterpart Jeyhun Bayramov had a telephone conversation.

During the phone call, the two sides conferred on the latest developments in bilateral relations and regional issues.

Earlier on July 27, Khatibzadeh expressed regret over the casualties resulting from sporadic border clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia, urging the two neighbors to exercise restraint. 

In reaction to the continuation of sporadic border clashes between border guards of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, Khatibzadeh expressed sorrow over casualties on both sides, and called on the two countries to exercise restraint, according to a statement by the Iranian Foreign Ministry. 

In his statement, Khatibzadeh also highlighted the need for a peaceful settlement of border disputes between the two sides.

The spokesman urged Baku and Yerevan to leave behind tensions and conflicts, and underscored the necessity of establishing lasting peace in the south Caucasus region as soon as possible.

He said Iran stands ready to offer any kind of help to both sides to achieve lasting peace.

On July 23, news media outlets reported the outbreak of clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Kalbjar region. One Azerbaijani soldier was reported killed and three Armenian soldiers were wounded in the clashes.

The Azerbaijani Ministry of Defense said the situation on the Kalbajar section of the Armenian-Azerbaijani state border is stable, according to the Trend news agency. The Defense Ministry accused Armenia of firing at the positions of the Azerbaijani armed forces on the section of the Armenian-Azerbaijani state border in Kalbajar district on July 23, as a result of which an Azerbaijani serviceman was killed.

“The Armenian side’s regular recent provocations, the attempts to aggravate the situation in the region by shelling the Azerbaijani positions are unacceptable and Armenia is responsible for the development of such a situation,” the ministry said, according to a Trend report. “Azerbaijan reserves the right to take all necessary measures to protect its territorial integrity within the international borders, as well as to ensure peace and security in the region.”

On the other side, Armenia accused Azerbaijan of flying a drone into the Armenian airspace. The Armenian Defense Ministry told Armenpress that on July 23, at around 23:00, the air defense units of the Armenian armed forces took actions to prevent the attempt by an Azerbaijani UAV to enter into Armenia’s airspace in the south-western direction of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. Armenpress also reported that the Azerbaijani armed forces opened fire at the Armenian positions in the Gegharkunik section of the border on July 23 at about 17:00.

“The shootings in the direction of the Armenian side took place after shootings in their own territory, which can be explained as an interpersonal incident.  This is also evidenced by the fact that the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defense informs in its press release that an Azerbaijani serviceman died as a result of the shootings from the Armenian side. The Defense Ministry of Armenia stated that the Armenian side did not take any action until the moment that the Azerbaijani side started to shoot in the direction of the Armenian border guards. As a result of the intensive shooting caused by another Azerbaijani provocation, 3 Armenian servicemen received slight injuries. They have been transported to a hospital in Gegharkunik province,” Armenpress said.

Armenia and Azerbaijan fought a deadly war last year in September over the Nagorno-Karabakh region which resulted in the latter retaking large swathes of the region. After the war, which lasted for 44 days and was ended thanks to a Russian-brokered ceasefire deal, Azerbaijan and Armenia clashed from time to time in border areas but the clashes soon subsided with both sides accusing each other of firing first.
 
Tensions between the two countries over the region have been simmering since the end of a war in the 1990s and last year’s escalation of violence was the deadliest in two decades. More than 5,000 people lost their lives and tens of thousands were displaced.

The peace deal brokered by Moscow saw Armenia forced to cede significant territory to Azerbaijan.

Both countries have repeatedly accused each other of violating the terms of the agreement since it came into force on November 10.

The recent flare-up also was put to an end by another Russian-brokered ceasefire deal. Azerbaijan’s defense ministry said it has accepted a Russian proposal to enforce a ceasefire in the area, but also accused Armenia of continuing to shell Azeri positions. Armenia’s defense ministry also said it had accepted the ceasefire. 

During the clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia, Iran offered help and voiced readiness to facilitate a peaceful resolution to the long-simmering disputes between Baku and Yerevan. During the 44-day war, Iran also offered a peace initiative to end the war with senior Iran diplomats paying visits to all countries involved in the South Caucasus tensions. To this end, Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araqchi undertook shuttle diplomacy and visited Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Russia. Also, Zarif spoke over the phone with his counterparts in these countries and discussed the situation in the region. Azerbaijan and Armenia both appreciated Iranian efforts. 

Iran enjoys good relations with both countries and sought to make use of these relations to bring peace to the region. Iran also expressed readiness to contribute to reconstruction projects currently underway in the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Pashinyan proposes Russian border guards for entire Armenia-Azerbaijan border

Khondkarian Raffi
EurasiaNet.org
July 30 2021
Joshua Kucera Jul 30, 2021


Armenia is seeking to deploy Russian border guards along its entire border with Azerbaijan as tensions and violence between the two countries continue to fester.

“This would allow the possibility of conducting delimitation and demarcation [of the two countries’ border] without the risk of armed clashes,” Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said at a July 29 cabinet meeting.

Russian border guards already patrol the southernmost part of the border, along Armenia’s Syunik province, and there have been talks about expanding that effort into the next Armenian province to the north, Gegharkunik. (The governor of Gegharkunik said July 29, however, that he didn’t know whether those discussions had advanced.)

Pashinyan’s proposal comes as Azerbaijan continues to push the advantage it won in last year’s war, steadily ratcheting up pressure in the hopes that it will force Yerevan into a final resolution of the conflict on terms favorable to Baku. In particular, Baku is seeking the handover of the remaining parts of Karabakh that are still under Armenian control, a demand Yerevan finds unacceptable.

“The situation along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border is not stabilizing, regardless of the efforts of the Armenian government and the international community,” Pashinyan said. “Azerbaijan is continuing its aggressive rhetoric and actions.”

The military pressure has steadily been increasing, as this week saw the single deadliest fighting since the two sides signed a ceasefire statement in November. On July 28, three Armenian soldiers were killed in a shootout between Gegharkunik and neighboring Kelbajar in Azerbaijan, in fighting that reportedly involved heavy artillery and tank fire. On July 23, an Azerbaijani soldier was killed in the same region.

Following the heavy fighting, Russia mediated a return to the ceasefire, but shooting has continued intermittently since then. Armenia reported on July 30 that it had intercepted two Azerbaijani drones flying over Gegharkunik, but Azerbaijan denied the reports.

The deteriorating security situation continues to demand attention from foreign actors. The U.S. State Department called on the two sides to immediately stop the fighting and to return to negotiations under the auspices of the Minsk Group of the OSCE. “[O]nly a comprehensive resolution that addresses all outstanding issues can normalize relations between the two countries and allow the people of the region to live together peacefully,” department spokesman Ned Price said in the July 28 statement.

Iran’s foreign ministry similarly called on “both sides” to stop shooting, and offered its own mediation services.

Pashinyan’s request for an expanded Russian border guard presence, though, seemed to fall on deaf ears. Asked about the proposal, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitriy Peskov dodged the question. “Contacts with Yerevan are continuing, we have nothing more to add,” he said.

Russian military analyst Pavel Felgenauer said that Moscow was unlikely to be interested. “Armenia wants to draw Russia into the conflict because it lost the war, it has no more strength, no more soldiers, it’s unable to rebuild its armed forces,” he told the news outlet Caucasian Knot. “Armenia is counting on Russia, but Russia has other priorities: Ukraine, Afghanistan, NATO. […] Russia doesn’t have extra armed forces to send fighters to help Armenia.”

Some form of international help could be coming Armenia’s way: Starting in September, Armenia will assume the chairmanship of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), the Russia-led post-Soviet mutual defense bloc. Yerevan has been appealing to the CSTO as Azerbaijani forces have crossed the (as yet not formally delineated) border between the two countries. Armenia says that amounts to a foreign invasion of the type that is supposed to trigger the CSTO’s collective defense provisions, though the organization’s leadership disagrees.

Ruben Rubinyan, the head of the Armenian parliament’s foreign affairs committee, said Armenia will assume the chairmanship of the CSTO (currently held by Tajikistan) on September 16. Will that help Armenia get anything more out of the CSTO than it has been able to so far? Rubinyan was noncommittal.

“The international community must respond appropriately to these actions of Azerbaijan, which is trying to blow up regional stability. […] There is a process under way in the CSTO, and we will continue to make use of the tools available to us,” Rubinyan told Armenian public radio. “We think that the CSTO should respond accordingly to these situations, because it is the CSTO obligation.”

Meanwhile, another international military bloc is holding exercises close by: NATO kicked off its regular Agile Spirit drills in neighboring Georgia on July 26. Armenia and Azerbaijan both have on-again-off-again relations with NATO and its multilateral exercises, and this time Azerbaijan is taking part while Armenia is not. It’s not too surprising why: NATO member Turkey, which provided substantial support to Azerbaijan in last year’s war, will be there.

The Kremlin’s Peskov was asked about Azerbaijan’s participation, and his disapproval was clear. “We value our relations with Azerbaijan,” he said, before adding that “it’s important [for Moscow] that these exercises do not suppose any veiled activities with respect to our country […] NATO sets the scenarios for these exercises and the alliance does not hide who is the enemy in them.”

Military pressure is not the only lever Azerbaijan is using against Armenia. A Baku court on July 29 convicted a group of Armenian soldiers who had crossed into Azerbaijani-held territory in Karabakh after the ceasefire was agreed last fall. The 13 soldiers were sentenced to six years in prison on charges of illegal border crossing and weapons possession. Another group of 13 soldiers was convicted for the same crimes and received the same terms a week earlier.

The sentences are likely merely a bargaining chip. Azerbaijan has been trying about 60 such soldiers in groups, and some of them have already been sent back to Armenia in exchange for maps of land mines that Armenia laid in the territories Azerbaijan retook during the war.

The prosecutions amount to a breach of the Geneva Conventions on war crimes, said Giorgi Gogia, the associate director for Europe and Central Asia for Human Rights Watch. 

 

Joshua Kucera is the Turkey/Caucasus editor at Eurasianet, and author of .

Armenia urges Russia to deploy troops along border with Azerbaijan

Emil Lazarian
Financial Express, Bangladesh
July 30 2021

REUTERS | Published: July 30, 2021 19:30:00

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has urged Russia to deploy its forces along the length of Armenia’s border with Azerbaijan after a rise in tensions between Yerevan and Baku.

Armenia and Azerbaijan accused each other earlier on Thursday of flouting a Russian-backed ceasefire that both sides had accepted the previous day to halt deadly clashes over their joint border, which Yerevan wants to be demarcated.

“Given the current situation, I think it makes sense to consider the question of stationing outposts of Russian border guards along the entire length of the Armenian-Azeri border,” Pashinyan said during a government meeting.

He said Yerevan was preparing to discuss the proposal with Moscow and that the move would allow work to be carried out on the demarcation and delimitation of the border without the risk of military clashes.

The Kremlin said it was in close contact with both Armenia and Azerbaijan, but declined comment on Pashinyan’s proposal.

Tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan, two former Soviet republics, are watched closely abroad for any threat to Azeri gas and oil pipelines and the risk of regional powers Turkey and Russia being dragged into any conflict.

Armenia’s defence ministry said Azeri troops had opened fire on Armenian positions at the Gegharkunik section of the border early on Thursday, prompting Armenia to return fire. It later said the situation was calm.

Azerbaijan’s defence ministry said Armenian forces had fired with machine guns and grenade launchers towards a village in the Kelbajar region and had thrown hand grenades. It said its forces returned fire.

The ceasefire was called on Wednesday after one of the deadliest border incidents since last year’s six-week war between ethnic Armenian forces and Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh region and surrounding areas.

Armenia said three of its soldiers were killed and four wounded. Azerbaijan said two of its soldiers were wounded.

In fighting from last September to November, Azeri troops drove ethnic Armenian forces out of swathes of territory they had controlled since the 1990s in and around Nagorno-Karabakh before Russia brokered a ceasefire.

A border dispute has since flared up, with Armenia and Azerbaijan accusing each other of incursions into each others’ territory, highlighting the fragility of the ceasefire.