Geghamasar community head: Armenia Gegharkunik Province Jaghatsadzor village reservoir under Azerbaijan control

News.am, Armenia
Sept 16 2021

Most of Jaghatsadzor village of Armenia’s Gegharkunik Province has no water, as the village reservoir is now under the control of Azerbaijan. Hakob Avetyan, the head of Geghamasar enlarged community, told about this to Armenian News-NEWS.am.

“Since May 12 when the enemies entered our territory without hindrance, the reservoir has been under enemy control. We can use the reservoir, but we are afraid that they poison the water to harm the residents,” Avetyan said.

According to him, Jaghatsadzor gets its water from nearby villages, and sometimes the villagers bring water with their own means.

“We cannot bring water from distant villages because it is connected with large sums of money. We need an alternative, and the community cannot resolve this issue with its own means, the participation of the government is necessary. We have petitioned to the government, too, on this issue, but there was no tangible result,” added Hakob Avetyan.

Armenia Deputy PM: Government intends to end construction of alternative roads in Syunik Province in spring 2022

News.am, Armenia
Sept 16 2021

The government intends to end construction of the alternative roads in Syunik Province in the spring of 2022. This is what Deputy Prime Minister of Armenia Suren Papikyan told reporters today, adding that the first of the roads is the Kapan-Tatev road, which very few drivers choose to take and only drive with the accompaniment of police officers.

“If necessary, the truck drivers who wish to drive towards Kapan and Tatev will be escorted by police officers since, as you know, the road is being repaired, and there may be problems, if the drivers aren’t escorted by police officers,” Papikyan said.


Zakharova: Russia has told Baku about its position on the Turkish-Azerbaijani joint military exercises

News.am, Armenia
Sept 16 2021

Russia has told Baku about its position on the Turkish-Azerbaijani military exercises. This is what Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Maria Zakharova said during her weekly briefing.

According to her, the Azerbaijani side has accepted the position with understanding.

Zakharova added that she will refrain from making comments, but clarified that the Russian MFA is always in contact with its Azerbaijani colleagues and is closely following the situation in certain sectors of the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Ankara and Baku recently held three joint military exercises, and servicemen of Pakistan’s armed forces participated in one of them, that is, the “Three Brothers-2021” military exercises.


Armenpress: Opposition demands parliamentary discussions on Azeri military’s unlawful actions

Opposition demands parliamentary discussions on Azeri military’s unlawful actions

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 10:26, 13 September, 2021

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 13, ARMENPRESS. The Hayastan opposition bloc wants to organize parliamentary discussions on the Azerbaijani military’s unlawful actions on the Goris-Kapan highway.

Hayastan lawmaker Artsvik Minasyan said at the parliament session that the latest National Security Service statement on the situation “didn’t say anything”.

“Since we are a parliamentary governing country, the Hayastan bloc is demanding to unconditionally find a format to organize a discussion, so that we’d be able to eventually properly understand what’s happening, especially then the NSS statement is now already entirely using Azerbaijani terminology,” Minasyan said.

Hayastan MP Gegham Manukyan asked Speaker Alen Simonyan whether or not the authorities are planning to respond to the proposal and summon the NSS director to parliament. The Speaker said he’d look into it.

“As Arstvik Minasyan said, we’ll discuss this issue in terms of format. I don’t rule out that we’ll accept it,” he said.

 

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenia’s Chamber of Advocates has new chairman

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 10:32, 13 September, 2021

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 13, ARMENPRESS. Simon Babayan is the new Chairman of the Chamber of Advocates of Armenia.

In a statement the Chamber informed that the election of the Chairman took place on September 12. 1111 advocates participated in the voting, 937 of them voted in favor of Simon Babayan, 144 – in favor of Gevorg Gyozalyan. 30 ballots were declared invalid.

Simon Babayan has been elected for a four-year term.

He will assume office from October 5, 2021.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Coronavirus: 335,721 vaccinations administered in Armenia so far

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 10:56, 13 September, 2021

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 13, ARMENPRESS. 335,721 vaccinations against COVID-19 were administered in Armenia so far, the healthcare ministry said on September 12. Out of this number 215,278 people are fully vaccinated while 120,443 have received the first dose.

Anyone 18 years and older can get the vaccine in Armenia.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Azerbaijan could "cut off" Kapan at any moment, warns opposition lawmaker

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 11:20, 13 September, 2021

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 13, ARMENPRESS. Hayastan opposition bloc lawmaker Vahe Hakobyan is warning that Azerbaijan could cut off the town of Kapan from the rest of Armenia at any moment.

“The Azerbaijani side has set up a police checkpoint on the Vorotan road,” he told reporters in parliament. “Videos posted online show, and according to my information, the Azerbaijanis are stopping Iranian cargo trucks and are demanding some kind of a customs duty and then only allow them to proceed,” Hakobyan said, adding that the Armenian National Security Service’s latest statement over the matter where the security agency described Vorotan by an Azerbaijani toponym is perplexing. “What does this mean? Does this mean that little by little they want to make us think that indeed that’s an Azerbaijani territory?”

According to Hakobyan, who served as Governor of Syunik in the past, today there is no other top priority issue than Syunik.

“The Azerbaijani side could cut off Kapan at any moment. The immediate ousting of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan would be the solution to all problems,” he said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenian defense minister to attend session of CSTO statutory bodies, collective security summit in Dushanbe

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 11:30, 13 September, 2021

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 13, ARMENPRESS. Defense Minister of Armenia Arshak Karapetyan and his delegation will watch the active phase of the Russia-Belarus joint strategic military exercises “West-2021” (Zapad-2021) at the Mulino training center in the Russian city of Nizhny Novgorod on September 13, the Armenian defense ministry said.

Thereafter, the Armenian minister of defense will participate in the joint sessions of the CSTO statutory bodies (the council of foreign ministers, defense ministers and the committee of secretaries of security council), as well as the collective security summit in Dushanbe on September 15-16.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Raisi Presidency Challenged to Tackle Three Major Problems Between Iran and Azerbaijan

Jamestown Foundation
Sept 15 2021


A number of other endemic and fresh troubles also exist in Azerbaijan’s relations with Iran, including Tehran’s concerns about Baku’s influence over ethnic Azerbaijanis living in Iran as well as Iranian meddling in Azerbaijan’s internal affairs (see
 EDM July 12). Yet the three main problematic aspects of their bilateral relationship, discussed above, can be expected to determine the trajectory of Azerbaijani-Iranian ties in the coming years under the Raisi presidency.As new Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi forms his government, Baku and Tehran are expected to enter the next uneasy and uncertain phase in their bilateral relations. In particular, issues relating to the unfinished railway segment of the North-South Transport Corridor (NSTC) and the controversial hydropower projects on the Azerbaijani-Iranian border remain unresolved. On top of those, the augmenting Azerbaijani-Israeli partnership is a major factor that continues to complicate Tehran’s perspective on Azerbaijan.

In 2018, Baku formally approved the allocation of a $500 million loan for the construction of the missing 211-kilometer Rasht–Astara segment (inside Iran) of the railway component of the NSTC (a transcontinental, multimodal route extending from India and the Gulf to Russia and Europe via Azerbaijan and Iran) (see EDM November 9, 2017). But Baku has yet to disburse the loan to Tehran. The Iranian ambassador to Azerbaijan, Seyid Abbas Musevi, has said that the loan issue “has been discussed in our recent meeting with [Azerbaijani] President Ilham Aliyev. Currently, there are some technical problems in that direction and we are trying to tackle them” (Report.az, June 22, 2021). According to Iranian expert Dr. Vali Kaleji, Iran is “concerned that a revival of [a] Soviet-era railway [in the South Caucasus] will sideline the Rasht–Astara railway project” (Cacianalyst.org, July 8).

The troubles for the Rasht–Astara railway segment are specifically related to the possible reactivation of the Soviet-built Armenian-Azerbaijani transport connections as per the Armenian-Azerbaijani-Russian trilateral declaration that ended the 2020 Second Karabakh War (see EDM January 25, February 22). Baku’s purported change of mind regarding the financing of the Rasht–Astara rail line is connected to disagreements with Tehran over the reactivation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani transport links (Inss.org.il, July 2021). Tehran wants to siphon off at least some of the traffic from the Azerbaijani railway route of the NSTC to the moribund Iranian-Armenian railway line, via Azerbaijan’s Nakhchivan exclave, that is to be restored after 30 years. Iran will use the NSTC’s Azerbaijani route solely for direct railway connections with Azerbaijan and Russia as well as to ease the heavy traffic on its domestic motorways. Baku’s intention, on the other hand, is to redirect the traffic from it to what Baku describes as the “Zangezur corridor” (the transit lines that are to connect mainland Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan via southern Armenia) in order to bolster that corridor and raise its strategic value. President Aliyev hinted that it “could be part of the north-south transportation corridor from Iran to Russia, because […] Astara–Rasht, is not built.” But “[t]his [Zangezur corridor] for sure will be built,” he added (President.az, April 13). As such, Baku and Tehran will likely have to settle these inter-connected issues as a package rather than separately.

Another bone of contention between Baku and Tehran is the issue concerning the controversial Khudaferin and Qiz Qalasi hydroelectric power projects. A package approach is particularly relevant in this context since their prior agreements on both the NSTC and those hydropower plant projects had been reached as part of wider diplomatic processes (see EDM, June 24, 2020).

Baku and Tehran need to settle the financing of the planned Khudafarin and Qiz Qalasi dams on the Aras River, between Azerbaijan and Iran. The Azerbaijani part of the area was under Armenian control when Iran actually carried out initial construction, without the former’s permission, only managing to reach a formal agreement with Azerbaijan years later. President Aliyev said, on April 13, that they have “agreed on the methodologies to repay Azerbaijan’s share in the investments” made for the construction of the project (President.az, April 13). The first problem is that construction work had been ongoing for years without any involvement from Baku, and therefore, a final calculation of the project costs and expenditures is a complicated task, at least technically. Second, a failure to settle the financing issue hinders any practical sharing of the benefits, such as the generated electricity and water. Third, Baku has also forwarded claims to Tehran over “damages incurred” during the construction, according to a statement by Azerbaijani Energy Minister Parviz Shahbazov (Azerforum.com, May 31).

As regards the Israeli topic, it is a serious problem for Tehran. Azerbaijan definitely intends to maintain its partnership with Israel, since Baku regards it as a strategic direction of its foreign policy. That is especially true now that Baku feels more emboldened following the full restoration of its control over the Azerbaijani border with Iran and the de-occupation of most of its territories from Armenian forces. Moreover, wide popular support exists among Azerbaijanis for safeguarding the partnership with Israel in the wake of the Second Karabakh War (see EDM October 13, 2020 and November 10, 2020).

Indeed, an Israeli media outlet, Israel Hayom, reported in August 2021 that Azerbaijan and Israel are in talks over a $2 billion weapons sale to Baku (Israel Hayom, August 12; Asbarez.com, August 13). This news is a source of worry for Tehran, especially when combined with Azerbaijan’s recent inauguration of its trade representative office with diplomatic status in Tel Aviv, Israel. The move is seen as foreshadowing Azerbaijan’s potential opening of a full embassy in the latter country (Jta.org, August 2). If so, Azerbaijan would be the second Shia-majority state, after Bahrain, that has opened an embassy in Israel. And considering that Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Iran and Iraq are the only four Shia-majority nations in the world, the symbolic and psychological effects of such a move on Tehran would presumably be considerable. While air flights remain closed between Iran and Azerbaijan due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Azerbaijan and Israel have resumed Baku–Tel Aviv flights. In addition to Azerbaijan’s flag carrier Azal, two Israeli airlines have now obtained permission to operate two flights between Baku and Tel-Aviv a week each; together this would mean almost daily flights between the two countries (Azertag, August 10). Even more dramatically, Israeli involvement in the reconstruction of the de-occupied Azerbaijani territories along the Iranian border is additionally taking shape (Azertag.az, April 27; News.az, June 7).

 

Armenia files a lawsuit against Azerbaijan at International Court of Justice


Sept 19 2021


    JAMnews, Yerevan

Armenia filed a lawsuit against Azerbaijan at the International Court of Justice for violation of 6 articles of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The plaintiff states that “Azerbaijan has been subjecting Armenians to racial discrimination for decades”. During this time, the Armenians were subjected to systemic discrimination, massacres, torture and other forms of humiliation.

  • Punish government officials who discriminated against Armenians,
  • Eliminate glorification of acts of racism against Armenians,
  • Refrain from the practice of ethnic cleansing,
  • Refrain from hate speech against Armenians, including in educational materials,
  • Ensure the protection of the rights of Armenian prisoners of war who continue to remain in Azerbaijan after the end of the Karabakh war,
  • Stop the destruction of the Armenian cultural heritage.

This is an incomplete list of the plaintiff’s claims. If the Hague court satisfies the claim of Armenia, it will oblige Azerbaijan to fulfill these and other requirements. The interests of Armenia in the UN International Court of Justice will be represented by lawyer Yeghishe Kirakosyan. He is the representative of Armenia at the European Court of Human Rights.

The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry has already stated that Baku will “resolutely defend itself” and plans to file a counterclaim.

An interview with an expert on international law Ara Ghazaryan about how the procedure for considering such claims usually goes, what Armenia can get if the claim is satisfied, and what consequences it may have for Azerbaijan.


  • Normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations: prospects and risks
  • Customs payments for Iranian trucks: what is happening at the Armenian-Azerbaijani border
  • Armenian Ombudsman’s report: Armenian prisoners are tortured, abused in Azerbaijan

– The claim was submitted to the respondent state. Time is allowed for counter-arguments.

The parties will then exchange written statements several times. Basically, this is a written procedure, but I do not exclude that there may be oral hearings.

– This case will be considered for years, based on the experience of similar cases, which were considered for 10-15 years. The same applies to the preliminary immediate measure [the application of which is required by Armenia], although it can be satisfied sooner – within months.

I think it will take a long time since the claim touches on a wide range of issues, the court does not have clear, approved approaches to the issues presented. This is a manifestation of racism that took place in parallel with war crimes. This makes this case different from others.

– The court issues an act, fixes the violation, nothing more. Considering which court establishes it, this will be a very serious legal document. If we manage to get a favorable judicial act, it will be a historical document.

The court does not apply sanctions, they are applied by the Security Council but let’s not forget that this court was created on the basis of the UN Charter, and judges are elected by the Security Council, that is, all UN bodies will take into account the decision of this court and its legal positions.

The claim for compensation is filed at the next stages of court proceedings, this happens after the publication of the judgment if the violation is recorded.

Now Armenia, on a general basis, talks about compensation for the violations committed, which relate to the destruction of cultural values, religious objects, war crimes against individuals and prisoners of war, as well as ethnic cleansing. Another question is when and how the question of compensation on specific issues will be presented.

Thus, first, a violation is recognized by a judicial act, then the court issues a separate act on compensation for damage.

– First of all, this is a remedy, because it will be a decision of a very authoritative court.

In addition, it can become a serious mechanism for restraining Azerbaijan’s unbridled policy. Unfortunately, this will be a long process, but as a result, Azerbaijan will understand that it is impossible to speak from a position of strength since from a legal point of view, we will find ourselves in the sphere of equal opportunities.

Of course, Azerbaijan will try to present a “mirror” situation, speaking for its part about ethnic cleansing, torture and all other issues raised [by Armenia]. I am sure of this because this was the signature behavior of Azerbaijan in the legal field.

In theory, the court’s decision can also contribute to the recognition of Nagorno-Karabakh, because the claim is based on the argument that Azerbaijan pursued a racist policy precisely in connection with the Artsakh issue, although the historical facts [presented in the claim] date back to 1918-20 from Nakhichevan.

If the court makes a favorable decision, it will affect not only that part of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, control over which remained with the Armenian side. Questions related to the occupied territories will also be raised. We are talking about ethnic cleansing in all territories inhabited by Armenians, including Hadrut, Shushi, and other settlements in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The lawsuit simply refers to ethnic cleansing in general. In the future, there will be concretization of what territories and what period of time we are talking about.

The main obstacle to the recognition of Artsakh today is the racist policy of Azerbaijan, which does not recognize it only because Armenians live there. If the judicial act establishes that Azerbaijan pursues a racist policy towards all ethnic Armenians, this will already explain the reason why the Artsakh people want independence.

The Armenian authorities put forward the principle of “separation for the sake of salvation”. Although it is not recognized as a theoretical principle in international law, if it is established that the life of the Artsakh people is under threat within the given state [Azerbaijan], it will mean that the only political solution is to recognize the independence of Artsakh.

This judicial act can contribute to the approval, dissemination of the principle of “separation for the sake of salvation”, as well as its application in a specific case – in relation to NK.

Some analysts explain the fact that Armenia has not yet submitted this claim by the fact that the OSCE Minsk Group [mediated peace negotiations before the start of the second Karabakh war in autumn 2020 – JAMnews] considered it undesirable for both sides to start legal cases against each other, as it could interfere with negotiations.

After the war, the situation changed. Now we need to resort to extreme measures since it is ineffective to rely on such a political process as the Minsk Group is leading. Therefore, the legal process comes to the fore.