Reopening of the Chair of Armenology launched at Sapienza University of Rome

Reopening of the Chair of Armenology launched at Sapienza University of Rome

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 19:56, 7 October, 2021

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 7, ARMENPRESS. In the sideline sof the official visit of President of Armenia Armen Sarkissian, a memorandum of understanding was signed between Sapienza University of Rome and the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sports. The correspondent of ARMENPRESS reports from Rome that the memorandum was signed by the Ambassador of Armenia to Italy Tsovinar Hambardzumyan and Rector of Sapienza University of Rome Antonella Polimeni. The memorandum officially gave start to the reopening of Chair of Armenology in the university.

President Sarkissian and Rector of Sapienza University of Rome Antonella Polimeni discussed issues related to the ensuring of the continuity and expansion of the Chair․ “Everything that is happening today is a great event. I am proud to say that Armenia is one of the oldest, unique countries in the world, which has accumulated a large amount of knowledge during its existence for thousands of years, and it is our duty to share that knowledge with others”, President Sarkissians aid.

Chair of Armenology operated at Sapienza University of Rome during the 2000s, but it stopped during thelast decade due to the lack of funding. Sapienza University is one of the oldest and largest universities of Italy and Europe with a history of 700 years.

Rector of Sapienza University of Rome Antonella Polimeni highlighted the signing of the memorandum. She mentioned that there is a lot to be done in the direction of raising the popularity of the Armenian language in the near future. “Efforts will be made in Italy to increase the interest towards the Armenian language. It is a good opportunity to build bridges of active cooperation between Armenia and Italy in the cultural and educational spheres,” Antonella Polimeni told reporters.

Zakharova speaks about tendencies of geopolitical changes in South Caucasus

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 20:17, 7 October, 2021

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 7, ARMENPRESS. Ensuring geopolitical stability and security in the South Caucasus is a priority for Moscow, ARMENPRESS reports official representative of the Russian MFA Maria Zakharova said in a weekly briefing, commenting on the announcment of Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian that Tehran sees tendencies of geopolitical changes in South Caucasus.

In this context, Maria Zakharova referred to the the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of Russia and Iran of the previous day, October 6, noting that Russia pursues a comprehensive policy, including maintaining a dialogue with all players in the region.

“Yesterday, the Foreign Ministers of the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran discussed the initiative to create a “3 + 3″ format (Russia, Iran, Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia). Our Iranian friends are positive about this initiative,” Zakharova said.

Armenpress: Wrestler Malkhas Amoyan will fight for the title of world champion

Wrestler Malkhas Amoyan will fight for the title of world champion

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 21:30, 7 October, 2021

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 7, ARMENPRESS. Member of the Armenian Greco-Roman wrestling team Malkhas Amoyan will fight for the title of world champion.

ARMENPRESS reports Malkhas Amoyan, representing Armenia in the 72 kg weight category won Mohammad Reza Hojatolah Mokhtarin from Iran with a score of 10:6 in the semifinal of the World Championships in Norway, Oslo.

Amoyan will fight for the title of world champion with the representative of Russia Sergey Kutuzov. The fight will take place on October 8.

Greece, Cyprus, NATO, in the Context of Afghanistan

Sept 21 2021

All people should be sympathetic to the plight of the refugees in Afghanistan. Orthodox Greeks should feel sympathy as the conquest of Kabul by the Taliban resembles in some ways the horror of the conquest of the liberated Christian city of Smyrna by the Turkish Kemalists in September 1922. The Turkish conquest in Smyrna was accompanied 

by the wholesale and indiscriminate slaughter of Greek and Armenian Christians in the city. The book The Great Fire that was written by historian Lou Ureneck a few years ago did a masterful job in documenting and describing the genocidal campaign by the Turks. In those days also there was widespread panic and fear that preceded the arrival of Kemal’s murderous armies. 

With regard to the events that are still playing out in Afghanistan, American and European advocates of internationalism and interventionism are lamenting that perhaps NATO will lose credibility.

For Greeks, NATO does not have credibility for several reasons. It should be recalled that during the anti-Greek pogroms in Constantinople in September 1955, the Greek Orthodox community (along with Armenians and Jews) were terrorized in a campaign of violence and terror. Greek army officers who were serving with NATO in Smyrna were assaulted and beaten by Turkish hoodlums. Neither the NATO alliance

collectively nor its individual members condemned the attack on the Greek community or on their Greek colleagues serving as members of NATO. 

We are now supposed to be horrified by the prospect that NATO’s ‘credibility’ will diminish. In 1974, NATO member Turkey invaded the Republic of Cyprus which is not a member of NATO but was a nonaligned country during the Cold War. The Turkish army ethnically cleansed over 200,000 Greek Cypriots and committed war crimes including murders and rapes against Greek civilians. There are over five hundred and fifty Greek Orthodox churches and monasteries that have been destroyed by Turkey which has been actively Islamicizing the occupied territories. 

In 1999, under the leadership of the Clinton administration, NATO engaged in an act of aggression against Christian Serbia. The 

Serbs were forced to withdraw from their ancestral homeland of Kosovo and instantly became the targets of violence, persecution, and pogroms. NATO has never intervened to stop the violence against Serbs and hundreds of Serbian Orthodox Monasteries and Churches were destroyed. 

While the news media focuses on the crisis in Afghanistan (and one cannot help but have sympathy for the people who are at risk 

from the Taliban) it has ignored two other instances of horrific crimes against humanity. The western world has ignored the war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated against the Armenians by the aggressor terror states of Azerbaijan and Turkey.

Azerbaijani forces have committed horrific war crimes against Armenians and this humanitarian crisis has been completely ignored by the powerful of NATO, Europe, America, and the world’s media. 

The Kurds of Syria fought heroically on the American side against the genocidal Islamic State which was supported by Turkey. The Trump administration betrayed the Kurds in an act of appeasement and permitted Turkish forces to occupy Syrian territory. 

This was another crisis featuring the fanatical jihadist regime of Turkey which was ignored by the powerful of the world. 

There is more. The Germans have denounced the Biden administration. Now, it is certainly true that the Biden administration chose to withdraw from Afghanistan in a terrible way and created a crisis. The Germans however are the best example of the 

hypocrisy of NATO and the European Union. Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has asked Germany to stop arming Turkey. The Germans have refused to do so.

Turkey has threatened war against Greece and claims several of the Greek islands. If Turkey were to invade and occupy any Greek islands, the result would be ethnic cleansing and genocide which are the polices of any and all Turkish conquests. The 

likelihood that Germany, Europe, or NATO will show any support for Greece or will condemn any Turkish atrocities against Greece are non-existent. 

It is quite possible to have empathy as a Christian and as a human being for the suffering people of Afghanistan. It is also possible to simultaneously reject the propagandistic false image that NATO and the West are trying to present to the world. 

Both NATO and the European Union have been disastrous for Greece and Cyprus. Even at this late date as Turkey has openly become a jihadist state aligning itself with ISIS and Al Qaeda, Ankara continues to enjoy uninterrupted support from America, NATO, and the European Union. 

It is unclear what repercussions the crisis in Afghanistan will have for Greece and Cyprus. More migrants flooding into Greece is possible. The Syrian war which the Obama administration pursued flooded the Greek islands with Muslim 

refugees. Greece pays the price for the military adventures of the West even though Athens does not participate in them.

Commentators on cable television are warning of the ‘Russian threat’ in the midst of the Afghanistan crisis. This does not bode well for Greece or Cyprus. When the western world finds enemies either in the Middle East or Russia, it will look to Turkey for support. The abolition of NATO and the weakening of Europe may very well be to the best interests of Greece, Cyprus, and Armenia over the long term. 

Armenia – Telecoms, Mobile and Broadband – Statistics and Analyses

Global Newswire
Oct 7 2021

The country has struggled to build economic momentum and independence since breaking away from the Soviet Union in 1991, and these two events have only served to further delay Armenia’s prospects for economic recovery in the short to medium term.

Despite the woes besetting the country on the larger scale, Armenia’s telecom sector was still able to post modest gains — at least in the mobile and broadband segments. Its fixed-line penetration continues to slide downwards, only buttressed by the rollout of fibre networks which have encouraged the take up of bundled services. Even so, the fixed broadband market remains undeveloped, being somewhat hamstrung by the lack of underlying infrastructure outside the main cities.

In general, Armenia’s small population and low GDP per capita means that the country presents limited opportunities for growth. The one bright spot for the sector is mobile broadband, which is expected reach 130% penetration rate by 2026, at a CAGR of more than 8.6%. However, this is subject to the country managing to avoid conflict.

Key developments:

  • Telecom Armenia was sold by its owner VEON to Team LLC, a new business started by two former executives and co-founders of Telecom Armenia’s closest competitor Ucom.
  • Beeline contracted with Nokia to deploy the latter’s GPON infrastructure throughout the country.
  • Ucom started trialling a 1Gb/s fibre service packaged with TV and fixed-voice telephony.
  • This report includes the regulator’s market data to Q1 2021, telcos’ financial and operating data updates to June 2021, Telecom Maturity Index charts and analyses, assessment of the global impact of Covid-19 on the telecoms sector, and other recent market developments.

Companies mentioned in this report

Telecom Armenia (ArmenTel, Beeline), Ucom, VivaCell-MTS

Read the full report: https://www.budde.com.au/Research/Armenia-Telecoms-Mobile-and-Broadband-Statistics-and-Analyses/?utm_source=GNW


Geopolitical rivalry in Caucasus gets militarized

Oct 7 2021
The geopolitical power struggle in the Caucasus is growing increasingly militarized as converging interests pit Iran and Armenia against Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey and Israel.
October 7, 2021

Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey began five days of military exercises this week to enhance their preparedness to protect regional economic projects. The Eternity 2021 exercises, which kicked off in Georgia Oct. 4, aim to develop capabilities on both command and staff level to ensure the security of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, according to the Georgian Defense Ministry. 

Meanwhile, the three countries’ defense ministers met in Georgia’s Kakheti region Oct. 5 to discuss ways to advance military cooperation, including in the fields of military technology and education. The ministers signed a protocol on trilateral military cooperation and Georgian Defense Minister Juansher Burchuladze said Turkey and Azerbaijan had been invited to another military exercise called Eagle Spirit to be held in Georgia in the near future. 

The growing military cooperation between the three countries has led observers to question whether a trilateral security bloc is emerging in the Caucasus.

The military rapprochement between Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, coupled with growing military ties between Azerbaijan and Israel, seems to be ringing the alarm bells in Iran. Last week Tehran launched surprise military exercises near its border with Azerbaijan. Tellingly, the drills were named “Conquerors of Kheibar,” a reference to the Battle of Khaybar waged by early Muslims against Jews in the 7th century at Khaybar, an oasis in the northwestern Arabian Peninsula. In a clear sign that Tehran now sees Azerbaijan as Israel’s chief ally in the region, the Iranian Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson said, “Iran will not tolerate the presence of the Zionist regime near our borders.”

Ostensibly, many in Tehran have come to conclude that Azerbaijan, counting on Israeli and Turkish support, is seeking to redraw borders by annexing a strip of territory across Armenia’s southernmost province of Syunik, which borders Iran and separates mainland Azerbaijan to the east from the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan to the west. In the Russian-mediated cease-fire deal that Azerbaijan and Armenia signed in November 2020 after a six-week war over the nearby Nagorno-Karabakh region, Armenia committed to guarantee transportation links between Azerbaijan proper and Nakhchivan, a route that Baku calls the Zangezur corridor and has threatened to secure by force if need be. Azerbaijan’s capture of the strip could cut the direct border connection between Armenia and Iran while establishing a land link between Azerbaijan and Turkey via Nakhchivan.

Such a move by Azerbaijan would deal a major economic and geostrategic blow to Iran by cutting its only land link of trade and transit to Armenia and thus the entire northern Caucasus. Logically, Israel would support the move in the interest of containing Iran from the north. Azerbaijan’s quiet but close ties with Israel, including its purchases of Israeli military equipment, have long irked Iran and added to rising tensions between the two neighbors in recent days. According to reports this week, Azerbaijan is considering buying Israeli-made Arrow 3 anti-ballistic missile systems, one of three flagship interceptor missiles built jointly by Israeli and US producers.

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei warned Oct. 3 against Israeli influence in the region. “The military forces of the region are able to ensure the security of the region and should not allow foreign armies to interfere or have a military presence there to secure their own interests. What is happening in northwestern Iran, in some neighboring countries, should be resolved with the logic of avoiding foreigners’ presence,” he said. In an apparent reference to Turkey’s alleged role in the current standoff between Iran and Azerbaijan, Khamenei warned, “The person who sets a trap for his brothers is the first one to fall into it.” 

Iranian officials have thus far refrained from explicitly targeting Turkey, focusing their attacks on Israel. Baku, for its part, denies any Israeli military presence in Azerbaijan. 

The tensions between Azerbaijan and Iran flared up in mid-September as Azerbaijan began charging fees from Iranian trucks on a road through southern Armenia, a section of which has come under Azerbaijani control as a result of Baku’s territorial gains from last year’s war with Armenia. Azerbaijan has established police and customs checkpoints on the road, which connects the Armenian towns of Goris and Kapan and is in the same region with the envisioned Zangezur corridor.

In response, Iran and Armenia have intensified contacts. Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan traveled to Tehran Oct. 4 for talks with his Iranian counterpart Hossein Amir-Abdollahian. The two sides have reportedly agreed to cooperate on the speedy completion of an alternative route bypassing Azerbaijan. 

In further trouble for Armenia, the Georgian authorities have reportedly been keeping about 200 Armenian trucks from crossing to Russia, while letting other vehicles cross the border.

Azerbaijan’s joint military exercises with Georgia and Turkey are of great importance in terms of improving security cooperation, increasing interoperability between their militaries, dominating the airspace of the Caucasus, securing energy pipelines, limiting Armenia’s land connection with Russia and surrounding Armenia geographically from the west, north and northwest. 

Joint military exercises between Azerbaijan and countries neighboring Iran also point to a shift in the strategic balance in the Caucasus. Israel’s strong defense cooperation with Azerbaijan is a clear indication that Iran is now under threat from the north.

A possible operation by Azerbaijan to control a strip connecting Nakhchivan to Nagorno-Karabakh and then mainland Azerbaijan, thus disabling Iran’s direct land passage to Armenia, would cause many stones to be moved in the Caucasus.

In fact, some in Baku have been expecting Armenia to cede the Zangezur area to Azerbaijan instead of paying war reparations over the Nagorno-Karabakh clashes. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has repeatedly asserted that Armenia’s provision of a corridor to Azerbaijan enabling the free movement of people, vehicles and goods in both directions is a must for normalization and a lasting peaceful solution to the problem. 

Azerbaijan’s increased profile in the area would constitute a major obstacle to Iran’s trade route to the north Caucasus, although the area remains under Armenian sovereignty. The latest row is thus about Baku’s resentment toward Tehran for providing economic sustenance through trade and transit options to its landlocked arch-nemesis, Armenia. 

Such spats between Baku and Yerevan over the implementation of the cease-fire deal have been further exacerbated by recent border tensions. Yerevan has accused Baku of a military buildup at the border, a charge Baku has denied. 

Thus, Tehran is seriously concerned about the risk of a Zangezur corridor falling under Azerbaijani sovereignty in the future and thus losing Iran’s border connection with Armenia.

Also, Iran has been carefully monitoring Israel’s alleged increasing military and intelligence profile in the Caucasus as well as northern Iraq, wary that it could end up contained from both the north and the southwest. Last month, Iranian Intelligence Minister Esmail Khatib threatened “active and aggressive” moves against US and Israeli bases in neighboring Iraqi Kurdistan should they try to stoke instability in Iran and urged the expulsion of Iranian-Kurdish dissidents based in Iraqi Kurdistan. In the same vein, Tehran sees Azerbaijan as a Trojan horse letting Israel into the Caucasus.

Russia has offered help for a diplomatic solution of the Zangezur spat through the formation of a border commission, but such efforts have yet to yield tangible results. At the geopolitical level, Russia has been keeping Turkey and Azerbaijan at bay, while trying to keep Armenia under its full domination and defuse Iran’s concerns. However, Russia’s balancing policy is hardly sustainable, given the fragility of the Nagorno-Karabakh deal and the increasing geopolitical complexity in the Caucasus due to the power game between Turkey, Iran and Israel.


Israel Chamber Opera Orchestra’s Armenian triumph in Ashdod

Oct 7 2021

THE ISRAEL Chamber Opera Orchestra with conductor Vag Papian.
(photo credit: MARK ZHALKOVSKY)

Conductor Vag Papian realized a 15-year-long ambition Monday evening when he introduced the music of Armenian composer Edvard Mirzoyan (1921-1912) to an Israeli audience in Ashdod. Speaking in Hebrew, he described Mirzoyan as “one of the wisest people I knew.” “I have learned during each moment I spent in his company,” he added.
The sparkling performance launched the new season the Israel Chamber Opera Orchestra now offers. The impressive whale-shaped culture center seemed to shine as patrons patiently produced their coronavirus-required green pass to enter and greeted old friends in Hebrew, Russian and French.
“The ICOO is 30 years old, and we are just getting started,” its CEO Moshe Fisher said. When it was established, the orchestra was made possible due to the massive influx of post-Soviet era Jews who built their new homes in the port city. These immigrants provided both the audience – eager to hear Western music performed – and the musicians themselves.
“At first, the state offered no support at all,” Fisher remarked, “it was Rafi Ben-Moshe from the Artists’ Absorption Center who opened the first door to us in the mid-1990s.” Another cultural powerhouse, the Ballet Valery Panov Theatre, opened a few years later, marking Ashdod as a multi-cultural city where arts are supported. The city boasts not one, but two orchestras, the other is the Israeli Andalusian Orchestra Ashdod. Mayor Yehiel Lasri, Fisher said, invests 1% of the city’s budget in the arts.
Mirzoyan’s work Symphony for Strings and Timpani is “his most important one and perhaps even for all Armenian music,” Papian told the audience. The dialog between kettledrums and strings was so emotionally moving people around me often clapped at the end of each movement. This led a smiling Papian to present four outstretched fingers to the front of the seated rows, indicating silently that more is yet to come. Timpani player Leonid Reshko was outstanding, winning hearty applause all around.
“To match these two works is wonderful,” violinist Roee Shiloah said in regard to the decision to begin the season with Mirzoyan and Vivaldi.

Performing in Ashdod for the first time, Shiloah took the stage to play Vivaldi’s The Four Seasons.
“It is a sorrowful work and you play it differently as you age,” he added, noting it had been two decades since he last performed it.

Shiloah stepped up to perform the 1720s violin concertos with a violin made during that same century by Antonio Zanotti. When I arrived in Ashdod it was pointed out to me that not so long ago a rocket struck the outer wall of a building near the culture center. Imagine, playing Vivaldi on a 300-year-old violin in a city facing such threats. In contrast, while Papian stood firmly on two straight legs and used his arms, hands and face to lead the players into a spellbinding performance, Shiloah swayed from side to side. A tall man wearing black, he placed his weight on his heels and breathed with his instrument. When the famous first notes were played a woman seated in front of me clapped with happiness. It seems safe to say she will be coming back.
The writer was a guest of the Israel Chamber Opera Orchestra. For more information about upcoming events at the ICOO – such as a future concert with Jazz legend Leonid Ptashka (Tuesday October 19 at 8:30 p.m.) – please see their site: st1yle=”max-width:100%”>

​The U.N. Must Investigate Nagorno-Karabakh War Crimes

Foreign Policy
Oct 7 2021


The U.N. Must Investigate Nagorno-Karabakh War Crimes



Baku and Yerevan are not members of the International Criminal Court. That means an independent international investigation is needed to ensure accountability for atrocities.

By Sheila Paylan, an international criminal lawyer and human rights expert with more than 15 years of experience advising the United Nations.


OCTOBER 7, 2021, 2:39 PMOn Sept. 16, Armenia initiated its first-ever proceedings before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the principal judicial organ of the United Nations mandated to settle legal disputes between states. In its case against Azerbaijan, Armenia alleges violations of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, including those committed during last year’s brutal war over Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan retorted by filing a similar application one week later.

Both claims arose almost one year to the day after Azerbaijan, backed by Turkey, launched a full-scale armed attack to reclaim the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Armenia and Azerbaijan signed a Russian-brokered cease-fire on Nov. 10, 2020, to end six weeks of heavy fighting, leaving Azerbaijan the clear military victor.

Azerbaijan regained the seven territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh that it had lost during the first war in the early 1990s and also now occupies approximately one-third of Nagorno-Karabakh itself, including the Hadrut region and the city of Shushi. Yet there is still no peace agreement or definitive resolution to the ongoing conflict.


There is evidence that civilians were killed on both the Armenian and Azerbaijani sides; if it can be proved that they were deliberately targeted, these killings could amount to war crimes.

Rather, Azerbaijan now seems to have set its sights on Armenian sovereign territory with creeping encroachments since May 12 and continues to hold Armenian civilians and prisoners of war hostage as bargaining tools in exchange for minefield maps and territorial concessions. Such acts are illicit under international law and may amount to the crimes of aggression and hostage-taking.

Meanwhile, Armenia has been engulfed in political turmoil from the fallout of last year’s defeat, thereby having had to shift focus away from Nagorno-Karabakh to deal with its own problems. Nagorno-Karabakh (or what’s left of it) is consequently left at the mercy of Russia, on whose peacekeepers it depends almost entirely for its security.

While there are many causes for the lack of lasting peace, one major blind spot has been on the issue of criminal accountability for atrocities committed during the hostilities.

________________________________

The charges in the ICJ case are not entirely new. Armenia and Azerbaijan have already filed interstate cases against one another before the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) to resolve their respective disputes about alleged human rights abuses committed during the 44-day war. Armenia also filed a case against Turkey alleging the latter’s essential role in providing material assistance to Azerbaijan during the conflict, including with the supply of drones and mercenaries. These cases are still pending.

But the ECHR’s jurisdiction is limited to determining whether human rights violations occurred. It has no competence to declare whether the facts underlying such violations also amount to international crimes. Human rights violations are, in important ways, qualitatively different from international crimes, which carry more gravitas and require higher evidentiary standards. Also, neither the ECHR nor the ICJ has the power to prosecute or send any perpetrators of crimes to prison.

There is evidence that civilians were killed on both the Armenian and Azerbaijani sides; if it can be proved that they were deliberately targeted, these killings could amount to war crimes. In addition, cultural and religious treasures were destroyed, such as the 19th-century Ghazanchetsots Cathedral, which was struck in two separate, apparently deliberate, attacks just hours apart. Numerous gruesome videos also circulated widely over the internet last year of executions, live beheadings, torture, and mutilations of civilians and military personnel captured during the war and after the cease-fire.

The most appropriate forum to investigate and prosecute such crimes would be the International Criminal Court (ICC), inaugurated in 2002 to fight impunity for the worst international crimes. However, since neither Armenia nor Azerbaijan is a state party to the Rome Statute, which established the ICC, the court has no jurisdiction over crimes committed by their nationals or by anyone on their territory. Nagorno-Karabakh also never joined the ICC, but since the de facto republic’s statehood remains officially unrecognized (including by Armenia), it couldn’t even if it tried.

Even if they were ICC members, the principle of complementarity demands that the ICC only exercise its jurisdiction when a country is unwilling or genuinely unable to investigate and prosecute suspected perpetrators of such grave crimes. Customary international law, deriving mainly from the 1949 Geneva Conventions, requires that states “must investigate war crimes allegedly committed by their nationals or armed forces, or on their territory, and, if appropriate, prosecute the suspects.”


In Azerbaijan, state-sponsored anti-Armenian hatred is known to be extreme, the erasure of Armenian culture is a matter of state policy, and crimes against Armenians are glorified.

In February, U.N. human rights experts on torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings jointly called on “Armenia and Azerbaijan to carry out thorough, prompt, independent and impartial investigations into allegations of serious human rights violations committed during the conflict and its aftermath in order to hold perpetrators to account and provide redress to the victims.” Human rights NGOs have echoed such calls for investigations by both sides.

Soon after the outbreak of hostilities, Armenia announced that it had started investigating serious violations of international humanitarian law arising from Azerbaijan’s aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh. To date, Armenia has tried and convicted two Syrians for committing war crimes and fighting as mercenaries for Azerbaijan in the 44-day war, sentencing them to life imprisonment. It is unclear how far other investigations or prosecutions of possible war crimes in Armenia have progressed.

Azerbaijan, in turn, announced last December that it had charged and arrested two Azerbaijani service members for defiling Armenian corpses and two others for desecrating Armenian gravestones. There is no further information as to whether these soldiers were ultimately tried or convicted of the charges against them.

In any event, investigating or prosecuting a few low-level perpetrators while letting many more serious offenders go free amounts to tokenism, not justice. Even worse, the perpetrators may have been acting on the instructions of, or under the direction or control of, the Azerbaijani state. It seems hypocritical, after all, for Azerbaijan to charge two soldiers with vandalizing Armenian gravestones when it has destroyed the largest ancient Armenian cemetery in the world, in what has been dubbed “the worst cultural genocide of the 21st century.”

Moreover, in Armenian society, a mindset of victimhood resulting from the 1915 Armenian genocide and exacerbated by the Nagorno-Karabakh war continues to prevail such that Armenians may lack sufficient critical self-reflection to be able to remain completely objective in investigating possible wrongdoing on their part.

The same can be said of Azerbaijani society, which has lived with the burden of roughly 600,000 internally displaced people from the first Nagorno-Karabakh war. However, the situation in Azerbaijan is much more dangerous because there state-sponsored anti-Armenian hatred is known to be extreme, the erasure of Armenian culture is a matter of state policy, and crimes against Armenians are glorified.

In this context, it’s doubtful whether war crimes investigations could be truly independent or impartial if performed exclusively by the warring parties. At the very least, one could expect more effort will go into pursuing perpetrators of opposing sides than one’s own.

________________________________

In Armenia, the conversation is shifting toward granting amnesties for crimes of minor or medium gravity (such as desertion) committed during the war. Meanwhile in Azerbaijan, more than 60 Armenians taken hostage during and after the war have been subjected to rushed trials and convictions on charges including “espionage” and “illegal border crossing.”

Armenian and international actors have criticized these charges as fabricated in support of sham trials to pressure Armenia into conceding to Azerbaijan’s demands. Such a reproach is not without merit, as Amnesty International and Freedom House have reported that trials in Azerbaijan are systemically unfair, especially when politically motivated.

Azerbaijan’s rhetoric is also growing more bellicose and disturbing, with President Ilham Aliyev creating an anti-Armenian theme park in April and publicly demonizing Armenians as the “hated enemy” just two months ago. Such brazen and tenacious incitement to hatred—in addition to the presence of several other atrocity risk factors, such as Azerbaijan’s (and Turkey’s) denial of the Armenian genocide and identity-based Armenophobic ideology—is alarming.

Both sides expect a lot from the ECHR and the ICJ in helping to prevent further atrocities, resolve the conflict, and bring restorative justice to the victims thereof. But to ensure criminal accountability, Armenia and Azerbaijan would do well to join the ICC. As Armenia signed the Rome Statute in 1999, it need now only ratify it, and Yerevan appears more receptive to the idea than Azerbaijan, which has done neither and seems far less inclined to expose itself to international scrutiny.

Even if both countries did ratify the statute soon—the odds of which are slim—the principle of nonretroactivity would normally preclude the ICC from exercising jurisdiction over crimes from last year’s war. An alternative, tailor-made accountability mechanism—such as the one created for crimes committed by the Islamic State, called UNITAD—would therefore be more suitable.

Such a mechanism should include independent, impartial international experts and be mandated to collect, preserve, and analyze testimonial, documentary, and forensic evidence of serious violations committed during the Nagorno-Karabakh war to prepare files for criminal proceedings in national, regional, or international courts that have or may in the future have jurisdiction over such crimes, including on the basis of universal jurisdiction.

The UNITAD model is ideal because it works in partnership with the government of the country in which the crimes occurred, thus necessitating the consent and cooperation of Armenia or Azerbaijan (or preferably both as consent by either will be limited to investigations of their own nationals or within their respective territories). Lack of consent or cooperation, however, does not necessarily pose an impediment as the United Nations’ creation of similar accountability mechanisms for Syria and Myanmar shows.

Such a forum could also be brought under the auspices of regional bodies such as the European Union (which created something similar for Georgia in 2008-2009) or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, whose Minsk Group is still mandated with finding a peaceful resolution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Whatever the model or overseeing organization, the most important thing is to end impunity for serious violations of international law. The international community’s heightened involvement in helping Armenia and Azerbaijan to bring perpetrators to justice is therefore paramount to ensuring lasting peace in Nagorno-Karabakh and the wider region.

Sheila Paylan is an international criminal lawyer and human rights expert with more than 15 years of experience advising the United Nations. She regularly consults for a variety of international organizations, NGOs, think tanks, and governments.

Sports: 2023 UEFA European Under-21 Championship: Armenia-Serbia: 1-4

News.am, Armenia
Oct 7 2021

During the fourth match of the qualifying tournament of the 2023 UEFA European Under-21 Championship, the Armenia national team competed with Serbia’s U-21 team and was defeated 1-4 at the Technical Center/Football Academy of the Football Federation of Armenia.

The first goal was scored by the Armenia team’s 20-year-old midfielder Mikayel Mirzoyan in the 36th minute, and the pass for the goal was made by 20-year-old forward Zhirayr Shaghoyan.

During the second half, the guests managed to score four goals and scored a volitional victory.

2023 UEFA European U-21 Championship, Group H, fourth round

Armenia-Serbia: 1-4

Mikayel Mirzoyan, 36 – Strahinja Erakovic, 56, Nikola Terzic, 85, Slobodan Tedic, 88, Zeljko Gavric, 90+6

Failed 11-meter kick: Zeljko Gavric (Serbia), 90+5

One Bottle: The 2016 Yacoubianhobbs Areni, Armenia

NOB HILL Gazette
Oct 6 2021

When we’re discussing the great Old World wine regions it’s sometimes overlooked that Armenia is home to the world’s oldest wine cave, the Areni-1. In 2008, 6,000 years after the first 4100 B.C. vintage in the Vayots Dzor region, the Yacoubian family partnered with Paul Hobbs to make extraordinary wines near that famous cave. And yes, it’s that Paul Hobbs — one of the original Opus One winemakers and one of the most celebrated figures in California wine history.

Yacoubian-Hobbs’ vineyard near the Azerbaijan border in the south of Armenia is a perfect home for the native grape, Areni, thanks to its high altitude and volcanic soils. This _expression_ of the variety is a thrilling one with strong cardamom, cracked black pepper and lamb fat notes. Then it effortlessly concludes with an eloquent finish hinting at melon rind and cacao nibs. It’s a spectacular bottle tying together a modern wine with its most ancient roots.

The 2016 Yacoubianhobbs Areni, Armenia

The 2016 Yacoubian-Hobbs Areni can be found online at wine.com and at Solano Cellars in Albany.