Turkey, Azerbaijan seek to unite Turkic world with trade corridor through Armenia

Oct 27 2021

Azerbaijan and Turkey plan to unite the Turkic world by re-opening a trade corridor connecting Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan enclave through Armenia, Azeri President İlham Aliyev said.

“Both Turkey and Azerbaijan will take necessary steps for realisation of the Zangezur Corridor,” Aliyev said at a joint news conference with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday, Turkey’s state-run Anadolu news agency reported. He spoke after an opening ceremony for the Fuzuli International Airport in Nagorno-Karabakh.

A November ceasefire agreement ending a 44-day war between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh foresees the re-opening of key historical transportation lines between Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia. Following the deal, Aliyev called on Armenia to open the Zangezur Corridor, which would link Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan, an autonomous western Azeri region separated from the country by Armenian territory.

“One day, we will be able to travel (directly) from Zangezur to Istanbul, cementing the region’s position as a transit and logistics hub,” Erdoğan said at the news conference.

Azerbaijan has blocked shipments of materials to both Armenia and Karabakh since 1989, while Armenia has imposed a blockade on Nakhchivan.

Relations between Turkey and Azerbaijan are at an historic peak following last autumn’s six weeks of clashes in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. Turkish military support proved crucial to Azerbaijan reclaiming control over the territory from Armenian-backed forces.

This week, Erdoğan paid a third visit to Azerbaijan since last year’s war. On a visit to Azerbaijan in June, Erdoğan and Aliyev signed the Shusha Declaration, which foresaw an expansion of political, economic and defence ties between the countries.

‘Those who renounce Artsakh are traitors’: Opposition MPs voice support for Gegham Manukyan

Panorama, Armenia
Oct 26 2021

POLITICS 16:37 26/10/2021 ARMENIA

Opposition lawmakers on Tuesday launched a campaign to voice their support for Gegham Manukyan, an MP from the opposition Armenia faction, after the latter was forcibly removed from the parliament podium for the statement, “The ones who renounce Artsakh are traitors”.

“Yes, the ones who renounce Artsakh are traitors, period! No matter how many times they try to shut our mouths, we shall not remain silent. You and all your generations will answer!” Armenia faction MP Hripsime Stambulyan wrote on Facebook.

Another deputy from the same faction, Agnessa Khamoyan, said, “Renunciation of Artsakh is a betrayal!”

“Those who renounce Artsakh are traitors, period!” Armenia faction MP Elinar Vardanyan wrote.

Journalists and other users are also sharing the post on their Facebook pages.

Armenian expert: Those who renounce Artsakh, Mush, Van, Sassoun are ‘traitors’

Panorama, Armenia
Oct 26 2021

Expert on Turkey, Doctor of History and Professor Ruben Melkonyan says the ones who “renounce Artsakh, Mush, Van, Sassoun are traitors”, adding domestic enemies with Armenian names are “even more disgusting”.

His comments came after Gegham Manukyan, an MP from the opposition Armenia faction, on Tuesday was forcibly removed from the parliament podium for the statement, “The ones who renounce Artsakh are traitors”.

“I would like to ask a semi-rhetorical question: what were those, who entered politics in 1988 and were in power in the first half of the 1990s, as well as believed and continue to believe that Artsakh can be part of Azerbaijan, were thinking when they enthusiastically chanted “unification” during the numerous rallies of the Artsakh movement? What did they want to unite to? Artsakh to Armenia or Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan through the so-called “Zangezur corridor”?” he wrote on Facebook.

“This question concerns figures of different “caliber” and no “caliber”, who came to power in the 1990s and distanced themselves from the idea of “unification” in their political career.

“The enemy is predictable, while the enemy-loving domestic enemies with an Armenian name and surname are even more disgusting.

“Therefore, yes, those who renounce Artsakh, Mush, Van, Sassoun, who ridicule this idea are traitors and sooner or later will end up in the political dump where traitors of different times were sent.

“You have to eventually realize that our enemy does not expect us to make concessions, it seeks our non-existence both as a state and as a nation. Consequently, political pragmatism (of which I am an advocate) and the national identity shaping memory, the components of the perception of the homeland cannot be opposed to one another,” Melkonyan said.

Expert: Whole world should be assured that any unblocked transport route will be exclusively under Armenia’s sovereignty

Panorama, Armenia
Oct 27 2021

The presidents of Azerbaijan and Turkey have attended groundbreaking ceremonies for the construction of a new highway in the Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) territories temporarily placed under Baku’s control as a result of the 44-day war, orientalist Armen Petrosyan said on Wednesday.

“In terms of propaganda, this move has at least three purposes: the project is presented to their own societies and the international community as the launch of the implementation of the “Zangezur corridor” linking Azerbaijan with Nakhichevan and Turkey, at the same time getting on the Armenian people’s nerves and playing with their emotions,” the expert wrote on Facebook.

“Now, what is our task? We should in no way be overwhelmed by the Turkic propaganda, and should assure the neighbors and the whole world that any possible unblocked transport route on the territory of Armenia will be exclusively under the sovereignty of Armenia. The issue of naming it is also a topic for discussion,” Petrosyan said.

Azerbaijanis steal dozens of cattle from Artsakh resident

Panorama, Armenia
Oct 27 2021

The Artsakh Investigative Committee opened a criminal case over the theft of dozens of cattle from an Artsakh resident by Azerbaijanis.

In a statement on Wednesday, the law enforcement agency said that on October 3, a group of Azerbaijanis conspired and stole more than 30 cows and 13 calves from a resident of the town of Chartar of the Martuni region, causing him 12,3 million drams in material damage.

The preliminary investigation is underway.

Art of Armenian writing added to UNESCO’s cultural heritage list

Panorama, Armenia
Oct 27 2021

CULTURE 13:23 27/10/2021 ARMENIA

The art of Armenian writing and its cultural expressions have been added to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, the Armenian National Commission for UNESCO reported.

“’To know wisdom and instruction; to perceive the words of understanding’: This translation from the Proverbs of Solomon was the 1st sentence written in the Armenian alphabet.

“The art of Armenian writing has been inscribed on the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity,” it said.

Armenia has been a member of UNESCO since 1992. For the first time it has submitted its candidacy to the UNESCO Executive Board for 2021-2025.

Sports: Armenia’s Artur Hovhannisyan wins opening bout at World Boxing Championships

Panorama, Armenia
Oct 26 2021

SPORT 18:48 26/10/2021 ARMENIA

Armenian boxer Artur Hovhannisyan (51 kg) won his opening bout at the 2021 AIBA World Boxing Championships being held in Belgrade, Serbia from October 24 to November 6.

He defeated Germany’s Argishti Terteryan to advance to the 1/16 final. Hovhannisyan knocked down his rival twice during the bout, the Boxing Federation of Armenia reported on Tuesday.

He will next face Hill Roscoe of the United States.

​This Creepy, Abandoned Soviet-Era Amusement Park Is a Haunting Step Back in Time

Fodors Travel
Oct 25 2021

This Creepy, Abandoned Soviet-Era Amusement Park Is a Haunting Step Back in Time

Steve Madgwick |

During the pandemic’s “Great Travel Hiatus,” travelers have found solace and hope in strange and unlikely places.

Shackled to our neighborhoods by a foe we couldn’t see, the darkness seemed darker because, among all the other things that this virus stole from us, it pilfered the purely random moments that adventure travelers live for.

In the bowels of the “Great Travel Hiatus,” you might have dreamed about late-July afternoons in Cinque Terra or slurping margaritas and Mexican mules down in Cabo, but my visions had had no such glow nor form. I’ve always pined for things I haven’t yet seen, in person, print or pixel. For 18 months, I’ve yearned to flight-mode my iPhone and follow my nose again, trusting it to lead me enchantingly astray.

I’ve subsisted on one vivid flashback, of the last time I went full free-range, just before we were slammed into our proverbial cages. The time I stumbled on a tacitly forbidden space, recommended by no one and remembered by few, on the shadowed fringes of a Middle-Earthian town in northern Armenia.

I’ve long wondered why this dark, creepy place became my pandemic light. Finally, I’m ready to answer the question: Why did I part through long grass to wander among the sinister shadows of an abandoned Soviet amusement park? 
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The forest-green gates seemed like the precise frontier between contemporary Armenia and the three-decades-dead Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Where now morphs into then. The roughly welded gates stand weakly where the townscape of Dilijan and the Dilijan National Park join, about 90 minutes drive north of Armenia’s capital, Yerevan. I had bumped into the gates on an afternoon stroll away from Dilijan’s endearing town center, destination unknown. Somewhere across the gurgling Aghstev River, down red-gravel paths marked by topiary hedges that pardon their way through sprawling, anonymous modern parklands. Curious vintage contraptions in fun-fair hues beckoned. Oxidized padlocks whispered “no entry” but the abandoned space spoke with more conviction. Naturally, I found a way into this erstwhile somewhere else. 

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The chemically bright pastels of these fiberglass love-swings looked recently shined–perhaps polished by the derrieres of Dilijan’s teens as they polished off ma and pa’s ill-gotten brandy. Up close, the deterioration and the splinters soon sharpened into focus. Coat after coat of industrial-grade paint flaked from 20th-century iron like so many shedding serpents. The same paint camouflages other stubborn engineering relics from Soviet times, best embodied by the ubiquitous, boxy, and bulletproof Lada cars that still dominate Armenia’s pock-marked B-roads. They built Soviet cars before they built Soviet roads, so the legend goes …     
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Broad and tall metal billboards muralled in faded fairy tales mark every attraction at Dilijan’s Children’s Amusement Park (a beige name for such a bewitching place). Initially, I interpreted this mural as a rather unsettling Marxist-Leninist critique of Pinocchio–his skywards eyes and forlorn face perhaps marking the moment he rejected the self for the collective good. Well, it turns out to be a little more nuanced and nastier than that. The Adventures of Buratino is actually a Russian version of Carlo Collodi’s 1883 classic. Unlike Pinocchio, however, the puppet in Aleksey Tolstoy’s 1936 reboot never transforms into a real boy. Quite a hard lesson to learn at a theme park.   
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While the comrades of the USSR were relentlessly characterized and caricatured as unfeeling, unsmiling robots, I’ve found plenty of proof that they appreciated visual splendor when they saw it. On the cusp of Dilijan National Park’s thick beech, oak, hornbeam, and pine forest, this could be the most exquisite amusement park setting on earth. At the juncture of five timbered mountain ranges, the greater Tavush province is well known as “the lungs of Armenia”. Dilijan itself has variously been a spa-town for privileged Sovyétsky, a retreat for painters, writers, and composers (perhaps seeking fresh air from the controlling powers that be), and a summer sanctuary for Armenian kings.

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A couple of dark thoughts wandered in behind me as I gingerly maneuvered into a ride’s sketchy control room. First, I noted how worn and scratched the bottom row of “panic” buttons were (including “siren” and “stop”). Did that missing button play a part in the park’s demise? Come nightfall, do the wraiths of fun-fair carnage haunt this place, I wondered? After reading some local history, I also speculated that the amusement park may have been an elaborate front for more nefarious happenings. Dilijan housed a large, mostly female cohort of engineers who worked at a now-defunct factory producing communication equipment for top-secret Soviet agencies. Naturally, I pressed all the buttons, to no obvious avail.
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Nothing fertilizes unquiet imaginations like the noiseless vacuum of abandoned spaces. Given the massive counterweights towards the top of this particular gismo, my best guess is that, at least officially, it was a pendulating pirate-ship-style ride, of the type you see the world over. Unofficially, however, I imagined its seven ship-shaped iron chambers once furiously spun around 360 degrees, so fast as to be a perfect G-force tester for aspiring cosmonauts … Either way, the mangled rusting wreckage in the long grass in the foreground is a troubling development.

7 OF 15

For an open-air facility with no security presence (that I came across), the four-decades(ish) old theme park is actually relatively unharmed by human hands. In my hometown, it would have been graffitied, pillaged, and burned to the ground two decades ago. But time has claimed some victims, such as the Giant Yellow Dragon, who lies immobile in a weedy, nettled grave, just below her amusement. I deduced that GYD died more or less of natural causes, judging by the lack of wounds, fractures, and punctures. Although judging by the deathly stare frozen onto her face, perhaps she was a genuine challenge to the actual food chain here, mercilessly dragged down from her perch by one of the lynxes, mountain lions, or brown bears that frequent the bordering national park.

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Exploring abandoned spaces comes with risks, but the challenges of tip-toeing on decaying wooden gangways and perpetually sidestepping tetanus-rich nails is actually a refreshing, life-affirming obstacle course; thoroughly recommended to sharpen the mind and reflexes. While I cannot in all good conscience recommend that you trespass in such spaces, if you choose to do so, ensure you pack your common sense, wear thick-soled shoes, and walk ‘where the nails are’, on boards supported by beams. Oh, and you might want to don a pair of long pants–a single layer of defense against Armenia’s four deadly vipers, which may or may not be lurking in the feral shrubbery. 

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Humankind arrogantly assumes its control over nature is absolute, but eventually, inevitably, the abandoned is always usurped. When I visited Dilijan, the forest around the park’s perimeter was budding ferociously with Caucasus wildflowers yet strangely, few seemed to hop the fence, unsure of whether this eerie garden was fertile or foe. Then, early in the afternoon, when the sun rose above the valley walls, shafts of sunlight illuminated advancing swathes of these sweet little floral vanguards that I had missed. Encircling the rusting steel, they were re-staking nature’s claim, one apparatus at a time.


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Soviet thrill-ride engineers subscribed to the “what doesn’t kill you makes you happier” school of theme-park design. Clearly, these amusements were forged in an era before minimum heights and safety bars as evidenced by the alarmingly sharp edges of the segmented citrus-fruit centerpiece on this rotor ride. And only chicken-wire and centrifugal force would have stopped Armenian children from being flung into the wild fruit trees beyond. The under-jungle-gym rubber-matting in the nearby modern playground provides a historical juxtaposition between then and now.

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As daylight ducked under the ridgetops, the murals’ moods darkened. I wrongly assumed this to be a creepy Sovietisation of Humpty Dumpty – perhaps being shamed as a fat-cat capitalist. But this is actually Italian writer Gianni Rodari’s anhomomorphic onion Cipollino (so cherished in Russia that he even scored his own opera). Some say the Adventures of the Little Onion is simply a tale of good versus evil. But in this ominous space, the allegory–at least in my mind–strays into dystopian political propaganda; Comrade Onion, representing the oppressed underclass, feels the full fruity fury of tyrannical Prince Lemon and his cohort. Even stray dogs are against him. Enough to make a grown vegetable weep.

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At some angles, the 1980s Soviet engineering exudes a timeless solidity that, left undisturbed, could last for generations. As solid as it might be, however, in the minds of locals this theme park is long dead–a pariah from an era of Armenian history that people are actively trying to forget. Even those old enough to recall, struggle to remember the exact year when the park was built (“sometime in the late ‘70s/early ‘80s” was a common refrain). However, Dilijanians are happy to direct visitors to the area’s plethora of ancient monasteries and fortresses that fan far into the forest. They still “hear God whistle through the trees”, as a local saying goes, but metaphorically stick their fingers in their ears when Stalin opens his big steel trap again.   

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Watching too many terrible 1980s Cold War thrillers has tainted my estimation of the Russian language. Viewed through that filter, the Cyrillic script is the ominous natural enemy of English, only existing to warn of incoming menace, on the flanks of ballistic missiles and advancing MIG fighters. This rust-and moss-eaten sign intrigued me, especially as the cloud shadows scudded over it. What could it possibly say? Was it a warning? No, it was actually a pleasant surprise, quite literally–translating simply as “surprise.”

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Across the gloam, 100 feet away, this tiny red button pleaded for my attention, supernaturally contrasting with the intense Caucasus greens more than this photo shows. Older Armenians and Americans might associate the color red with the oppression of the communist era. Buttons had a negative symbolism back when this place was amusing the oppressed. Leaders of both the USSR and USA were said to have their fingers hovering over nuclear-missile buttons. However, this intense red swatch is a universal force for good; simply, a Ferris wheel’s emergency stop button, which perhaps prevented an untold number of young Armenians from plunging to their deaths.   

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To me, this imperfect snap sums up the delight of forbidden adventures in abandoned spaces. The scene drips with unanswered questions. What or who hides behind the trees or in the mysterious buildings? Most importantly, there’s no one around, at least that I can see, making this my adventure alone to re-tell. But this story was never really just about this one amusement park. You’ll bump into relics like this all over former Soviet countries, always in the shadows on forgotten peripheries. This is an ode to the unforeseen joys of these places or whichever spaces pique your dark curiosities. As borders gradually yawn open, it’s time to wander in again. Just make sure to mind your step.



Turkey and Iran Find Soft Power More Difficult than Hard Power

Modern Diplomacy
By Dr. James M. Dorsey
Oct. 25, 2021
The times they are a changin’. Iranian leaders may not be Bob Dylan
fans, but his words are likely to resonate as they contemplate their
next steps in Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, Lebanon, and Azerbaijan.
The same is true for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The
president’s shine as a fierce defender of Muslim causes, except for
when there is an economic price tag attached as is the case of China’s
brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims, has been dented by allegations of
lax defences against money laundering and economic mismanagement.
The setbacks come at a time that Mr. Erdogan’s popularity is diving in
opinion polls.
Turkey this weekend expelled the ambassadors of the US, Canada,
France, Finland, Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway,
and Sweden for calling for the release of philanthropist and civil
rights activist Osman Kavala in line with a European Court of Human
Rights decision.
Neither Turkey nor Iran can afford the setbacks that often are the
result of hubris. Both have bigger geopolitical, diplomatic, and
economic fish to fry and are competing with Saudi Arabia and the UAE
as well as Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama for religious soft power, if
not leadership of the Muslim world.
That competition takes on added significance in a world in which
Middle Eastern rivals seek to manage rather than resolve their
differences by focusing on economics and trade and soft, rather than
hard power and proxy battles.
In one recent incident Hidayat Nur Wahid, deputy speaker of the
Indonesian parliament, opposed naming a street in Jakarta after
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the general-turned-statemen who carved modern
Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire. Mr. Wahid suggested
that it would be more appropriate to commemorate Ottoman sultans
Mehmet the Conqueror or Suleiman the Magnificent or 14th-century
Islamic scholar, Sufi mystic, and poet Jalaludin Rumi.
Mr. Wahid is a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood-linked Prosperous
Justice Party (PKS) and a board member of the Saudi-run Muslim World
League, one of the kingdom’s main promoters of religious soft power.
More importantly, Turkey’s integrity as a country that forcefully
combats funding of political violence and money laundering has been
called into question by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an
international watchdog, and a potential court case in the United
States that could further tarnish Mr. Erdogan’s image.
A US appeals court ruled on Friday that state-owned Turkish lender
Halkbank can be prosecuted over accusations it helped Iran evade
American sanctions.
Prosecutors have accused Halkbank of converting oil revenue into gold
and then cash to benefit Iranian interests and documenting fake food
shipments to justify transfers of oil proceeds. They also said
Halkbank helped Iran secretly transfer US$20 billion of restricted
funds, with at least $1 billion laundered through the US financial
system.
Halkbank has pleaded not guilty and argued that it is immune from
prosecution under the federal Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act because
it was “synonymous” with Turkey, which has immunity under that law.
The case has complicated US-Turkish relations, with Mr.  Erdogan
backing Halkbank’s innocence in a 2018 memo to then US President
Donald Trump.
FATF placed Turkey on its grey list last week. It joins countries like
Pakistan, Syria, South Sudan, and Yemen that have failed to comply
with the group’s standards. The International Monetary Fund (IMF)
warned earlier this year that greylisting would affect a country’s
ability to borrow on international markets,  and cost it an equivalent
of up to 3 per cent of gross domestic product as well as a drop in
foreign direct investment.
Mr. Erdogan’s management of the economy has been troubled by the
recent firing of three central bank policymakers, a
bigger-than-expected interest rate cut that sent the Turkish lira
tumbling, soaring prices, and an annual inflation rate that last month
ran just shy of 20 per cent. Mr. Erdogan has regularly blamed
high-interest rates for inflation.
A public opinion survey concluded in May that 56.9% of respondents
would not vote for Mr. Erdogan and that the president would lose in a
run-off against two of his rivals, Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavas and his
Istanbul counterpart Ekrem Imamoglu.
In further bad news for the president, polling company Metropoll said
its September survey showed that 69 per cent of respondents saw
secularism as a necessity while 85.1 per cent objected to religion
being used in election campaigning.
In Iran’s case, a combination of factors is changing the dynamics of
Iran’s relations with some of its allied Arab militias, calling into
question the domestic positioning of some of those militias, fueling
concern in Tehran that its detractors are encircling it, and putting a
dent in the way Iran would like to project itself.
A just-published report by the Combatting Terrorism Center at the US
Military Academy West Point concluded that Iran’s Islamic
Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) faced “growing difficulties in
controlling local militant cells. Hardline anti-US militias struggle
with the contending needs to de-escalate US-Iran tensions, meet the
demands of their base for anti-US operations, and simultaneously
evolve non-kinetic political and social wings.”
Iranian de-escalation of tensions with the United States is a function
of efforts to revive the defunct 2015 international agreement to curb
Iran’s nuclear program and talks aimed at improving relations with
Saudi Arabia even if they have yet to produce concrete results.
In addition, like in Lebanon, Iranian soft power in Iraq has been
challenged by growing Iraqi public opposition to sectarianism and
Iranian-backed Shiite militias that are at best only nominally
controlled by the state.
Even worse, militias, including Hezbollah, the Arab world’s foremost
Iranian-supported armed group, have been identified with corrupt
elites in Lebanon and Iraq. Many in Lebanon oppose Hezbollah as part
of an elite that has allowed the Lebanese state to collapse to protect
its vested interests.
Hezbollah did little to counter those perceptions when the group’s
leader, Hassan Nasrallah, threatened Lebanese Christians after
fighting erupted this month between the militia and the Lebanese
Forces, a Maronite party, along the Green Line that separated
Christian East and Muslim West Beirut during the 1975-1990 civil war.
The two groups battled each other for hours as Hezbollah staged a
demonstration to pressure the government to stymie an investigation
into last year’s devastating explosion in the port of Beirut.
Hezbollah fears that the inquiry could lay bare pursuit of the group’s
interests at the expense of public safety.
“The biggest threat for the Christian presence in Lebanon is the
Lebanese Forces party and its head,” Mr. Nasrallah warned, fuelling
fears of a return to sectarian violence.
It’s a warning that puts a blot on Iran’s assertion that its Islam
respects minority rights, witness the reserved seats in the country’s
parliament for religious minorities. These include Jews, Armenians,
Assyrians and Zoroastrians.
Similarly, an alliance of Iranian-backed Shiite militias emerged as
the biggest loser in this month’s Iraqi elections. The Fateh
(Conquest) Alliance, previously the second-largest bloc in parliament,
saw its number of seats drop from 48 to 17.
Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi brought forward the vote from 2022
to appease a youth-led protest movement that erupted two years ago
against corruption, unemployment, crumbling public services,
sectarianism, and Iranian influence in politics.
One bright light from Iran’s perspective is the fact that an attempt
in September by activists in the United States to engineer support for
Iraqi recognition of Israel backfired.
Iran last month targeted facilities in northern Iraq operated by
Iranian opposition Kurdish groups. Teheran believes they are part of a
tightening US-Israeli noose around the Islamic republic that involves
proxies and covert operations on its Iraqi and Azerbaijani borders.
Efforts to reduce tension with Azerbaijan have failed. An end to a war
of words that duelling military manoeuvres on both sides of the border
proved short-lived. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, emboldened by
Israeli and Turkish support in last year’s war against Armenia,
appeared unwilling to dial down the rhetoric.
With a revival of the nuclear program in doubt, Iran fears that
Azerbaijan could become a staging pad for US and Israeli covert
operations. Those doubts were reinforced by calls for US backing of
Azerbaijan by scholars in conservative Washington think tanks,
including the Hudson Institute and the Heritage Foundation.
Eldar Mamedov, a political adviser for the social-democrats in the
Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament, warned that “the
US government should resist calls from hawks to get embroiled in a
conflict where it has no vital interest at stake, and much less on
behalf of a regime that is so antithetical to US values and
interests.”
He noted that Mr. Aliyev has forced major US NGOs to leave Azerbaijan,
has trampled on human and political rights, and been anything but
tolerant of the country’s Armenian heritage.
 

Unnamed sources claim Armenia and Azerbaijan close signing new agreement

Oct 25 2021
 

Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia are reportedly close to signing a new agreement on the demarcation and delimitation of borders and the opening of transport links. According to Russian and Armenian news outlets, the agreement is set to be announced on the anniversary of the Russia-brokered ceasefire.

Russian state-run RIA Novosti wrote on Saturday that the trilateral meeting will be held in the first ten days of November. According to an unnamed source ‘familiar with the matter’, at this meeting, Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan will sign a new agreement.

On 22 October, Armenian news outlet Aliq Media, citing unnamed ‘reliable diplomatic sources’ reported that the three countries will sign two new documents in early November.  

The first will concern border delimitation and demarcation between Armenia and Azerbaijan, according to which ‘Yerevan and Baku will recognise each other’s borders and territorial integrity, based on the maps of the General Staff of the Soviet Defense Ministry of the 1920s’. 

[Read more: Border crisis between Armenia and Azerbaijan continues]

The second will reportedly secure an opening of transport links between Armenia and Azerbaijan, specifically, allowing for a transport link between Azerbaijan’s western regions and Nakhchivan through southern Armenia, as well as giving Armenia a connection to Iran and Russia through Azerbaijan. 

The possibility of a transport connection between Nakhchivan and Azerbaijan’s western regions has been a point of contention between Armenia and Azerbaijan in recent months, with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev demanding a ‘corridor’, which he also threatened to establish by military force. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has previously denied that such a transport connection would constitute a ‘corridor’.

[Read more: Aliyev threatens to establish ‘corridor’ in Armenia by force]

No official confirmation of any of these claims has yet been forthcoming from any of the three countries. However, speaking with RIA Novosti, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said that if an agreement on a trilateral meeting is reached ‘the Kremlin will report on it in due time’. 

Earlier this autumn, both Pashinyan and Aliyev made comments stating that they were ready to meet.

On 22 October,  Armenia and Russia started joint military exercises in the province of Syunik, near the border with Azerbaijan.  The exercises have the participation of ‘almost all military units’ of the Armenian armed forces as well as Russian forces from the 102nd military base in Gyumri. 

According to Tigran Parvanyan, the commander of joint Russian-Armenian forces, the exercises are part of an annual plan of military cooperation between Russia and Armenia.