Skip to main content

Karabakh State Minister meets with hundreds of Los Angeles-Armenians, discusses Artsakh

News.am, Armenia
Oct 29 2021

State Minister of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) Artak Beglaryan on Monday met with hundreds of members of the Armenian community of Los Angeles during a meeting hosted by the Pan-Armenian Council of Western USA and the Armenian Missionary Association of America, the Office of the State Minister of Artsakh reports.

Beglaryan thoroughly presented the current situation in Artsakh, the short-term and long-term needs and the government’s programs and emphasized that it will be impossible to ensure the rapid and effective restoration and development of Artsakh without the active and ongoing involvement of all Armenians around the world.

Beglayan added that Artsakh may be secure and developed in the long run, based on the five main pillars, including sustainable security, growing demography, developing economy, quality education and effective governance.

Before the meeting, the State Minister had also given a press conference for Armenian media in California.

Chess: Grand Swiss: Armenia’s Robert Hovhannisyan is half point away from sole leader

News.am, Armenia
Oct 29 2021

In the third round of the FIDE Chess.com Grand Swiss taking place in Riga, Robert Hovhannisyan, one of Armenia’s representatives, defeated Russian chess player Sanan Syugirov, scored 2.5 points and shares the 2nd-7th places. The sole leader is France’s Iranian chess player Alireza Firouzja (3 points).

Gabriel Sargsyan outscored Ukrainian Martin Krawziv and has 2 points. Manuel Petrosyan and Levon Aronian, who ended their matches with ties in the third round, also have two points each and share 8th-42nd places.

In the third round, Sergey Movsesyan, Samvel Ter-Sahakyan and Hayk M. Martirosyan also tied their matches and each scored 1 point.

The championship consists of 11 rounds. The two chess players who shared first place will score passes to the championship for contenders for world champion.

Armenian woman organized fundraiser for soldiers wounded during 44-day war and embezzled some of the funds

News.am, Armenia
Oct 29 2021

The criminal case regarding citizen Araksya Hovhannesyan who, according to the charge, embezzled the funds collected for soldiers wounded during the 44-day war [in Nagorno-Karabakh] in 2020, is in the proceedings of the Yerevan court of general jurisdiction, as reported the Judicial Information System of Armenia.

Araksya Hovhannesyan is charged for the fact that on 27 September 2020, with the initiative to provide financial assistance to the soldiers wounded as a result of the military aggression unleashed by Azerbaijan against Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), visited various medical centers operating in Armenia, took photos of wounded soldiers and soldiers receiving inpatient treatment, after which she posted the photos on her Facebook and Instagram pages and, with the request for financial assistance for their treatment and other needs, organized a fundraiser and, at the same time, under the name of her mother, Sonya Hovhannesyan, opened a bank account, showed it on her social network pages and, with notes and through live video messages, urged benefactors to send the funds to the mentioned bank account.

In addition, she informed that Russia-based Nina Atchemyan is also holding a fundraiser to provide financial assistance to soldiers wounded during the war and, misusing the trust, took a part of the money.

Araksya Hovhannesyan is charged with false betrayal and embezzlement, and arrest has been chosen as a pre-trial measure.

Azerbaijani press: Armenian diaspora: Century-long grandiose delusion revisited

By Orkhan Amashov

Armenia and its expatriate diaspora are in an existential crisis. The national identity which has historically been based on carefully cultivated myths is on the verge of losing its structural oneness. Salvation may still be within reach, but that will require painstakingly arduous and excruciating self-contemplation. The Second Karabakh War and its devastating results have given Armenia a fresh chance to reflect on its past and present, and rethink its vital priorities.

Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan, if to put it mildly, was not well-received by his compatriots in Cyprus. In fact, the Armenian politician, as evident from the video posted on social media by a certain Akop Manukyan, found himself a recipient of insults and vociferous accusations. “Traitors” and “murderers of Armenians” were some of the words the Armenian politician heard. 

Heckling is a universally accepted form of expressing one’s indignation through impertinence, but what happened to Simonyan is not noteworthy in that sense. What matters here is the message itself and the concern ingrained in its substantive core. It can be inferred from the incident that Armenians of Cyprus, or at least some of them, are deeply unhappy with the present state of affairs in their home country. They view the incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his government as the emblematic representation of perfidy, as a bunch of opinionated and self-righteous traitors who “surrendered” Karabakh to Azerbaijan.  

Diaspora designs vs homeland realities

The reception to which Simonyan was subjected is indicative of something considerably more pervasive. In fact, the view held by Cypriot-Armenians is echoed throughout the whole diaspora. The fatal ambition that lies at the heart of the worldwide Armenian outlook is based on “victimhood” and “mythological predestination”, and each of these linchpins gives rise to maximalist objectives.

“Victimhood”, coupled with an imagined past, necessitates an obsession with the idea of making the whole of humanity accept the Armenian version of the events of 1915. “Mythological predestination”, on the other hand, envisages an unrealistic future in which Armenia recovers its “rightful possessions” from Turkey and Azerbaijan. And it is under the strain of these enormous impossibilities that modern Armenia has been cracking since its birth.

The diaspora feels it is entitled to a special privilege and therefore claims the status of an ultimate arbiter in Armenian affairs. This could be partly explained by the fact that, until 1991, the diaspora members perceived themselves as the sole representatives of their nation. Subsequent to the formation of the modern Republic of Armenia, the diaspora redesignated itself as the representative of Armenia abroad with plenipotentiary prerogatives. But they have never lost the sense of primacy and that still feeds their fatal ambition. 

It is a well-known truth, accepted in academic circles, that the policy priorities pursued by diaspora members are not always in line with the priorities of homeland state policy-makers. This is particularly true in the case of conflict-generated diasporas, and the worldwide Armenian community is a very good example of that.

First of all, since Armenian diaspora groups do not live in their homeland and therefore do not suffer the consequences of the absence of peace and lack of economic prosperity, which is largely due to the problems that Armenia has had with Turkey and Azerbaijan since 1991, they prefer to keep their emotional attachments to that homeland and make the conflicts even more protracted by refusing to sacrifice their “sacrosanct” objectives on the way to a peaceful settlement.

In his academic work dedicated to conflict-generated transnational diasporas, an eminent scholar of conflict analysis and resolution, Terrence Lyons, stated that diaspora groups of this kind are less likely to support reconciliation efforts and, when it comes to exchanging part of what they perceive to be their homeland for some instrumental end, they are expected to be reluctant.

Secondly, Armenia, on an economic level, needs the diaspora’s resources more than the diaspora itself needs the homeland. As Shain Yossi, a distinguished expert specialising in this area, articulated, the more the homeland is in need of diaspora, the more united the diaspora will be, and a stronger and unified diaspora community will be in a position of exerting considerable influence on the affairs of the homeland.

Raison d’être and fear of losing it

Armenia, a nation the identity of which has largely been based on carefully cultivated myths, is now experiencing an existential crisis and the diaspora feels every bit of the pain. The latter is hopelessly determined to ensure that any attempt to get rid of the shackles of the invented past and imagined predestination is to be foiled. Its members prefer the imagined threat of “genocide” to loom over the nation constantly, and that is why the Second Karabakh War was described as a “new phase of the ‘Armenian Genocide’” by them.

If to follow the main dictum of the theory established in this field, when a homeland government is in the process of pursuing reconciliation with a sworn enemy, diaspora communities are bound to feel their identity as historical victims of the self-same enemy as being under threat. Therefore, in the wake of a possible peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the diaspora is expected to wage perhaps its last war so as to save that very purpose that has long been at the heart of its self-constructed existential meaning.

Golden opportunity

The accumulated impact of the circumstances that form the crux of the present reality is of such a nature that it gives the present Armenian government a historic chance to free itself from the shackles of the powerful lobby abroad.

Pashinyan was the first leader of modern Armenia who came to power with an agenda in which Karabakh was not a central theme. As Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Caucasus Institute in Yerevan, wisely summarised, for Pashinyan, Karabakh has been a problem, whereas, for his predecessors and present internal detractors, it has been the cornerstone of their political agendas.

Such an outlook, combined with the facts on the ground, which present Armenia with limited choices regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, mean that with an application of common sense and by acting upon urgent needs, Armenia may have a chance to evolve into a healthy and prosperous entity, peacefully coexisting with its neighbors. The sooner the nation gets rid of the myths long held dear, the quicker its “wounds” will be healed.

Turkish press: In the footsteps of a hero: A trip around Istanbul with Atatürk

Bronze memorial statue of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Bursa, Turkey, Aug.14, 2019. (Shutterstock Photo)

Oct. 29 is Republic Day in Turkey, and what better way to celebrate than remembering the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk? In Turkey we spent our childhoods being dragged from one event to another on national holidays, and being spoon-fed republican history in our classrooms. It can sometimes suck the joy out of this day for even the most ardent follower of Kemalist values. So today, I’m going to set out on the streets of Istanbul to visit some of the most important places in the life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and see if I can’t bring back some of that revolutionary air into my own life.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, then known as just Mustafa Kemal, was just 18 years old when he first stepped foot in Istanbul, in 1899. The young cadet, fresh out of Monastir (Bitola) military high school in Macedonia, enrolled in the Ottoman War Academy (Mekteb-i Harbiye-i Şahane) to train to become a career soldier. In much the same fashion, we’re starting our Istanbul trip from the same place young Mustafa Kemal began.

The Ottoman War Academy building still stands today, but now houses the Istanbul Military Museum in Harbiye, a quarter that borrowed its name from the academy. You might have seen it before; it’s a stone’s throw away from the Osmanbey metro stop with intimidating tall fencing and a garden full of weaponry. However, it’s not a major tourist stop, perhaps due to its rather tired interior and uncanny wax figurines. It’s quite the pity, because it’s stock full of enough war memorabilia for any military history nerd to gasp and drool over. One amazing piece is the original chain the Byzantines stretched across the mouth of the Golden Horn during the siege of Constantinople.

Indeed, I’ve frequented the building often to gasp over its ancient swords, intricate armor and intimidating modern guns. But what always brings me back is imagining the young Mustafa Kemal marching along its corridors with his future brothers-in-arms, discussing politics and dreaming of a new tomorrow.

The building of the Military Museum in Istanbul, Turkey. (Shutterstock Photo)

It was tough going. According to Andrew Mango’s book “Atatürk,” the young Mustafa Kemal and his fellow cadets were worked hard and treated roughly, and fed a simple diet of rice, beans and mutton. Teachers were strict on the students, but the young cadets frequently visited the districts of Beyoğlu and Galata for evening revelries after days of working hard. The young Mustafa Kemal was no exception, working hard and playing hard. Among the 700 students of his cohort, Mustafa Kemal finished eighth. But perhaps more importantly, here he met friends and rivals who would later form a budding nation alongside him: Ali Fuat Cebesoy, who would become the general commander of the National Forces, Kazım Karabekir, who would lead the 9th Army Corps, Refet Bele, one of the commanders of the nationalist forces, and even Ismet Inönü, who would ultimately succeed Atatürk in becoming the second president of Turkey.

I’m heading first to room number 12 on the ground floor, called “Atatürk’s Classroom Hall.” This, the museum explains, is one of the classrooms Mustafa Kemal studied in. The room tries to replicate what the classroom looked like in the 1910s, a classroom of wax students with period-accurate uniforms listening to a lesson on the Dardanelles. Small plaquettes are in front of the wax figures, titled “Mustafa Kemal” and “Ali Fuat” – students who studied in this classroom, and later went on to fight in the Turkish War of Independence. It’s slightly uncanny when I head upstairs to rooms 32 to 35, and find rows of weaponry and clothing that belonged to the adult versions of the very students who studied in those classrooms.

The museum is open between 9 a.m. and 4 p.m., and closed on Mondays and Tuesdays. Make sure to also check out room 2, containing the school’s original hammam. It’s full of amusing and kitsch wax figures wearing traditional hammam garb, and it brings a chuckle out of me every time.

As I mentioned before, school life wasn’t all hardship and dry beans for the young Mustafa Kemal. Close by was Beyoğlu, the entertainment hub of the capital. Mustafa Kemal’s school friend Ali Fuat Cebesoy explains in his book “My Schoolmate Atatürk”: “Sultan Abdülhamid II had forbidden uniformed officers from drinking in public places. This prohibition was applied strictly. Those who did not follow this rule were punished regardless of their rank. However, both Mustafa Kemal and I did not neglect to have a glass of beer, rakı or whiskey when we went on a week off.” On their downtime, the young soldiers would head out to the neighborhood to visit places such as the German Zeuve Beerhouse and an English restaurant run by an Armenian called Con (John) Paşa. They enjoyed the international and multicultural atmosphere of the city. Few of the beerhouses, taverns and restaurants these school-goers visited have lasted until today. But we can still get a glimpse of what it was like.

Rejans was a Russian restaurant that opened in 1931, which Atatürk visited during his time as a president. According to the Istanbul Encyclopedia (published by the History Foundation), the restaurants were run primarily by White Russian émigrés, people who fled Russia after the Bolshevik revolution. The restaurant has changed hands various times, going from the name “Rejans” to “1924 Istanbul” to now “1924 Rejans.” But the menu still remains loyal to its Russian roots, featuring modern twists on old Russian classics like borsch soup, stroganoff or piroshki. Not to mention the building has been restored beautifully, and the restaurant interior is a replica of the original.

One table sits in the corner with a small sign declaring “Reserved Forever.” This, the restaurant claims, was the very table that Atatürk once sat at. Reserved for him forever, the table stands waiting with a bottle of “Kulüp” brand rakı and a bowl of white chickpeas. It’s been long reported by many of Mustafa Kemal’s friends and associates that he loved nothing more than to eat chickpeas alongside this brand of rakı.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. (AA Photo)

After the young Mustafa Kemal finished his education in 1905, he began a promising career in politics and the military. But tragedy struck the Ottoman Empire in 1913 when it lost a huge swath of land in the Balkan War. It was also a moment of personal tragedy for the young Mustafa Kemal and his family. All Ottoman land outside of Istanbul and eastern Thrace was now lost, including Mustafa Kemal’s homeland of Macedonia. His mother and sister fled to Istanbul, alongside thousands of others who left much of their land and belongings behind. Mustafa Kemal had no idea that when he left his hometown of Salonica (modern day Thessaloniki) it would be the last time he ever saw it. They made the best of it. He greeted his mother and sister in Istanbul and found them a new home in Beşiktaş. The home he chose was one of the Akaretler, a series of terraced houses that were built as government-owned rental properties for the upper-middle class.

After sitting in disrepair for many years, the buildings were restored in 2008 to become one of Istanbul’s most “in” locations. Art galleries, hotels, pubs, restaurants … Among all the chaos, one can easily miss the Akaretler Mustafa Kemal Museum, in the very building Mustafa Kemal rented out for his mother and sister. It’s a nice little museum worth a quick visit when you’re in the area. Entrance is free, and the museum is open between 9 a.m. and 2 p.m., and closed on weekends.

One famous resident of Akaretler street was Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. (Shutterstock Photo)

The museum has no English signs, but I found a quick workaround. If you have Google Translate downloaded on your phone, you can open up your camera from within the app to translate the text around you. It worked particularly well in this museum and I read everything flawlessly, though forget trying to decipher the cursive titles.

Around November 1918, a weary Mustafa Kemal returned to Istanbul. He had been on the front of various wars almost non-stop since 1911, fighting first in the Italo-Turkish War, then the Balkan Wars, then in WWI on the Gallipoli, Caucasus and finally the Palestinian fronts. Despite this, he was eager for another posting. The Istanbul he found was much changed, now under occupation from Allied forces, and he was eager to assist in its liberation. But it became clear quick that no such post was incoming, and he was stuck in the city for a while yet.

He rented a quaint three-storied house in Şişli, Istanbul, from a woman called Madam Kasapyan. He moved his mother Zübeyde and his sister Makbule from their Akaretler residence, and put them up on the top floor of the apartment. He took the middle floor, and gave a room to his aide on the ground floor. Here he secretly met up with old school friends and brothers in arms, making and discarding plans to save the country from the mess it had fallen into. The house has become a legend in the Turkish consciousness ever since, and above the door in proud letters the museum declares “Atatürk prepared the liberation of the motherland in this house in 1919.”

Admission to the museum is free, and it is open between 9 a.m. and 4 p.m. and closed on Mondays. This one is quite worth the detour, filled with many of Atatürk’s iconic personal belongings. But make sure you have your Google Translate app with you, all the labels here are Turkish too.

Atatürk is seen being greeted with a ceremony when he arrives at the Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul in 1929. (AA Photo)

Mustafa Kemal left the house for good on May 16, 1919, and after saying a farewell to his mother and sister, got on a small ship called the “Bandırma” to sail to the province of Samsun. It was from here he would start his quest to free Anatolia and start the War of Independence.

The next time he returned to Istanbul, he would be the president of a budding nation. Happy Republic Day, everyone! See you again on Nov. 10, when I’ll be heading out to see the other must-see spots in Istanbul, this time from the later years of Atatürk’s legendary life.

Turkish press: Fuzuli airport and its meaning

A general view of Fuzuli International Airport, Fuzuli, Azerbaijan, Oct. 15, 2021. (AA Photo)

Fuzuli was once under Armenian occupation after the first Karabakh conflict ended with Armenians occupying Azerbaijani land. In the second Karabakh War, cities like Fuzuli were liberated after a valiant Azerbaijani military operation with the help of Turkish forces.

Now a brand-new airport has been built in Fuzuli, and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan flew there last week for the official inauguration with his Azerbaijani counterpart, President Ilham Aliyev.

The airport was completed in eight months, and it has the distinction of being the first airport built by Azerbaijan in the liberated area. Erdoğan is the first leader to have landed at the airport.

Let me remind you that Fuzuli International Airport is not only an airport. It is the only air link between Karabakh and the world – it is the vital oxygen line of the region.

Nagorno-Karabakh had been under Armenian control since 1991 until Azerbaijan retook control of the area in 2020. Over the course of the 29-year occupation, the towns were depopulated and then repopulated by Armenia.

I went to Nagorno-Karabakh in 2009 as a journalist. I remember how poor and afflicted the land was. You cannot blame the civilians who were placed there. Most of them did not even know what happened before and during the war. It was hardly possible to find a meaningful Azerbaijani population in the towns at that time.

There were very few left in the capital Khankendi (Stepanakert, which is how the Armenians call it) and Shusha, the idyllic Azeri city, was almost a ghost town.

When I was traveling in the area I saw devastated cities and hopeless people: The issue was like a bleeding wound. The Azerbaijanis never forgot Karabakh and never gave up the struggle.

On the other hand, the Armenian civilians were living in a different reality. Politics divided a land and took it from its owners, but the new owners were mostly ignorant of the brutal past.

However, with Armenia’s aggression the situation became unbearable by September 2020. They attacked Tovuz and the Yerevan government signaled the end of negotiations that were ongoing for years, so in these circumstances, Azerbaijan began to fight for its territory.

The war began on Sept. 27, and after a couple of days, Baku took the military initiative. The Armenian president lost his credibility, and the war drastically transformed the political atmosphere in Yerevan.

The Armenian air defenses were neutralized and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) were deployed against Armenian tanks.

The victory was a big political motivation for the Azerbaijanis and the concrete assistance from Turkey helped to achieve the result.

Turkey’s help showed also its strength in producing air defense systems in recent years. Turkish drones played a big role in the war. It is important to stress that the war was fought to return the land to its real owners, but it was not designated against a nationality. Turkey has been living together with its Armenians for centuries. Armenians are our brothers and sisters, much like our Azerbaijani sisters and brothers.

So the liberation of Nagorno-Karabakh is a big and just victory, but it is unrelated to our relationship with our Armenian population.

Turkey and Azerbaijan are two close friends and allies. Turkey is focused on the achievement of long-term peace in the region. For this goal, Ankara is engaged in dialogue with every country in the region. A search for a durable political settlement has begun. It includes dialogue with Armenia as well.

Asbarez: Ankara and Baku, Yerevan and Moscow Separately Discuss Turkey-Armenia Normalization

The Armenia-Turkey border

The topic of normalizing relations between Yerevan and Ankara, a year after Turkey overtly and aggressively supported Azerbaijan in its brutal attack on Artsakh, is gaining momentum, with Ankara signaling that it is in discussions with Baku on the subject. Separately, Armenia has been probing the matter with Russia.

Turkey’s Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu told CNN Turk that Turkey has been working jointly with Azerbaijan on the matter of normalization of relations with Armenia.

“During the Turkish president’s recent visit to Azerbaijan, we discussed, with [Azerbaijani] Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov, the issue of normalization of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations,” Cavusoglu added.

The head of Armenia’s National Security Council Armen Grigoryan said at a news confernce on Thursday that Armenia is ready to normalize relations with Turkey.

“We have repeatedly stated that we are ready to start discussing … the normalization of relations with Turkey,” Grigorian said. “We are also discussing this with our Russian partners, [talking] about how we can move forward in this process.”

“I think it’s best to start that work because both we and the Turkish side have pointed out that there are positive signals and we can start the normalization of relations,” added Grigorian.

Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov voiced Moscow’s support to Turkey-Armenia normalization, saying last month Moscow is ready to assist in the process “in the most active manner.” Of course, Lavrov tied the process to the Kremlin’s plan of opening transportation links between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

All this comes days after President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey reiterated his precondition that Armenia must recognize Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity before any dialogue on normalization of relations can begin.

“If Armenia demonstrates a sincere will to normalize its relations with Azerbaijan then there will be no obstacles to normalizing relations between Armenia and Turkey,” Erdogan said standing alongside his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev on Monday at a ceremony to inaugurate an airport in occupied Artsakh.

Presidents Erdogan and Aliyev lay the foundations of a highway that will run to the Armenia border

During the same event, Azerbaijan signaled that it would penetrate Armenia through a highway currently under construction that leads to the Armenian border as part of Aliyev’s often cited “Zangezur Corridor” that envisions a direct link to Nakhichevan through Armenia.

Aliyev on Thursday praised Erdogan and Turkey, expressing his gratitude for Erdogan’s “political and moral support and the fraternal Turkic state” during last year’s aggressive attack against Artsakh.

Grigorian, Armenia’s National Security chief, insisted that the issue of a corridor is not being discussed, and ventured to say that Erdogan did not echo Aliyev’s demand for the road link, when it was Erdogan who prodded Azerbaijan’s director of highways to offer his vision that after construction on the road is complete it will reach all the way to Istanbul.

Human Rights Defender Releases Video Showing Azerbaijani Fortification Within Armenia

Video footage shows Azerbaijani forces fortifying their positions within Armenia

Armenia’s Human Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan on Thursday released footage of Azerbaijani forces fortifying their positions in Armenia’s Gegharkunik Province.

Tatoyan firmly stood by his assertions despite a rebuke by Armenia’s Defense Ministry, which accused the Human Rights Defender of not having all his facts.

Last week, Tatoyan said that the Defense Ministry, along with Armenia’s National Security Service, had embarked on a campaign to discredit his office.

“We are publishing factual analysis of the illegal deployment of Azerbaijani armed forces in the immediate vicinity of villages in the Gegharkunik region and the unlawful construction to fortify their positions,” said Tatoyan in a Facebook post on Thursday.

Tatoyan explained that due to the criminal actions by Azerbaijan, an Armenian company which has a government-issued license cannot use almost 500 acres of land, on 75 acres of which it operates two wind turbines, thus depriving Armenians of their right to do business.

The Human Rights Defender also warned that the civilian population in the area is in danger because of sporadic shooting from Azerbaijani forces.

On Thursday, Armenia’s Deputy Defense Minister Aram Sargsyan told parliament that Armenian forces have stopped Azerbaijanis’ construction efforts.

“We are talking about the Gegharkunik Province of Armenia—the border regions where the Azerbaijani military has positioned itself since May 12. Attempts are regularly made by Azerbaijan to use heavy engineering equipment to pave roads leading to their combat positions,” said Sargsyan.

“Nevertheless, we are preventing all those attempts, and this has been announced several times before,” insisted Sargsyan.

Asbarez: Coalition Calls on Congress to Block U.S. F-16 Sales to Turkey

Coalition calls on Congress to block sale of F-16 jets to Turkey

Greek, Armenian, Hindu, Kurdish, Mid-East Groups Write to Senate Leaders; Work with House to Enforce CAATSA Sanctions on Erdogan

WASHINGTON—A coalition of ethnic, faith-based, and civic groups representing Americans from across the nation are calling on Senate leaders – and working with U.S. Representatives – to enforce U.S. sanctions on Turkey and block Erdogan’s request to purchase 40 F-16 fighters and 80 F-16 modernization kits.

In a recent letter to Senate Foreign Relations Committee and Armed Services Committee Chairmen and Ranking Members Bob Menendez (D-NJ), Jack Reed (D-RI), Jim Risch (R-ID), and Jim Inhofe (R-OK), representatives of the Hellenic American Leadership Council, Armenian National Committee of America, American Friends of Kurdistan, Hindu American Foundation, and Middle East Forum shared their concerns about “national security risks posed to the United States by Turkey’s dramatic turn away from the Western alliance and our norms of democracy and the rule of law.”

The civic groups referenced issues raised by the Senators published in a joint op/ed in The New York Times on April 9, 2019, titled “A U.S. Fighter Jet or a Russian Missile System. Not Both,” arguing that the same reasons to block the sale of F-35s to Turkey should apply to President Erdogan’s current request to purchase F-16s.  They noted that the F-16 sale would undermine Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) sanctions, initially put in place under the previous Administration, as well as “the broader legislative intent of Congress, which passed this law with overwhelming bipartisan support and has maintained a hold over new American weapons purchases by an increasingly malign Turkey.”

The coalition concludes, “Access to American weapons systems — including upgraded F-16s — is a privilege that Turkey must earn, not a right to which it is entitled. Such access must be withheld until Turkey proves that it will honor and align with American law, values, interests, and alliances.”  

In the U.S. House, the coalition is backing a Congressional letter to Secretary of State Blinken, led by Representatives Chris Pappas (D-NH) and Congressional Hellenic Caucus Co-Chairs Carolyn Maloney (D-NY) and Gus Bilirakis (R-FL). The bipartisan letter expresses concern about the sale of F-16s and modernization kits, noting security risks associated with the sale and arguing that by Erdogan’s own words, Turkey has shown no intention of coming into compliance with U.S. law. “We share your goal of a Turkey that is rooted to the West, but we will not achieve that goal if the Erdogan government escapes accountability for violating U.S. law and the standards of the NATO alliance,” argue the Representatives.  The House members are requesting “a formal notification of any Turkish Letter of Request (LOR), the specifics of such an LOR, the Administration’s position on such an LOR, and responses to our specific objections.”

The Hellenic American Leadership Council has launched a nationwide action alert urging support for the Pappas-Maloney-Bilirakis letter.

The deadline for Members of Congress to co-sign the Pappas-Maloney-Bilirakis letter is Friday, October 29th.

Earlier this week, Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R-NY) was joined by ten House members in urging President Biden and Secretary Blinken to refuse Turkey’s request to purchase the F-16’s and modernization kits.  “As long as President Erdogan advances his expansionist project in the Eastern Mediterranean, Turkey will continue to threaten our national security and the security of our closest allies in the region – Greece, Israel, and Cyprus.  We urge you to act in our national interest and for the sake of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean by refusing to reinforce Turkey’s aging arsenal of fighter jets, and we look forward to receiving your response,” wrote Malliotakis, who was joined in cosigning the letter by Representatives Pappas, Maloney, Bilirakis, David Cicilline (D-RI), Jim Costa (D-CA), David Valadao (R-CA), John Sarbanes (D-MD), Dina Titus (D-NV), Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), and Jackie Speier (D-CA).

Armenpress: PM Pashinyan chairs session of the Anti-Corruption Policy Council

PM Pashinyan chairs session of the Anti-Corruption Policy Council 

Save

Share

 18:55,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 28, ARMENPRESS. A regular session of the Anti-Corruption Policy Council took place chaired by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, ARMENPRESS was informed from the Office of the Prime Minister.

The Council first approved the agenda of the session, after which the Deputy Minister of Justice Suren Grigoryan presented the implementation of the Anti-Corruption Strategy and the execution of its action plan for the period of 2019-2022.

It was reported that within the framework of the accomplishment of the anti-corruption institutional system, a legislative package aimed at the establishment of the Anti-Corruption Committee was adopted by the National Assembly during the reporting period. For ensuring the launch of its formation, a competition for the chairman of the committee was held, as a result of which he a chairman of the committee was appointed by the Government decision No. 1479-A of September 16, 2021. At the same time, 30 investigators from the Special Investigation Service have been appointed to autonomous positions in the Anti-Corruption Committee, until the positions are occupied through competitive procedures. Works are underway to define the legal basis for the formation of the Anti-Corruption Committee’s operative-investigative department. In parallel, work is being done to create office conditions for the Anti-Corruption Committee.

On April 14, 2021, the National Assembly adopted the Law on Making Amendments to the Constitutional Law “Judicial Code of the Republic of Armenia” and the related laws aimed at establishing a specialized Anti-Corruption Court. At the moment it is planned to ensure the implementation of the legislative acts.

In particular, within one week after the entry into force of the legislative acts, the Supreme Judicial Council will apply to the Government for approval to increase the number of judges: 1) in the Anti-Corruption Court by fifteen judges; 2) in the Criminal Court of Appeal by six judges; 3) in the Civil Court of Appeal by six judges; 4) in the Criminal Chamber of the Court of Cassation by two judges. The Supreme Judicial Council will increase the number of judges within one week after receiving the consent of the government within five days.

The legislative package on the establishment of the Anti-Corruption Court includes the law “On Making Amendments to the Legislation on the Prosecutor’s Office, approved by the National Assembly, according to which a separate division of the Prosecutor General’s Office will exercise control over the legality of pre-trial criminal proceedings of corruption-related cases , which will be created as a result of the reorganization of the Corruption Crimes Oversight Department within the Prosecutor General’s Office, which has been functioning since 2019. An ethics structure is envisaged for the prosecutors of the mentioned subdivision. In addition, the law provides for structures to verify the ethical standards of candidates of prosecutors, including the for Prosecutor General and his deputies.

The following main works were carried out in the direction of prevention of corruption during the reporting period: as a result of the legislative changes aimed at improving the personal property declaration system, the circle of declarants has been expanded, the requirement to declare the property actually owned by a person and his expenses has been introduced. A requirment is also made for the declaration of property acquired in the name, for the benefit or at the expense of the declarant, but belonging to a third party with the right of ownership, as well as the property from which the declarant actually benefits or manages. The monetary threshold of expensive property subject to declaration has been reduced from 4 million drams to 4 million drams. The monetary threshold of expensive property subject to declaration has been reduced from 8 million drams to 4 million drams.

In order to identify the real beneficiaries of legal entities, a legislative package was adopted, within the framework of which an open and public register was created, a mandatory step-by-step requirement for identifying real beneficiaries for all legal entities operating in Armenia was introduced. 

In order to reveal corruption crimes, a new Criminal Code was adopted, within the framework of which the corruption crimes were reviewed, the institute of criminal responsibility of legal entities was introduced.

Within the framework of the monitoring of the anti-corruption strategy, the Ministry of Justice compiled and published the report on the performance of anti-corruption strategy measures during the first half of 2021, in the framework of which the process of implementation of measures, public participation in those works, the circumstances hindering the implementation of the work were presented.

The Ministry of Justice has developed and submitted for public debates a draft amendment to the Anti-Corruption Strategy, which has also improved the current monitoring regulations.

In particular, a new monitoring procedure and evaluation structures have been established. With the support of international partner organizations, a new electronic monitoring platform is currently being developed, the launch of which will digitize the process of monitoring and evaluation, the process of preparation of reports by the Justice Ministry and the civil society organizations, the process of uploading and presenting information by the implementing bodies.

The next issue on the agenda was related to the issues recorded in the reports on the second compliance of the 4th phase of GRECO, and the fifth pilot phase of the OECD Eastern Europe and Istanbul Anti-Corruption Network in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. A report was presented on “A number of issues in the sidelines of transformations of law enforcement and investigation bodies under the anti-corruption reforms”.

An exchange of views took place on the above-mentioned issues. Prime Minister Pashinyan instructed to form a corresponding working group, which will present to the Anti-Corruption Policy Council solutions to the issues raised during the reports in a brief period.