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Category: 2021

AZERBAIJANI press: Armenian troops fire at Azerbaijani army’s engineering equipment in Kalbajar

Bedik Zaminian
10 November 2021 10:00 (UTC+04:00)
906

By Vafa Ismayilova

The Azerbaijani army’s engineering equipment has come under Armenian fire in the direction of Kalbajar region, the Defence Ministry reported on November 9.

“On November 9, Armenian armed forces from the positions in the direction of the Yukhari Shorja village of Basarkechar region using small arms subjected to fire engineering road construction equipment in the direction of the Yellija settlement of the Kalbajar region,” the ministry said.

The Azerbaijan army units stationed in the said direction undertook adequate retaliatory actions.

There are no losses among the military personnel of the Azerbaijan army. The Azerbaijani army units control the operational situation, the ministry added.

Earlier, the Defence Ministry protested against Armenian Defence Minister Arshak Karapetyan’s illegal visit to Azerbaijani territories currently under Russian peacekeepers’ temporary control and described it as a military-political provocation.

The ministry stressed that the Armenian defence minister’s provocative visit was deliberately carried out on the eve of the first anniversary of the signing of the trilateral statement by the Azerbaijani, Russian and Armenian leaders.

“The military-political leadership of Armenia, grossly violating the provisions of the trilateral statement, intentionally destabilizes the situation in the region and endangers the activities of the Russian peacekeepers,” the ministry said.

The ministry added that the Armenian military leadership, instead of drawing conclusions from the total defeat in the second Karabakh war in 44 days, adapting to the new geopolitical situation in the region, strengthening peace and security, is making attempts at cheap military adventures with the expectation of an internal audience.

It was also noted that the visit of the Armenian Defense Minister once again demonstrates that Armenia continues to directly support irregular Armenian military units, aggressive separatism, and terrorist acts on the Azerbaijani territory.

“We warn the military-political leadership of Armenia that in case of a repetition of such illegal visits to the territory of Azerbaijan, the necessary measures will be taken to prevent aggressive separatism and terrorist acts in accordance with the legislation of Azerbaijan,” the ministry stressed.

The trilateral ceasefire deal signed by the Azerbaijani, Russian and Armenian leaders on November 10, 2020, ended the 30-year conflict between Baku and Yerevan over Azerbaijan’s Karabakh that along with seven adjacent regions came under the occupation of Armenian armed forces in the war in the 1990s.

Azerbaijani press: Zangazur corridor: From idealistic surmise to inevitability

Hambik Zargarian
10 November 2021 13:58 (UTC+04:00)
740

By Orkhan Amashov

The idea of the Zangazur corridor, once contemplated purely in hypothetical terms as an idealistic surmise, is assuredly evolving into an inexorable inevitability. Subsequent to a series of legal and practical measures put into practice by Azerbaijan since the end of last year’s Second Karabakh War, the establishment of a transport corridor connecting “Azerbaijan proper” with its Nakhchivan exclave, through the southern portion of Armenia, is closer to fruition than has ever previously been the case.

Logic of Article 9

The Second Karabakh War and the ceasefire agreement, signed by the leaders of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia on 10 November 2020, created a new reality in the South Caucasus, of which the plans as to the Zangazur corridor are an integral element. Azerbaijan, as a victor, was successful in including a special provision, namely Article 9, within the trilateral statement on “unblocking of all economic and transport connections in the region” and obligating Armenia to “guarantee the security of transport connections between the western regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic to arrange unobstructed movement of persons, vehicles and cargo in both directions”. This provision is, at present, an international legal foundation of Azerbaijan’s claim as to an overland passage connecting mainland Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan.

Although Article 9 does not mention the Zangazur corridor as a term, it clearly states that the communication routes connecting the western territories of Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan are to be unblocked. If to interpret the meaning of the provision, “unblocking” here could mean both the reestablishment of the routes that once existed and the building of new ones. There had been two routes connecting Azerbaijan with its exclave prior to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The first and shortest one was alongside the Zangazur corridor proposed by Azerbaijan, the second was a long and circuitous route, connecting Ijevan with Gazakh. Although there is nothing in Article 9 precluding the second route from reopening, if to focus on the purported meaning entrenched in it, the considerations of ‘efficiency’ and the importance of ascribing due importance to the impact of reconnecting Azerbaijan’s main territory with the autonomous republic, the route alongside the Zangezur passage emerges as the answer to the question as to what was meant by Article 9.

Article 9 has been a point of contention between Baku and Yerevan since the time of the signing of the November deal. Throughout 2021, Armenia was compelled to retract and readjust its official stance twice. Initially, Yerevan insisted that the route connecting Ijevan to Gazakh is to be on the agenda. Then the Armenian government agreed to the route alongside the Zangazur corridor but declared that it should entail a railway route only.

Such a view was utterly incompatible with Baku’s vision of the corridor, which, as President Ilham Aliyev made abundantly clear in his interview with the CNN Turk TV channel earlier in August, in order to be fully operational, had to comprise both railway and highway routes. “We should be able to get in a car in Baku and comfortably go to Nakhchivan and Turkey,” the Azerbaijani President declared most emphatically.

Armenia was forced to concede again. On 15 October, Armenian PM Nikol Pashinyan, in an online CIS summit, confirmed Armenia’s readiness to provide both railway and highway connections to Azerbaijan, via southern Armenian territories, which would link mainland Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan.

Auspicious context

Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Caucasus Institute in Yerevan, believes the establishment of the corridor is a foregone conclusion, as Baku and Yerevan have already agreed on the principal issues pertaining to the opening of a route via Syunik. Whether there will be a discussion as to the corridor within the forthcoming days, whether it will be included within a larger peace treaty or there will be a separate statement as to it, one thing is very clear – the facts on the ground and rumoured developments suggest Azerbaijan and Armenia are close to a common understanding on the subject of the corridor.

First of all, Armenian leaders are generally cognisant of and excited about the positive impact that the reopening of the country’s closed borders and the unblocking of transportation routes would bring. For instance, Armenian Economy Minister Vahan Kerobyan anticipates that Armenia’s GDP will be increased by 30 percent in the course of two years if Article 9 of the November deal is implemented.

Secondly, there have recently been some dynamic developments on the Turkish-Armenian front, as some positive messages have been exchanged as to the possible normalisation of relations. However, while Armenia demands that this process begins without preconditions, Turkey has tied the normalisation of relations between the two countries to Armenia’s consent to the opening of transportation corridors in the region.

Thirdly, in a move toward reconciliation, Azerbaijan and Armenia agreed to use each other’s airspace for civilian flights. On 6 October, Azerbaijani Airlines started flying through the airspace over the territory of Armenia for its connections between Baku and Nakhchivan.

On 13 October, the religious leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia met for the first time since the end of the war and delivered messages of peace. There are some reports that the two South Caucasus countries also plan to re-activate the work of the trilateral working group, which was established early in January this year and tasked with presenting action plans to their governments regarding regional rail and highway projects.

The idea of the Zangazur corridor is, in terms of its origins, an Azerbaijani plan. Armenia may express its disdain toward the ‘corridor’ term and insist on referring to the prospective route with a different word. But the gist of the present state of developments is unmistakably clear: Azerbaijan is destined to secure an overland passage to its Nakhchivan exclave and that corridor is to be at the heart of the regional development in which Baku and Ankara are to set the tempo, together with the Kremlin.

AZERBAIJANI press: MoD: Armenian provocation on state border aimed at military confrontation

Badalian Vardan
10 November 2021 17:35 (UTC+04:00)
760

By Vafa Ismayilova

The Azerbaijani Defence Ministry has stated that Armenia attempted another provocation on the state border in order to create a military confrontation.

In an official statement posted on its website on November 10, the ministry said: “The Armenian side once again attempted to commit a provocation on the Lachin section of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border.” 

The ministry stressed that at noon on November 9, about 60 Armenian servicemen on two military trucks moved towards Lake Garagol in Lachin region and settled on the road leading to the Azerbaijani army’s positions.

“The Armenian side used metal obstacles to block the Azerbaijan army’s path between positions on this section of the border and attempted to strengthen itself in the area in order to create a deliberate military confrontation,” the ministry said.

The Azerbaijani army units stationed in this direction took immediate measures in the shortest time, concentrating additional personnel and military equipment in the area.

“As a result of the taken measures about 60 Armenian servicemen were under siege, all their actions were limited, and in the morning, taking into account the request of the Russian side, the Azerbaijani servicemen allowed the Armenian servicemen to return. We state that the military provocation of the Armenian side has failed,” the ministry stated.

It pledged “harsh and more effectual measures” if similar provocations repeat in the future.

“We hope that this time disgrace of the Armenian army will be a lesson learned and they will not take such provocative steps in the future. There are no losses among the military personnel of the Azerbaijan army, as well as territory loss. The Azerbaijan army units control the operational situation. The entire responsibility for the recent tension that occurred on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border falls on the military-political leadership of Armenia,” the ministry said.

The Azerbaijani foreign and defence ministries earlier described Armenian Defence Minister Arshak Karapetyan’s visit to Azerbaijan’s Karabakh region as Armenia’s another provocative act.

Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Leyla Abdullayeva underlined that this shows that Armenia is deliberately trying to aggravate the situation.

“And the fact that these steps were taken on the eve of the first anniversary of the signing of the trilateral statement serves the purpose of casting a shadow on the activities of the Russian peacekeepers, and in general, this is a violation of the provision of the trilateral statement,” she stated.

Moreover, the Azerbaijani Defence Ministry described Karapetyan’s unauthorized entry into the Azerbaijani territory, holding meetings with illegal Armenian formations and expressing views on their combat readiness as a military-political provocation.

“The political and military leadership of Armenia, grossly violating the provisions of the trilateral statement, attempts to destabilize the situation in the region and overshadow the activities of Russian peacekeepers,” the ministry stressed.

The ministry emphasized that the visit of the Armenian defence minister once again demonstrates that Armenia continues to directly support irregular Armenian military units, aggressive separatism, and terrorist acts on the Azerbaijani territory.

“We would like to remind the Armenian defence minister of the fate of his former colleagues and other Armenian generals who made utopian claims such as ‘impassable Ohanyan line’, ‘new wars, new territories’,” the ministry stated.

“We warn the military-political leadership of Armenia that in case of a continuation of such illegal visits to Azerbaijan’s territory, the necessary measures will be taken to prevent aggressive separatism and terrorist acts in accordance with the legislation of Azerbaijan,” the ministry added.

Turkish press: Turkish Parliament extends troop mandate for Azerbaijan

Jalatian Sonya
 ISTANBUL POLITICS 
NOV 10, 2021 8:21 PM GMT+3

Turkish and Azerbaijani soldiers take part in a joint military exercise in the Nakhchivan Autonomous Region, Azerbaijan, Monday, Sept. 20, 2021. (AA Photo)

Parliament late Wednesday extended the deployment of Turkish troops to Azerbaijan to ensure peace and stability in the region.

The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and its partner in the People’s Alliance, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), voted in the mandate’s favor, as did the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Good Party (IP).

Meanwhile, the pro-PKK Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) voted against the troop mandate.

The mandate to send troops to Azerbaijan was accepted on Nov. 17, 2020.

The Turkish Grand National Assembly approved the deployment of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) for a period of one year to foreign countries to fulfill commitments stemming from the provisions of the Strategic Partnership and Mutual Assistance Agreement between Turkey and Azerbaijan. They will work towards establishing a cease-fire, preventing violations, and ensuring peace and stability while carrying out duties at the joint center.

Turkey threw its support behind Azerbaijan, whose Nagorno-Karabakh region had remained under illegal Armenian occupation for nearly three decades before finally being liberated last November.

During a 44-day conflict last year, which ended in a truce on Nov. 10, 2020, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages in Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenia’s illegal occupation.

On Nov. 10, the two countries signed a Russia-brokered deal to end fighting and work toward a comprehensive solution.

https://www.dailysabah.com/politics/turkish-parliament-extends-troop-mandate-for-azerbaijan/news

Turkish press: Key piece of Karabakh pact on Zangezur corridor still awaits implementation

Garnik Tadevosian
Ruslan Rehimov   |10.11.2021

BAKU, Azerbaijan

It has been a year since the signing of a tripartite declaration between Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia ending the war over Nagorno-Karabakh, yet its section on a corridor connecting western Armenia to the exclave of Nakhchivan has yet to be implemented due to Armenia’s uncompromising stance.

A year ago today, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a declaration declaring the end of the conflict in Karabakh, also known as Upper Karabakh, following a nearly three-decade occupation by Armenian forces.

In its first year, some articles of the declaration were applied, while some articles remained on paper due to Armenian intransigence.

The parts on the Zangezur corridor are among those that have not yet been put into force.

Articles 2 and 6, which envisage the withdrawal of Armenian forces from the provinces of Agdam, Kelbajar, and Lachin, were applied long ago. By the end of last November, the Armenian army had left the three occupied provinces, and the Azerbaijani army had settled there.

According to Article 3, Russian elements were placed in the Armenian-populated areas of Karabakh and in the Lachin corridor. A total of 1,960 lightly armed Russian soldiers and 90 armored personnel carriers were deployed to the region. Their term of duty was set at five years, but that could be extended if all parties agree.

In Article 4, which stipulates that “Russian forces are deployed in parallel with the withdrawal of Armenian forces” has not been fully implemented. The Armenian army has withdrawn, but the fact that there are still armed Armenian groups in the region is one of the issues vexing the Azerbaijani side.

Article 5, which provides for the “establishment of an observation center to improve the efficiency of monitoring the compliance of the parties to the cease-fire,” was implemented, and a Joint Turkish-Russian Observation Center was established in Agdam, Karabakh this January.

The issue of return of refugees under the control of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) specified in Article 7 has also not yet been implemented due to how the settlements were completely destroyed by Armenians during the occupation period and also for security reasons.

Article 8 on the issue of the exchange of prisoners and the dead was also applied. Azerbaijan has handed over to the opposite side the bodies of more than 1,700 Armenian soldiers which had remained on the battlefields.

The last article, which Azerbaijan has been focusing on with great importance and which provides for the connection of the country’s contiguous territory and the Autonomous Republic of Nakhchivan – its exclave – via land and rail routes through Armenia, has not yet been implemented.

Azerbaijan has started work on this issue, and construction of the part of this line called the Zangezur corridor up to the Armenian border is underway.

Although Armenia tried to resist, Prime Minister Pashinyan made positive statements about the opening of transport between the western provinces of Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan.

Aliyev, Pashinyan, and Putin are expected to meet once again soon and sign a more detailed statement on the determination of transport lines and the borders of the two countries.

Armenia will not take positive steps of its own accord

Ferid Shefiyev, chairman of the Azerbaijan Center of Analysis of International Relations, based in the capital Baku, told Anadolu Agency in a statement that Azerbaijan, which won the war, should put diplomatic pressure on Armenia from now on.

“History shows that Armenia will not take positive steps of its own accord,” he said.

“On Jan. 11, 2021, another declaration on transport lines was signed. Although months have passed since then, Armenia has been sitting out the process.

“Due to pressure from Azerbaijan and the influence of Russia, the Yerevan administration has now responded positively to this issue,” he added.

“Unfortunately, there are still armed Armenian forces in the region controlled by Russian elements,” Shefiyev stressed, referring to the non-implemented articles of the trilateral declaration.

“There are also problems in the Lachin corridor. We have to enforce control there sooner or later.

“Foreign citizens still use this corridor. Compared to the beginning of 2021, the rate of visits by foreigners has fallen. As far as I know, Russia also doesn’t want problems with this matter.”

Shefiyev said that 4,000 Azerbaijanis were missing in the first Karabakh conflict of the early 1990s, but that Armenia has not yet responded on the fate of these people.

Conflict between Azerbaijan, Armenia

Relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia have been tense since 1991, when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Upper Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

New clashes erupted on Sept. 27 last year, with the Armenian army attacking civilians and Azerbaijani forces and violating several humanitarian cease-fire agreements.

During the 44-day military conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and some 300 settlements and villages that were occupied by Armenia for almost 30 years.

Prior to this, about 20% of Azerbaijan’s territory was under illegal occupation.

The two countries signed a Russian-brokered agreement on Nov. 10 to end the fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.

The cease-fire was seen as a victory for Azerbaijan and a defeat for Armenia, whose forces withdrew in line with the agreement.

This Jan. 11, the leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia signed a pact to develop economic ties and infrastructure to benefit the entire region. The deal also included the establishment of a Turkish-Russian monitoring center.

*Writing by Merve Berker


Turkish press: On anniversary of defeat in Karabakh, Armenians pessimistic about future

Emil Lazarian
Ayse Rabia Sarioglu   |10.11.2021


YEREVAN, Armenia

The people of Armenia are holding pessimistic thoughts about the future on the first anniversary of the Second Karabakh War, which ended with the victory of Azerbaijan.

Clashes erupted on Sept. 27 last year, with the Armenian army attacking civilians and Azerbaijani forces, and violating several humanitarian cease-fire agreements.

Armenia, which gained its independence with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, was excluded from regional cooperation processes after its invasion of the Nagorno-Karabakh region in 1991.

The people of Armenia could not benefit from the opportunities brought by many processes such as energy transmission lines, transportation corridors, trade opportunities and regional political cooperation, in which Azerbaijan and Turkey played a key role.

The Second Karabakh War between Armenia and Azerbaijan was devastating for the Armenians in every possible way.

Anadolu Agency interviewed the people of Yerevan on the first anniversary of the Second Karabakh War, also known as the Patriotic War.

Arakelyan Kamo, who served as a captain in the Armenian army during the First Karabakh War, stated that they lost both land and their children in the last war, expressing sadness over the losses.

“A generation has disappeared. It is a sad situation. Azerbaijan and Turkey are on the same side in the region. Our friend is Iran, this is what I know. Even Georgia is not our friend. Russia is not our friend either,” he said.

Venera Chilingaryan, an Armenian citizen, stated that the anniversary of the war was very heavy and full of sadness for Armenia and all the people.

“How can a person be comfortable in this situation? We have lost a lot from Karabakh, my origin place. I expect nothing but malignance from the government,” Chilingaryan said, adding that the war was a “huge failure”.

Gevorgyan Frenel, another Armenian from the capital city, was quite clear in his statement: “I don’t believe peace will be established again.”

Larisa Kheranyan, a senior citizen, said she maintains her hopes for the establishment of peace in the region and believes that peace will prevail.

“I wish there was no war at all. We had a lot of losses. I think there should be dialogue. I wish the parties favor reconciliation. I do not want war. I am very hopeful for peace because people and relations are improving gradually,” she said.

Asbarez: European Parliament Friendship Group with Armenia Relaunched!

Hambik Zargarian
by Asbarez Staff

 

 November 10, 2021

 

in Armenia, Artsakh, International, Latest, News, Top Stories

The EAFJD has relaunched the European Parliament Armenia Friendship Group

The European Parliament Friendship group with Armenia was relaunched on Monday during an event that also marked the 30th anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Armenia.

One of the main goals of the European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy is to broaden the circle of the friends of the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Artsakh in order to defend Armenia’s state interests and to advance justice. In order to achieve this goal, the EAFJD traditionally actively cooperates with the diplomatic staff of the Mission Armenia to the EU.

As in the previous two legislative terms of the European Parliament, also this time the EAFJD actively worked toward the relaunch of the cross-party friendship group with Armenia which consists of members from all the main political groups of the European Parliament. The President of the friendship group is Loucas Fourlas (EPP, Cyprus). In the previous legislative term the friendship group with Armenia was led by Dr. Eleni Theocharous (Cyprus).

In his remarks during the event, the EAFJD President Kaspar Karampetian thanked Fourlas for his initiative, all the participants of the friendship group as well as the Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia Anna Aghadjanian for the extensive work.

“We are sure that the friendship group will take initiatives to defend justice and help our people in Armenia and in Artsakh,” Karampetian concluded.

Defense Ministry Denies Claims that 60 Armenian Soldiers Were Surrounded

Ani Tigranian
by Asbarez Staff

 

 November 10, 2021

 

in Armenia, Artsakh, Latest, News, Top Stories

Black Lake (Sev Lidj) is located in Armenia’s Syunik Province

Armenia’s Defense Ministry on Wednesday denied Azerbaijani claims that 60 Armenian soldiers found themselves surrounded in the Black Lake (Sev Lidj) area of the Syunik Province, where Azerbaijani forces breached Armenia’s sovereign border and have set up positions since May.

Azerbaijani press reports claimed that after an altercation in the area the Armenian soldiers were surrounded by Azerbaijani forces, only to be freed later through the mediation of the Russian peacekeeping forces.

“The statement of the Azerbaijani Defense Ministry is obvious misinformation,” declared Armenia’s Defense Ministry, which argued that it was in fact, the Azerbaijani soldiers, who appealed to the Russian peacekeepers, after Armenian soldiers successfully thwarted any further aggravation of the situation.

The Armenian and Azerbaijani defense ministries have been sparring for two days. After Armenia’s Defense Minister Artak Karapetyan visited Artsakh, Baku called his visit a “provocation,” accusing Armenia of undermining the provisions of the November 9 agreement.

Pressing Dangerous 3+3 Scheme, Moscow Calls for Active Minsk Group Role

Manouk Vasilian
by Asbarez Staff

 

 November 10, 2021

 

in Armenia, Artsakh, Featured Story, Latest, News, Top Stories

Russia’s foreign ministry

Official Moscow said that it is time to “put into practice the 3+3 consultative platform,” referring to a scheme put forth by Ankara and Baku, and supported by Russia that would bring together Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Russia, Turkey and Iran to form a regional entity.

While touting this process, Russia’s Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Maria Zakharova, at a press briefing Wednesday, called for the resumption of full-scale visits to Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs.

“As for the position of Georgia, we hear contradictory statements from Tbilisi regarding participation in this consultative mechanism,” Zakharova said referring to the so-called 3+3 scheme. “This is the position of a sovereign state. We assume that the ‘3 + 3’ platform is in the interests of all countries in the region.”

Saying that the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs enjoy broad international support, Zakharova reiterate Moscow’s position that it was important that the Minsk Group co-chairs continue efforts not only to help settle the Karabakh conflict, but primarily to address the socio-economic and humanitarian tasks facing the region.

Zakharova cited a meeting between the Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers in September mediated by the co-chairs in New York, adding: ”now the co-chairs are preparing for meetings in a number of European capitals, and we believe it is important that the practice of full-scale visits by the co-chairs to this region resume as soon as possible.”

Asbarez: ANCA-WR to Host Panel with Armenia’s Rights Defender Arman Tatoyan and Leading International Legal Experts

Maral Takmazian
by Contributor

 

 November 10, 2021

 

in Armenia, Artsakh, Community, Latest, News, Top Stories
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ANCA-WR will host a panel discussion with Armenia’s Human Rights Defender Dr. Arman Tatoyan and other legal experts

To mark the 10th anniversary of the ANCA Grassroots Conference initiative, the Armenian National Committee of America-Western Region in collaboration with the Promise Institute for Human Rights at UCLA School of Law, the UCLA Promise Armenian Institute, and the CSUN Armenian Studies Department will be hosting a panel discussion featuring Armenia’s Human Rights Defender Dr. Arman Tatoyan.

The panel titled “Justice and Accountability After the Artsakh War” will examine the efforts to hold Turkey and Azerbaijan accountable under international law for their perpetration of grave human rights abuses and war crimes during the invasion of Artsakh last year. The discussion will examine the ongoing proceedings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against Azerbaijan over its violation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), as well as other opportunities for accountability under international law, including Turkey and Azerbaijan’s liability for the deployment of Syrian mercenaries. 

Dr. Tatoyan will be joined by leading experts in the field of international law: Kate Mackintosh, Executive Director of the UCLA Promise Institute for Human Rights; Rajika Shah, Director of the Loyola Law School Genocide Justice Clinic; and Karnig Kerkonian, international lawyer and counsel for Armenia in its proceedings against Azerbaijan at the ICJ.

“For the 10th anniversary of the ANCA Grassroots Conference initiative, we’re proud to be hosting such an esteemed panel to address the most pressing international legal questions in the wake of the Artsakh war,” remarked chair of the ANCA-WR Board Nora Hovsepian, Esq. 

Dr. Tatoyan, who will be honored by the ANCA-WR with the “Human Rights Champion” award at a luncheon on Sunday, November  21st, obtained his LLM and Ph.D. from Yerevan State University’s Department of Criminal Procedure. He also holds his Master of Laws from the University of Pennsylvania Law School. In 2016, Tatoyan was elected as the Human Rights Defender (Ombudsman) of Armenia. He also serves as an Ad Hoc Judge in the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), the Permanent International Advisor at the Council of Europe’s Directorate General of Human Rights and Rule of Law and a lecturer at Yerevan State University, American University of Armenia and the Academy of Justice of Armenia. He previously held positions in the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Armenia (2013-2016) and as Deputy Representative of the Government of Armenia before the ECHR (2013-2016). 

During and since Azerbaijan’s invasion of Artsakh last year, Dr. Tatoyan has undertaken extensive work not only in upholding citizens’ rights within Armenia but also in diligently documenting and presenting the breadth of the egregious human rights violations perpetrated by the Azerbaijani government against the citizens of Armenia and Artsakh that has been used extensively in Armenia’s case against Azerbaijan at the ICJ.

Dr. Tatoyan will be joined in conversation by legal experts with extensive experience both practicing and educating in the fields of public international law, international criminal justice, and human rights.

Kate Mackintosh has worked in the field of human rights, international criminal justice, and protection of civilians for over two decades and is currently executive director of UCLA Law School’s Promise Institute for Human Rights. Mackintosh has held multiple roles at international criminal tribunals – including the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) – and has been part of post conflict human rights field operations in Bosnia and Rwanda, working to rebuild the justice system after the genocide. For eight years, Mackintosh also worked with Doctors without Borders, providing legal and policy advice to operations in over 30 countries around the world, and leading advocacy in support of some of the world’s most vulnerable populations.

Rajika L. Shah is the Deputy Director of the Center for the Study of Law and Genocide at Loyola Law School, where she also runs the Loyola Genocide Justice Clinic. Prior to joining Loyola, Shah litigated international human rights and property restitution cases on behalf of Armenian and Sudanese genocide victims, indigenous groups, and religious and ethnic minorities. She has represented plaintiffs in numerous complex and high-stakes disputes against foreign sovereigns and commercial entities, at both the trial and appellate levels. She also represented Libyan terrorist hijacking victims before the U.S. Foreign Claims Settlement Commission.

Karnig Kerkonian is a seasoned international law expert and experienced litigator. He holds an A.B. magna cum laude in Government from Harvard University and two law degrees—a J.D. from the University of Chicago where he served on the Law Review as well as a post-doctoral Diploma in Public International Law from Cambridge University, England where he studied under James R. Crawford, later a Judge of the International Court of Justice. Kerkonian  presents regularly on matters of public international law, the International Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights and the application of international law in U.S. courts. He is an adjunct professor of public international law at Artsakh State University.

The “Justice and Accountability After the Artsakh War” panel will be held at the Grand Salon at California State University Northridge on Monday November 22 from 6 to 8 p.m. 

For the safety of our guests, COVID-19 precautionary measures will be strictly enforced. All guests must provide proof of vaccination or a negative COVID-19 test result within 72 hours prior to the event. Due to the limited capacity as a result of COVID-19 precautions, attendees are encouraged to pre-register to secure their seat by visiting ancawr.org/conference. 

The Armenian National Committee of America – Western Region is the largest and most influential nonpartisan Armenian American grassroots advocacy organization in the Western United States. Working in coordination with a network of offices, chapters, and supporters throughout the Western United States and affiliated organizations around the country, the ANCA-WR advances the concerns of the Armenian American community on a broad range of issues in pursuit of the Armenian Cause.