Russian analyst: Azerbaijan must convince Armenia that Nakhchivan road is useful not only for itself

News.am, Armenia

We have said in the past that if Azerbaijan wants Armenia to enter into a dialogue on the Karabakh issue, it must offer an economic project that would benefit Armenia. Russian analyst Vladimir Lepekhin told this to Armenian News-NEWS.am.

Our interlocutor said that at that time, “the ball” was “in Yerevan’s court,” it could have considered the possibility of participating in the economic project, and a dialogue would have started between the two sides.

But in the current situation when Azerbaijan has resolved some of its problems through military aggression, this transport project, according to Lepekhin, is now considered goodwill. Moreover, its main beneficiary is Azerbaijan, as most of the route will pass through its territory and will be overseen by it.

“The benefit for Armenia is not as obvious as for Azerbaijan. Armenia has other alternative transport links with Russia—via the same Georgia. There is no urgent need for a direct transport link between Russia and Armenia, given Armenia’s small export potential so that it will be vitally interested in entering the Russian market directly. But Azerbaijan is interested in having a direct link with Nakhichevan, there be a direct link with Turkey, to be represented in the southern part of Armenia.

Baku must convince the Armenian side that this is not a purely Azerbaijani benefit, but truly a step towards Armenia,” Vladimir Lepekhin added.

Aliyev: We returned Aghdam, Kalbajar, Lachin regions of Karabakh without single shot

News.am, Armenia

President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev traveled—with his wife and daughter—to Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) on the occasion of Nowruz, and lit a festive bonfire in Shushi town, in the Katarot (Jdrduz) Canyon.

According to Azerbaijani media, Aliyev delivered a message mainly dedicated to the recent Karabakh war.

He stated in particular that he now stands “on the ancient Azerbaijani soil as the commander-in-chief of the victorious army, and from now on no one will be able to force us to leave from here.”

Aliyev also stated that, “in these battles the Armenian side suffered hundreds, possibly up to a thousand losses.”

“Also, we returned the Aghdam [(Akna)], Kalbajar [(Karvachar)], and Lachin [(Kashatagh)] regions without a single shot,” he added.

Newspaper: Armenia ruling bloc MPs are divided into 2 wings

News.am, Armenia

YEREVAN. – Zhoghovurd newspaper of the Republic of Armenia (RA) writes: According to Zhoghovurd daily’s information, the issue of amendments to the Electoral Code has become a hot topic of discussion among the NA [National Assembly] My Step [majority] faction MPs. The thing is that the My Step [lawmakers] are divided into two wings on the adoption of the draft code.

The MPs elected by the rating election system from the provinces do their best to go to the elections with the old code, so that the rating election system is not removed from the code, whereas some members of the NA Standing Committee on State and Legal Affairs are in favor of completely removing the rating election system from the Electoral Code, there be only proportional [representation] elections [in Armenia].

And now this issue has become a cause of disagreements.

Well-informed sources say that RA Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has not clearly told his [political] team what his final position is on this issue.

Following the announcement on the snap [parliamentary] elections, the [My Step] faction has found itself in a hopeless situation, as they were engaged in settling the issue of amendments to the Electoral Code. Now they are waiting for Pashinyan’s word for further steps.

Let us recall that with the [new] Electoral Code, the rating election system should have been changed in the first place. According to Pashinyan, it was due to this system that the former authorities were able to reproduce themselves, as they were using the resources of businessmen, “authorities,” and it was thanks to such people that they were bringing votes, not ideas.

But now, it seems the rating election system is to Pashinyan’s liking, and he also has decided to hold new elections using the tools he rejected himself.

Minval.az: Azerbaijan opens new military unit on border with Armenia

News.am, Armenia

A new Azerbaijani military unit (borderline patrol service) was opened in the territory of Sanasar (Kubatlu) on the border with Armenia, Minval.az reported.

Deputy Head of the State Border Service, Lieutenant-General Azad Alekperov transmitted to the personnel the congratulatory message of Head of the State Border Service, Colonel-General Elcin Guliyev on the occasion of the launch of operation of the new military unit.

Minval.az also reported that the activities of the fourth military unit in those territories were organized shortly after the occupation of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh).

Armenia legislature passes, in first reading, package of bills on changes to Judicial Code

News.am, Armenia

At Friday’s special session of the National Assembly of Armenia, the MPs approved—in the first reading—the package of bills on making amendments and addenda to the Judicial Code and related laws.

During the respective voting, 80 lawmakers supported this law initiative, six others were against it, and one MP abstained from voting.


Azerbaijani man kills pregnant sister married to an Armenian in greater Moscow area

News.am, Armenia

A pregnant woman married to an Armenian was killed by an Azerbaijani in the greater Moscow area and died on the spot due to her injury, and the Investigative Committee of Russia has launched a criminal case under the article of murder, Vechernyaya Moskva newspaper reports.

The murderer is 43-year-old Munir, who attacked his 40-year-old sister, Leyla. Andrey Kolobin, one of the locals, said he had heard how the man screamed at the girl, called her a prostitute and blamed her for not following Muslim traditions. He added that, unfortunately, there was nobody near her when she was stabbed with a knife and had already died when the paramedics arrived.

Surveillance cameras recorded the crime, and shots of the incident show how a man dressed in black approaches the girl and starts beating her, takes out a knife and starts stabbing her. After killing the girl, he throws the weapon and hides.

Anastasia Kalimova, who knows Leyla’s family, told the newspaper what the reason for the murder was. “The reason for the murder was that Leyla’s family was against Leyla getting married to an Armenian, and her family didn’t consider her “clean”. They lived together for seven years and had children. Where was Leyla’s brother all this time? The fact that her brother killed her and left the children without a mother is horrible. The children already know that their mother is gone.”

Armenian genocide featured topic of ‘Berg lecture series

The Advertiser-Tribune
Armenian genocide featured topic of ‘Berg lecture series
Nicole Walby
[email protected]

Mar 19, 2021 5:00 AM

Heidelberg University presents the 11th annual Lichtman-Behm Genocide Lecture Series at 11 a.m., Tuesday, to take place online.

The series will feature Diana Yayloyan, an expert on Armenian-Turkish civil society relations and the granddaughter of Armenian genocide survivors.

Yayloyan is to discuss the history and legacy of the Armenian genocide and her activism to foster memory, justice and peace.

The free program is for students, educators and is also open to the community. Educators will have access to a recording of the program as well as learning tools that are meant to complement the virtual experience.

Yayloyan is a Ph.D. candidate at Middle East Technical University in the Department of International Relations. Her interdisciplinary research covers trauma and reconciliation, nationalism, foreign policy, politics of emotion and memory studies.

Since 2014, Yayloyan has been working on the Armenian-Turkish civil society dialogue.

She and a team of political experts and economists have worked on many projects studying the cross-border engagement and economic, social and psychological effects of the sealed border and the absence of direct communication between Turkey and Armenia, according to information provided by the university.

Yayloyan is an alumna of the Genocide and Human Rights Graduate Program of the Zoryan Institute along with the History Department of the University of Toronto. She has also presented her research at national and international academic conferences, seminars and workshops.

In 2020, Yayloyan became a co-founder along with a group of other researchers and activists of the CaucasusTalks — a platform that gives voice to the young researchers, practitioners and activists from the South Caucasus to allow them to conduct alternative and informed discussions about issues related to the South Caucasus and surrounding regions.

The Lichtman-Behm Genocide Lecture series recently celebrated its 10-year anniversary. The program is part of the Ohio Remembers initiative, along with Together We Remember.

To register for this virtual event, visit www.heidelberg.edu/LBGLS2021.

Russia’s Karabakh Protectorate Taking Clearer Shape (Part One)

Jamestown Foundation

Russia’s military “peacekeeping” intervention in Upper (“Nagorno”) Karabakh in November 2020 laid the foundation for a Russian de facto protectorate (see EDM, December 8, 10, 2020).

The Second Karabakh War (September 27–November 9, 2020) has resulted in a partition of Azerbaijan’s former Upper Karabakh Autonomous Region (obsolete Russian acronym: NKAO). The war’s victor, Azerbaijan, currently controls one third of that territory, while Russian troops and the Armenian authorities of the unrecognized Karabakh republic centered in Stepanakert control about two thirds. All of Upper Karabakh is universally deemed—also by Russia, emphatically—as being a part of Azerbaijan.

The Armenian-inhabited “NKAO” had been supposed to receive a legal-political status through an international negotiation process—the Minsk Group—that operated from 1994 to 2020, inconclusively. Following this war and partition, however, the “NKAO” no longer exists as a territorial or political unit. Its remaining territory, moreover, is being turned into a Russian protectorate with both military and civil-affairs dimensions (see EDM, January 21, 22, 26, 2021). All these new facts render the status issue moot.

Yerevan and Stepanakert currently estimate the population of rump–Upper Karabakh (the unrecognized Karabakh republic) at 105,000 to 110,000, including the registered war refugees from Karabakh sheltered in Armenia. Those refugees’ number was last cited by Armenia’s government at 20,000 (Civil.net, Arminfo, February 3, 4), as against 35,000 to 40,000 cited by the Stepanakert authorities (Armenpress, February 11, 15).

The number of war refugees from Karabakh registered in Armenia had peaked at some 90,000 to 93,000 last December (Armenpress, December 25, 29, 2020). Most of them have been encouraged to return to Upper Karabakh since then. Yerevan and Stepanakert are acutely conscious that Armenian outmigration from Upper Karabakh would undermine their effort to wrest this territory from Azerbaijan. This is why their officially released data might overstate the size of Upper Karabakh’s population.

Outmigration could also weaken the rationale for Russia’s military presence to guarantee the security of Karabakh Armenians. Accordingly, Russian “peacekeeping” troops have helped organize the mass return of war refugees from Armenia to Upper Karabakh, using buses under Russian military escort. The number of Russian-escorted returnees reached 50,000 on January 19, by the Russian military’s count (Mil.ru, January 19) and inched upward afterward, at 52,712 by the most recent Russian count on February 26 (Mil.ru, February 26). A far smaller number of refugees returned with their own transportation means and have not been officially or reliably counted.

Incomparably higher, approaching one million, is the number of Azerbaijanis displaced from the seven inner-Azerbaijani districts that Armenian had forces seized in 1993–1994 and Azerbaijan regained in November 2020. The tripartite armistice declaration of November 9, 2020, had stipulated that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) would oversee the return of all refugees and displaced people. Preempting the UNHCR, however, the Russian military largely took over this process in Upper Karabakh for Armenian refugees.

The Armenian side nevertheless remains apprehensive about population decline in this territory. Attempting to address this problem, “President” Haraik Harutiunian has announced the re-launch of a “state” program of artificial insemination in order to increase local birth rates (News.am, January 17).

Russia’s “peacekeeping” mission in what Moscow itself deems as Azerbaijani territory has no agreed-upon mandate; and Russia’s military presence there has no legal basis. It does, however, have Baku’s carefully weighed consent as part of the November 9 armistice declaration; it was not imposed on Baku, but was worked out through genuine give-and-take negotiations; and the mission’s actual execution by Russia is subject to constant adjustments through negotiations with Baku. This bilateral process has, to all intents and purposes, excluded Armenia from any significant role or initiative. Yerevan seems merely to react and largely comply with Russia’s initiatives in Upper Karabakh.

Without making any formal arrangements, therefore, Russia has become the real and recognized guarantor of Upper Karabakh’s security. Armenia has lost the guarantor’s role after 26 years of filling it (1994–2020). Yerevan has not only exhausted its resources in the recent, lost war but has also been outplayed diplomatically by Baku in the triangular process with Moscow.

Some Stepanakert officials, including the Security Council’s chief, Major General Vitaly Balasanian, and “parliament” chairperson Artur Tovmazian, have publicly registered Armenia’s loss of the guarantor’s role. They have clearly identified Russia’s “peacekeepers” along with the Karabakh “republic’s” forces as security guarantors, omitting Armenia from the equation (Artsakhpress, February 26; Artsakh Public TV cited by Arminfo, March 13). Russia, moreover, is bringing substantial humanitarian and reconstruction aid to Upper Karabakh, taking over also the “social guarantor’s” role from Armenia.

Armenian nationalism kept firmly aloof from the “Russian World” (“Russkiy Mir”) even when operating in alliance with Russia. This distinctiveness remains intact in Yerevan. However, Stepanakert seems to consider moving toward the Russian World as a way of ingratiation with Moscow. Karabakh’s unrecognized “foreign affairs minister,” David Babaian, has issued an irate indictment of Azerbaijan’s disrespect for Soviet-era military memorials in the territories regained from Armenian control (News.am, March 8). The “parliament” in Stepanakert is considering draft laws to confer official status on the Russian language in the Karabakh “republic’s” administration and its mass media. A debate is ongoing on whether Russian should become an “official language” on par with the literary Armenian language or, alternatively, a “working language” to be used when necessary (Azatutiun.am, March 12).

Some international observers expect Russia to begin (after a decent interval) distributing Russian passports in the Karabakh “republic,” turning the recipients into citizens of Russia and potential labor migrants there. This would reproduce the model used earlier in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and, currently, in Donbas. The case of Upper Karabakh, however, differs from those previous cases. Stepanakert’s as well as Yerevan’s top priority is to keep the population firmly attached to the land in the “republic,” since population loss would negate the Armenian claims to this territory (see above). Russia is also interested in keeping its would-be protégés in place, so as to justify its military presence and even augmenting it if deemed necessary in the future. Launching Russian passportization while at the same time strongly discouraging emigration could be a solution that would satisfy Moscow, Yerevan and Stepanakert
.

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 03/19/2021

                                        Friday, 
New Bill Gives More Powers To Top Judicial Body
        • Naira Bulghadarian
Armenian lawmakers holding a special session of parliament, 
The Armenian parliament on Friday voted to amend the current laws related to the 
judiciary to give more powers to the Supreme Justice Council.
Eighty-one lawmakers, including representatives of Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian’s majority My Step alliance and several deputies not affiliated with 
any faction, voted in favor of the bill, with 15 lawmakers representing the 
opposition rejecting it in the second and final reading.
The parliament discussed the draft amendments submitted by My Step during a 
special session convened today.
My Step MP Vladimir Vardanian, who co-authored the bill, said the amendments 
will ensure “a reasonable examination of judicial processes” by giving 
additional powers to the Supreme Judicial Council that guarantees the 
independence of judges. In particular, the pro-government lawmaker said that the 
body will be able take a case from one judge and assign it to another, examine 
the reasons for protracted trials, etc..
With the adopted changes, a citizen will be entitled to lodge a complaint with 
the Supreme Judicial Council about the judge examining his or her case. Also, 
the amendments limit the number of petitions that parties to the trial can 
submit.
“Courts should be independent of the executive, other bodies, of any kind of 
external pressure, but not of the law. A judge must be guided by his or her own 
conviction and by law,” Vardanian said.
The opposition Bright Armenia faction, however, claimed that the amendments 
create opportunities for the government to influence judges.
“If they see, for example, that some judge wants to administer justice by 
passing a ruling in favor of a citizen [against the government], they will be 
able to replace that judge with someone who will pass a ruling [suitable for the 
government],” Edmon Marukian, the leader of Bright Armenia, said, stressing that 
he could not vote for a bill that also restrict the rights of lawyers.
Armenian Opposition Set To Continue Street Protests Despite Announced Early 
Elections
Supporters of the opposition Homeland Salvation Movement hold a rally in central 
Yerevan (archive photo)
A loose alliance of more than a dozen political parties and groups demanding the 
resignation of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has said it will continue its 
street protests despite the announcement of early parliamentary elections in 
June.
Ishkhan Saghatelian, a coordinator of the alliance called Homeland Salvation 
Movement, said on Friday that they had “sufficient reasons” to doubt that 
Pashinian genuinely intends to resign and hold elections on June 20.
Pashinian announced the date of the vote following talks with Gagik Tsarukian, 
the leader of the largest opposition Prosperous Armenia faction in the Armenian 
parliament.
Edmon Marukian, the leader of the other opposition Bright Armenia faction, said 
later that day that he had a telephone conversation with Pashinian and confirmed 
that holding early elections on June 20 was acceptable to his party.
Even though the Pashinian-led alliance enjoys a comfortable majority in the 
Armenian parliament, the prime minister has sought a sort of agreement with the 
two opposition factions to ensure that they will not field their own candidates 
if he resigns and thus will pave the way for the parliament to be dissolved and 
new elections to be appointed. Members of Pashinian’s political team have said 
this is needed to exclude the risk of upheavals.
The Homeland Salvation Movement, of which Prosperous Armenia is a member, holds 
Pashinian responsible for the Armenian defeat in last fall’s six-week war 
against Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh.
In recent months it has been holding anti-government demonstrations in Yerevan 
and other parts of the country in a bid to force Pashinian to hand over power to 
an interim government.
Since late February the opposition alliance has been blocking part of a central 
boulevard in Yerevan where the Armenian parliament and several other government 
offices are located.
Coordinator of the Homeland Salvation Movement Ishkhan Saghatelian
Talking to media on Friday, Saghatelian said that the movement may introduce 
some “tactical changes” in its struggle, but will stick to its main agenda 
according to which Pashinian must resign and a provisional government be formed 
before preterm elections can be held in at least a year.
The Homeland Salvation Movement has named Vazgen Manukian, a 75-year-old 
opposition politician who led Armenia’s government in the early 1990s, as a 
candidate to replace Pashinian as prime minister. It says Manukian and his 
political party will not take part in the eventual early elections, which, 
according to the movement, will ensure his neutrality as the organizer of the 
vote.
Saghatelian said that Pashinian’s announcement of early elections was yet only a 
statement and that the opposition has no reason to trust it “based on the 
previous experience.”
At the same time, the coordinator of the opposition movement warned that if 
elections are held with the Pashinian government left in charge of organizing 
the electoral process, the vote may trigger a new crisis instead of settling the 
ongoing one.
“We find that snap parliamentary elections are a necessary condition for getting 
out of the current situation, but if Pashinian continues to act as prime 
minister during the election period, there is a great risk that the elections 
will not be competitive and that there will be no equal conditions [for 
participants]. And there is a great chance that such elections will be rigged. 
In that case, instead of becoming a way out of the current crisis, these 
elections may trigger a new crisis,” the coordinator of the Homeland Salvation 
Movement concluded.
Azerbaijan Urged To Investigate Torture, Other Abuses Against Armenian POWs
Armenian captives return to Armenia from Azerbaijan, December 15, 2020
RFE/RL - Human Rights Watch (HRW) is calling on Azerbaijan to investigate all 
allegations of ill-treatment against Armenian prisoners of war from last fall’s 
war over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, and to hold those responsible to account.
Azerbaijani forces subjected POWs to “cruel and degrading treatment and torture 
either when they were captured, during their transfer, or while in custody at 
various detention facilities,” the New York-based human rights watchdog said in 
a statement on March 19.
It said Azerbaijan should also immediately release all remaining Armenian POWs 
and civilian detainees and provide information on those who were last seen in 
Azerbaijani custody.
“The abuse, including torture of detained Armenian soldiers, is abhorrent and a 
war crime,” said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at HRW.
“It is also deeply disturbing that a number of missing Armenian soldiers were 
last seen in Azerbaijan’s custody and it has failed to account for them,” 
Williamson added.
HRW said it had interviewed four former POWs who described “prolonged and 
repeated beatings” while in Azerbaijani custody.
“One described being prodded with a sharp metal rod, and another said he was 
subjected to electric shocks, and one was repeatedly burned with a cigarette 
lighter,” the group said, adding that the men “were held in degrading 
conditions, given very little water and little to no food in the initial days of 
their detention.”
HRW also cited “scores of videos” posted to social media showing scenes in which 
Azerbaijani officers can be seen apparently ill-treating POWs.
The watchdog said it had verified more than 20 of these videos, including 
through interviews with repatriated POWs and family members of servicemen who 
appear in the clips but have not yet returned.
Raising concerns that POWs still in Azerbaijani custody are at risk of further 
abuse, HRW urged Azerbaijani authorities to ensure that the detainees “have all 
the protections to which they are entitled under international human rights and 
humanitarian law, including freedom from torture and ill-treatment.”
Six weeks of fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan in and around 
Nagorno-Karabakh ended in November with a Moscow-brokered cease-fire deal. More 
than 6,000 people were killed during the conflict.
Under the truce agreement, a chunk of Nagorno-Karabakh and all seven districts 
around it were placed under Azerbaijani administration after almost 30 years of 
control by ethnic Armenian forces. The agreement also provided for an exchange 
of POWs and other detained people.
The number of Armenian POWs still in custody is unclear.
By the end of February, Armenia had asked the European Court of Human Rights to 
intervene with Azerbaijan regarding 240 cases of alleged prisoners of war and 
civilian detainees, according to HRW.
Armenia has said that its neighbor had returned 69 POWs and civilians. 
Azerbaijan claimed it had returned all the POWs to Armenia but was still holding 
about 60 people suspected of terrorism.
HRW said it could not verify the claims by Baku or Yerevan about the numbers of 
people remaining in custody or their status.
Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but the 
ethnic Armenians who make up most of the region’s population reject Azerbaijani 
rule.
They had been governing their own affairs, with support from Armenia, since 
Azerbaijan’s troops and Azeri civilians were pushed out of the region and seven 
adjacent districts in a war that ended in a cease-fire in 1994.
Armenia Claims Aliyev ‘Prepares Ground’ For Vandalism In ‘Occupied’ Karabakh
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and first lady Mehriban Aliyeva visit Fuzuli 
and Khojavand (Martuni) districts, March 15, 2021
Armenia sees the latest visit of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev to parts of 
Nagorno-Karabakh that Yerevan claims were occupied by Azeri forces during last 
fall’s six-week war as preparation for “another act of vandalism” against the 
local Armenian religious and cultural heritage.
In a statement released on March 18 the Armenian Foreign Ministry, in 
particular, referred to Aliyev’s visits earlier this week to the Hadrut district 
and the town of Shushi [called Susa in Azeri] that fell under Azerbaijan’s 
control as a result of the hostilities.
Both areas were part of the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous oblast inside Soviet 
Azerbaijan, with Hadrut being predominantly populated by ethnic Armenians.
“Statements made by the president of Azerbaijan in the Hadrut district reveal 
the intention to destroy Armenian settlements and replace them with the 
Azerbaijani ones, which violates the provisions of the trilateral statement of 
November 9, 2020, according to which the displaced people must return to their 
places of residence. It also proves that the Armenians of Artsakh [the Armenian 
name for Nagorno-Karabakh] cannot survive under the Azerbaijani control,” the 
ministry said.
“Moreover, within the framework of its policy of ethnic cleansing, Azerbaijan is 
undertaking consistent steps aimed at eliminating and appropriating the Armenian 
cultural heritage of Artsakh. In parallel with the physical destruction of the 
cultural monuments of Artsakh, which are currently under its control, Azerbaijan 
at the highest level has resorted to a deplorable practice of falsifying 
historical facts and alienating religious and cultural values of the Armenian 
people. It is with this purpose that the president of Azerbaijan misrepresents 
the nature of the Armenian church of the 17th century in the village of Tsakuri 
of the Hadrut district distortedly claiming it to be so-called “Albanian” and 
labeling the Armenian inscriptions on its walls as “fake”, thus preparing the 
ground for yet another act of vandalism,” it added.
The Armenian Foreign Ministry emphasized that “there cannot be a solid and 
lasting peace if it is based on the destruction of peaceful settlements of 
Artsakh, its historical-cultural heritage, annihilation of the Armenian 
population and the replacement of Armenian settlements with Azerbaijani ones.”
“We will continue our struggle for a just and dignified peace by working closely 
with our international partners,” the ministry concluded.
Azerbaijan denies it has destroyed or intends to destroy any religious or 
cultural values of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, stating that the Armenian 
heritage in the region will be preserved under Baku’s administration.
Baku considers the whole territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, including currently 
Armenian-controlled areas where Russian peacekeepers have been deployed as part 
of the November 9 ceasefire brokered by Moscow, to be an integral part of 
Azerbaijan. Yerevan argues that the final status of the region has not yet been 
decided.
Responding to the statement of the Armenian Foreign Ministry, official Baku said 
on Friday that “the visit of the president of Azerbaijan to Azerbaijani 
territories cannot be a subject for commentaries of the Armenian Foreign 
Ministry.”
“The Armenian side still does not understand that it is necessary that it should 
move away from such rhetoric and set itself for the realization of the signed 
trilateral statements,” the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry said.
Armenian Minister ‘Ready To Bear Responsibility’ After Incident With Journalist
Armenian Minister of High-Tech Industry Hakob Arshakian (archive photo)
Armenian Minister of High-Tech Industry Hakob Arshakian has apologized to the 
public that witnessed his brawl with a journalist in a cafe, saying he is ready 
to bear responsibility for his behavior.
CCTV footage appeared on social media on Thursday evening showing Arshakian 
approaching Paylak Fahradian, chief editor of the Irakanum.am news website, who 
was sitting at a table in one of Yerevan cafes, and hitting him in the face in 
the presence of at least five other customers, including the journalist’s 
colleague.
Another video showed that some time before that the journalist approached the 
minister, who was having a lunch at another table downstairs, and talked to him 
for about a minute recording the conversation on his telephone.
Fahradian later said he had asked why the minister was having his lunch at a 
café during working hours when he was supposed to be at work.
As seen on the video, Fahradian then left, going to his table upstairs. Minutes 
later Arshakian followed him upstairs where the incident took place.
The journalist said he was injured in the attack and his notebook was damaged. 
He claimed the minister also threatened him before the attack.
In a Facebook post later on March 18 Arshakian implied that his reaction was to 
the journalist’s swearing at his family.
“Every citizen has the right to the inviolability of private and family life. 
Any member of our society, be he an official or a journalist, is first of all a 
person with emotions who is especially sensitive to issues related to his 
family,” the minister wrote.
Saying that he is against any violence and is guided by the principle of 
settling disputes with “civilized methods”, Arshakian apologized to those 
citizens who witnessed the incident and “whose peace I disturbed with my 
actions.”
“I am ready to bear the responsibility for the incident,” the minister concluded.
Earlier, the Prosecutor-General’s Office said it had forwarded the report from 
Fahradian about the attack to the Special Investigative Service.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s spokesperson Mane Gevorkian told RFE/RL’s 
Armenian Service on Friday that Arshakian’s dismissal was not considered at the 
moment.
Meanwhile, leading media organizations have called the behavior of the minister 
unacceptable, demanding that the authorities condemn it.
Armenia Redeploys COVID-19 Hospitals Amid Rise In Infection Rate
        • Marine Khachatrian
Medical workers at the Surp Grigor Lusarovich Medical Center in Yerevan, the 
country's largest hospital treating coronavirus patients (archive photo)
Armenia is redeploying some of its hospital resources to treat COVID-19 patients 
as the rate of the coronavirus infection has again been on the rise in the South 
Caucasus country lately.
About 790,000 people have been infected with the novel coronavirus and more than 
3,300 people have died of COVID-19 in Armenia since the start of the pandemic 
last March. The number of active cases today is nearly 10,000.
Armenia’s Health Ministry said on March 18 that 19 people died from the 
infection within the past 24 hours, while the number of new identified cases was 
over 1,000.
This is about the same rate that Armenia last had in fall when the so-called 
second wave of the pandemic was observed globally.
Now healthcare specialists in Armenia believe the country is experiencing a 
“third wave” of the pandemic.
Health Minister Anahit Avanesian said that 12 medical centers are currently 
involved in the treatment of COVID-19 patients in Armenia and new hospital beds 
are being added.
Armenian Health Minister Anahit Avanesian
“But you know that this is not an unlimited resource, and we need to exercise 
caution,” the minister warned.
The rise in the infection rate in Armenia may also reflect the latest mass 
political events taking place in the country as both the government and the 
opposition have been holding large-scale rallies in recent weeks.
Armenia’s Health Ministry sees no need for a new lockdown at the moment, but 
warns that mandatory mask wearing and social distancing rules must be followed 
by the public to curb and reduce the rate of infections.
Avanesian said that while limited vaccination with Russia’s Sputnik V vaccine 
focused on high-risk groups, including medical workers, is currently under way 
in Armenia, the government continues negotiations on acquiring a vaccine 
developed by British-Swedish multinational pharmaceutical AstraZeneca and Oxford 
University.
The minister said that final decisions will be made on the basis of conclusions 
of professional international organizations.
Several European countries have suspended the use of AstraZeneca’s coronavirus 
vaccine due to reported negative side effects, including fears it may have 
caused some recipients to develop blood clots.
When asked whether this was not a reason for Armenia to suspend talks on the 
acquisition of AstraZeneca’s vaccine, Avanesian said: “This, of course, is a 
signal to be vigilant, to keep abreast of the latest news and take action 
accordingly.”
The European Medicines Agency (EMA) on March 18 said the vaccine is "safe and 
effective" and not associated with a higher blood clot risk, prompting most 
European countries to lift the suspensions.
Russia To Help Extend Armenian Nuclear Station’s Life Until 2036
        • Sargis Harutyunyan
A general view of the Metsamor nuclear power plant in Armenia
Russia will help Armenia extend the life of its nuclear power plant for another 
10 years until 2036, according to the director of the station.
Addressing a conference on the development of nuclear energy in Armenia in 
Yerevan on March 18, Movses Vardanian said that a working group is being set up 
jointly with the Russian Rosatom Corporation for that purpose.
The plant’s sole functioning reactor went into service in 1980 and was due to be 
decommissioned by 2017. Armenia’s government decided to extend the life of the 
420-megawatt reactor by 10 years after failing to attract billions of dollars in 
funding for its ambitious plans to build a new and safer nuclear facility.
In 2015, the Russian government provided Yerevan with a $270 million loan and a 
$30 million grant for major safety upgrades at Metsamor. The modernization work 
is expected to be completed in 2023.
The Soviet-built plant located in Metsamor, 35 kilometers west of Yerevan, 
generates roughly 40 percent of Armenia’s electricity.
“At the initiative of Rosatom and the Armenian nuclear power plant (NPP), we are 
currently setting up a new technical working group to work on extending the life 
of the [Armenian NPP] beyond 2026. Rusatom Service will mainly be involved from 
the Russian side,” Vardanian said.
He said the extension will add 10 more years to the life of the station.
Yuri Sviridenko, the Russian head of the project, said that the Armenian nuclear 
power plant “can definitely work after 2026.”
“Preliminary estimates have been made, according to which the station can be 
operated until 2036. But these, I repeat, are preliminary estimates that still 
need to undergo an examination and receive approval from the Nuclear Safety 
Regulatory Commission. We are now at this stage,” he said, citing the example of 
several European countries where the operation of nuclear plants using the same 
reactor has been extended.
According to Tigran Melkonian, the head of the Energy Department of Armenia’s 
Ministry of Local Government and Infrastructure, the extension of the operating 
life of the existing nuclear power plant does not mean that the Armenian 
government does not intend to start building a new nuclear station.
“The government will make a decision taking into account the reliability of the 
energy system, the rates and regimes of export, the amount of funding and 
sources. Before that, a program will be developed on what capacity the reactor 
will have and in what timeframe and with what funding it will be built. In any 
case, this is the goal, and we are adjusting our work, which includes the 
extension of the life of the existing nuclear reactor and its future replacement 
with a new one,” Melkonian said.
Ara Marjanian, a United Nations expert on energy in Armenia, said that the 
nuclear power plant is of key importance for the energy security of the country, 
and, therefore, the preservation of the nuclear power plant and the construction 
of a new one are among the priority tasks of ensuring the national security of 
Armenia.
“We have only two facilities that guarantee [the country’s] energy security. 
These are the Vorotan Cascade hydro-power plant and the Armenian NPP. It is not 
without reason that the new strategy states that Armenia must have a harmonious 
three-component [energy] generation system, and nuclear energy is an integral 
part of our energy security strategy,” the expert said.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2021 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
 

Turkish press: High-profile successes to make Turkey premier exporter of UAVs

The Anka drone is checked by employees in Ankara, Turkey, March 5, 2021. (AFP Photo)

Turkey’s domestic combat drones have scored high-profile successes in countries such as Syria, Libya and Azerbaijan. Ankara hopes to use these successes in its quest to become a premier exporter of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).

Besides their proven ability to take out enemy tanks, analysts said drones also offer Turkey a chance to beef up its spheres of influence through an assertive foreign policy.

In Syria, Turkey used armed drones to avenge the deaths of dozens of its soldiers and halt the advance of brutal Bashar Assad regime forces in the northwestern province of Idlib.

In Libya, the unmanned craft flew to the aid of Turkey’s allied and United Nations-recognized government in Tripoli, routing the advancing forces of eastern warlord Khalifa Haftar at the capital’s gates.

And late last year, Turkish drones helped Azerbaijan retake swathes of territory from Armenian occupier forces that had been lost in the mountains of Nagorno-Karabakh decades ago.

All these conflicts grabbed world headlines and offered Turkey the perfect opportunity to showcase its hardware, analysts Can Kasapoğlu in Istanbul and Emre Calışkan in the U.K. said, as it tries to become a major military exporter – particularly of armed drones.

Ismail Demir, head of Turkey’s Defense Industries Presidency (SSB), told Agence French-Presse (AFP) Turkish drones offer good value for money.

“If a system from any other country had the same capability as ours, its (price) would be double,” Demir said in an interview at his office in Ankara, which is filled with models of drones and other military gear.

SSB, which is part of the Turkish presidency, is the umbrella organization that oversees state defense companies. These include Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI), which makes the Anka combat drone.

“We were trying to do something we could lead in or could be at the front of in modern technologies, and drones became the perfect area,” Demir said.

The first Turkish combat drones were used in 2016 as Turkish security forces’ counterterrorism operations targeting PKK terrorists in the country’s southeastern and eastern parts.

In December, TAI signed the first export contract for the Anka, worth an estimated $80 million, with Tunisia.

But the private Baykar company, run by Selçuk Bayraktar, has been exporting its Bayraktar TB2 model to Ukraine, Qatar and Azerbaijan for some years.

“Export is an issue (because) our domestic priorities go first. But, of course, a sustainable defense industry requires export,” Demir said.

“And there are so many other countries in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, northern Africa and even Europe which are interested in our systems and our drones,” he said.

“They had some visits to Turkey and some of them are evaluating our offers.”

The United States banned SSB from receiving new arms export licenses in December and imposed sanctions on Demir himself in retaliation for Turkey’s purchase of Russia’s advanced S-400 missile systems.

Demir played down the sanctions’ impact and insisted that Turkey will be able to produce components and equipment it can no longer obtain from the U.S.

“It may take a little time, it may be a little costly, but we can do this,” he said.

In a highly competitive global market, Demir said some countries “who are traditionally an exporter” have taken a dim view of Turkey’s rise.

“And in any market you want to get in, they will do anything to prevent you,” he said. “The only way you can overcome this difficulty is by speaking with your quality, price and performance.”

Stretching 8.6-meters (28-feet) long and featuring a 17.6-meter wingspan, the Anka is manufactured at a sprawling, ultra-secure factory in Ankara covering 4 million square meters (1,000 acres) and dotted with hangars.

TAI employs almost 10,000 people, including 3,000 engineers.

“What makes the Anka special is that most of the parts, important and critical parts, are produced and designed in Turkey,” said Serdar Demir, TAI’s vice president for corporate marketing and communication.

“We can easily say that the Anka is the most indigenous product and that we do not depend on other countries’ permits.'”

Emre Çalışkan, an analyst at London-based IHS Markit, an international business information firm, said Turkey has tried to compensate the capability gap in air forces with drone technology.

This strategic shift “has enabled Turkey to challenge the interest of top-tier military countries,” Çalışkan told the AFP.

He added that Turkish drones proved themselves admirably against Russian defense systems in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh, becoming a “game-changer (and) shifting the balance of power.”

Kasapoğlu, an analyst with the independent Edam think-tank in Istanbul, said Turkey’s drones were a “key military power source. And military power is an asset of foreign affairs.”

Drones, Calışkan added, might also aid rapprochement with some of Turkey’s regional rivals.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan revealed on Tuesday that Saudi Arabia was looking to buy combat drones from Turkey despite an ongoing rivalry between the two powers for influence in the Middle East.