Azerbaijani press: Azerbaijan Military Prosecutor’s Office files criminal case on Armenian armed forces’ provocation (PHOTO)

BAKU, Azerbaijan, March 2

By Samir Ali – Trend:

The Azerbaijani State Border Service and the Military Prosecutor’s Office have disseminated the information about the provocation of the Armenian armed forces in Azerbaijan’s Gazakh district, Trend reports on March 2 referring to the Azerbaijani State Border Service and the Military Prosecutor’s Office.

“The Armenian armed forces grossly violate the ceasefire regime from various areas more often recently,” the message said.

“An attempted diversion of the units of the Armenian armed forces located near Koti village of Armenia’s Noyemberyan district against the border combat unit of the Azerbaijani State Border Service in the direction of Gushchu Ayrim village of Azerbaijan’s Gazakh district was prevented on February 24, 2020 at about 07:00 (GMT+4),” the message said.

“After suffering great losses, the Armenian armed forces were forced to retreat,” the message said. “Azerbaijani border guard Ibrahim Valiyev heroically died during the suppression of the Armenian armed forces’ provocations. The murder of a soldier guarding the internationally recognized state borders of Azerbaijan is a crime, and Armenia bears responsibility for this bloody crime.”

“A 100-round machine gun belt, an unexploded hand grenade-42, 66 cartridges with a 7.62 mm caliber, a bag with canned goods, bakery products, used by the Armenian armed forces during the attack and which was left on the battlefield during a retreat were found near the border where the incident occurred,” the message said.

“The Military Prosecutor’s Office filed a criminal case under the articles of the Criminal Code 120.2.12, 29,120.2.4, 29,120.2.7 and 29,120.2.12,” the message said.

“The border guards who distinguished themselves in suppressing the Armenian armed forces’ provocations were awarded with medals, souvenirs and diplomas upon the orders of the head of the State Border Service,” the message said.”Soldier Ibrahim Valiyev who heroically dead was awarded with the medal “For Distinction in Military Service” of the third degree (posthumous).”

“All necessary measures will be taken to prevent all Armenia’s provocative acts and to punish the perpetrators involved in each committed crime for their further criminal prosecution,” the message said.

Azerbaijani press: U.S. congressman makes statement remembering Khojaly massacre

Tue 03 Mar 2020 06:44 GMT | 10:44 Local Time

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U.S. Congressman Tim Ryan has made a statement to remember the Khojaly massacre and honor the victims of this horrendous act.

The appalling massacre perpetrated on the innocent people of Khojaly in February 1992 is no less shocking 28 years later, the congressman said. “One of the worst atrocities ever committed in the South Caucasus, justice has still not been delivered and 150 civilians are still missing.”

“As we demand respect for human rights and democratic accountability within the international community, it is important that we continue to remember what happened in Khojaly and bring those responsible to account,” Ryan added.

During the Karabakh war, Armenian military committed an act of genocide against the population of Azerbaijan’s Khojaly town consisting of 7,000 people on Feb. 26, 1992.

As many as 613 people, including 63 children, 106 women and 70 old people were killed as a result of the massacre. A total of 1,000 civilians became disabled in the onslaught. Eight families were completely annihilated, 130 children lost one parent, while 25 lost both parents. Some 1,275 innocent residents were taken hostage, while the fate of 150 people still remains unknown.

Turkish press: Erdoğan commemorates Khojaly massacre


Erdoğan commemorates Khojaly massacre
BY DAILY SABAH
 ISTANBUL POLITICS MAR 02, 2020 4:47 PM GMT+3
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Tuesday commemorated the Khojaly massacre during his visit to the Azerbaijani capital Baku.

“Tomorrow, we will commemorate the 28th anniversary of the Khojaly massacre. In front of humanity, one of the biggest savageries of the 20th century was committed in Khojaly without discriminating between the innocent, elderly, women and children. A total of 613 brothers and sisters, including 106 women and 63 children, were brutally martyred. We did not forget the Khojaly massacre, which was recorded in history as ‘dark night,’ and we will not forget,” Erdoğan said during a news conference with his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev.

The Armenian occupation of Nagorno-Karabakh – a disputed territory between Azerbaijan and Armenia – led to the closing of the frontier with Turkey, which sides with Baku in the drawn-out dispute.

The Khojaly Massacre is commemorated every year in Turkey and regarded as one of the bloodiest and most controversial incidents of the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan for control of the now-occupied Nagorno-Karabakh region between 1988 and 1994.



CIVILNET.Q&A with Laurence Broers: On “Rashomon” Approach to Karabakh

CIVILNET.AM

2 March, 2020 14:56

The article was originally published on Focus on Karabakh, a project of the USC Institute of Armenian Studies

Parts of a Circle presented at Chatham House in London Feb. 18, 2020
A documentary film almost a decade in the making brought together Armenian and Azerbaijani experts and journalists to try to tell the story of the Karabakh conflict the way it had not been told before. Emil Sanamyan of the Focus on Karabakh asked the project coordinator Laurence Broers about this unique undertaking. Broers is also the author of a recently published book “Armenia and Azerbaijan. Anatomy of a Rivalry.”

ES: Can you describe your role in this project? 

LB: The film we screened on February 18 at Chatham House follows on from an earlier film trilogy, Parts of a Circle. I was the project’s first manager, setting it up in 2011 and running it until 2014. Together with my colleague Jenny Norton, we played the various roles that a film producer might play. We supported the network of media professionals and experts on the Karabakh conflict to make the films, we convened meetings in Tbilisi at which the teams agreed scripts, watched and discussed each other’s footage and we accompanied the teams on their path to agreement on what should go into the films.

After I left Conciliation Resources to focus on research in 2014 I continued to attend the meetings and to support the completion of the three films in the Parts of a Circle series. Five years later I came back to Conciliation Resources as Caucasus programme director, and took over the management of the fourth and final film, which isn’t a new film as such but draws on the same materials as the original trilogy and presents a single, unified narrative in English. Together with my colleagues Jenny Norton and Jenny Tobias, and in close consultation with the project teams, we were responsible for the script and for bringing the film series to a long overdue close. 

ES: How did this project originate, who funded it and why did it take so long to complete?

LB: The concept for a series of films documenting the Karabakh conflict came from one of Conciliation Resources’ long-term partners, the Media Initiatives Center (MIC) in Yerevan, in 2011. It built on earlier initiatives, such as Dialogue Through Film and the Armenian-Azerbaijani-Turkish documentary Memories Without Borders, that had established a solid set of relationships between media professionals at MIC and Internews Azerbaijan.

The basic idea was to create a film series that would juxtapose two narratives held by each side in a conflict together in one film, in the way that, for example, the Japanese film Rashomon depicts the same incident but from separate, contradictory perspectives. The viewer is thus exposed to the subjectivity of different perspectives, made aware of their own preconceptions, preferences and biases, and invited to triangulate their own understanding of contested or controversial events. The project envisaged the making of three 1-hour-long films over three years: The Road to WarThe War and In Search of Peace.

The project was only made possible by the existence of networks that had built up over many years of partnership. MIC and Internews Azerbaijan were the primary partners, but we also worked with the Stepanakert Press Club and with the Humanitarian Research Public Union in Baku, in addition to individuals well-known for deep expertise in a relevant area, such as Rahman Badalov, Tatul Hakobyan, Shahin Rzayev and Ara Shirinyan. The project was funded by the European Union, through the ‘EPNK’ peacebuilding consortium.

You’re right to highlight that it has taken us what is in fact 9 years to get to this point. There were delays with the completion of the film trilogy, originally scheduled for summer 2015. Some of that was due to the way we had to work: a laborious and time-consuming process of agreeing scripts in Tbilisi, going away to film at home, coming back to Tbilisi some months later, and communicating remotely the rest of the time. It was a quite a large project, with a lot of calendars and moving parts to coordinate.

But the delay was more about the political context in which we were working. Beginning in 2014 there was a crackdown on civil society in Azerbaijan, which led to a number of high-profile trials in 2015. Many NGOs had their bank accounts frozen, including our partners. This raised a lot of issues about how to continue and complete the work – we could hardly expect people to give their time for free. The context also affected the relationships within the project: compared to the halcyon days of Dialogue Through Film in the 2000s, the 2014-16 period tested relationships to the limit. Beyond that, some of the interviewees in the films, such as Arif Yunusov, were arrested, tried and imprisoned. One of them, Afgan Mukhtarli, is still in prison. This attached new significance to the films, and what it might mean to show them in public.     

The trilogy was scheduled to complete in 2015, but was still in post-production in April 2016. The ‘four-day war’ further narrowed the space for the film trilogy to have a public profile, just as they were completed. Nevertheless, our partners implemented a programme of more than 100 screenings of the films in 2017-19, reaching selected audiences of more than 1,500 people. That may not sound like much, but I believe this was still a significant achievement in the aftermath of renewed violence.  

At the same time, we recognised that only the most committed of international audiences beyond the region would engage with a three-hour trilogy on a conflict that unfortunately remains obscure. We came up with the idea of a fourth ‘summary’ film which would draw on the same materials but in a single, unified narrative written for audiences new to the conflict. The project partners decided to call this film Parts of a Circle: History of the Karabakh Conflict, and this is the film that we screened at Chatham House. 

ES: What do you think is the significance of this film?

LB: This film and the Parts of a Circle trilogy are significant on a number of levels.

Firstly, they take a step away from the poisonous information war cultivating the recognition of suffering only on one side and dismissing human losses on the other side as conspiracy or propaganda. In the first two films of the trilogy, where the narrative is dealing with grievous losses on all sides, the alternating story-telling structure exposes the viewer to each side’s interpretation of those events. Each perspective narrates both its own and the other side’s losses. We are sometimes asked whether it’s helpful to bring up history or ‘go over old ground’, with the implication being that this only complicates and inflames the issues. But how can you prepare populations for peace without breaking down one-sided understandings of conflict that deny the other side’s losses and grievances? It’s never too early to deal with the past, but it can easily become too late. We’ve recently seen evidence of how long-standing conspiracy theories can easily become normalised in the Armenian-Azerbaijani context at the highest level, with Ilham Aliyev and Nikol Pashinyan recently repeating such denials in public forums. As their title suggests, these films offer an alternative, more challenging pathway to a unified and complete historical narrative.

Secondly, these films are significant as a bridge between lived and learned experience. The dying out of the last survivors of the Holocaust during the Second World War has brought home to the world the significance of eyewitness testimony in countering denialism. The Karabakh conflict entered its fourth decade in 2018, and some of the interviewees in the Parts of a Circle films who were protagonists in the events of 1988-94, such as Igor Muradyan, have already passed away. These films, and the wider collection of interviews that they have generated, are consequently an educational and research resource that will accumulate in value over time. At the same time there is a younger generation which has had very limited exposure to knowledge about the conflict. South Caucasian history textbooks, for example, are notoriously short on information about the conflicts in the early 1990s. These films offer not only a source of direct information about events that are not well transmitted in Armenian and Azerbaijani societies, but also a perspective on the viewpoints from which that information is perceived.

Thirdly, the films are significant as an example of a cross-conflict initiative that has endured through the most challenging of circumstances. Some of those who saw the trilogy in the region in 2017-18 were surprised that such a project was still possible. Moreover, I think that this initiative demonstrates the value of long-term strategic intervention, building up relationships over time and creating the space for both challenge and consensus. This may contribute more to the peace process than one-off events or journalists’ visits such as the one we saw last year, significant though these may be as precedents. Parts of a Circle was possible because of many years of previous work, creating the reserves of trust that allowed the teams to address some of the most painful episodes in the history of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations on film together.

There’s been no single or typical reaction to the films in the region, but one common observation is that these films counter myths. In a mediascape saturated with stereotypes and myth-making, that’s an important contribution.

ES: When do you expect the film to become available to the public?

LB: We are planning to make the film available on the Conciliation Resources website (www.c-r.org/partsofacircle) in mid-April. We are discussing with the Parts of a Circle network how and when to make the original trilogy available. Several peacebuilding organisations across the region have the films and are using them in their programming. 

CIVILNET.In Significant Deepening of Relations, Armenia Purchases Indian Radar Systems

CIVILNET.AM

2 March, 2020 15:33

By Mark Dovich

On March 2, one of India’s leading English-language newspapers reported that the Armenian and Indian governments signed a contract worth over 40 million U.S. dollars that provides Armenia with four Indian-made weapon locating radar systems. The defense systems, officially called the Swathi Weapon Locating Radars, can automatically track multiple projectiles in a 50 kilometer radius. They were first developed in the early 2000s by the Indian military’s research and development arm, and have been deployed in India since 2018.

According to media reports, the Armenian government also conducted trials of defense systems produced by Poland and Russia before choosing to purchase the Indian-made model. Indian media groups hailed Armenia’s acquisition of the system as a “major success” for the Indian government’s Make in India program, a flagship initiative of current Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The program, launched in 2014, aims to attract foreign direct investment to India in an effort to make the country a global manufacturing hub.

The past few years have seen a considerable expansion in cooperation between Armenia and India. Last year alone saw numerous high-level meetings between Armenian and Indian officials, including Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s first meeting with Modi. Most recently, Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan met with his Indian counterpart Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, highlighting the potential for cooperation between Armenia and India, particularly in “agriculture, pharmaceuticals, and light industry”. 

Recent years have also seen Armenia play host to a large number of Indian students, particularly at medical universities. Armenia’s State Migration Service estimates that roughly 3,000 Indian nationals currently reside in Armenia.

Aside from economic and educational ties, there is also a meaningful geopolitical component to Armenia’s friendly relations with India. India’s archrival Pakistan is one of the few countries in the world that do not have diplomatic relations with Armenia, along with Azerbaijan, Hungary, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey.

Though Armenia’s choice of an Indian-produced defense system over a competing Russian bid represents a significant deepening in Armenian-Indian relations, the purchase in no meaningful way alters Armenia’s military dependence on its vast ally to the north. Indeed, Russia continues to supply Armenia with military equipment at discounted prices and station roughly 5,000 troops in Gyumri, Armenia’s second-largest city.

A spokesperson for Armenia’s Ministry of Defense refused to comment on the reported acquisition, claiming that “the Ministry never comments on issues of military-technical cooperation”.

Armenpress: Yerevan to have new street sweepers soon

Yerevan to have new street sweepers soon

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 09:37, 2 March, 2020

YEREVAN, MARCH 2, ARMENPRESS. New street sweepers (machine that cleans streets) will soon operate in Yerevan, Mayor of Yerevan Hayk Marutyan said on Facebook, releasing a video.

“These street sweepers will soon start cleaning Yerevan’s avenues and main streets helping our sanitation staff. Of course, this is yet the beginning. We will have more of these cars in the future”, the Mayor said.

 

Edited and translated by Aneta Harutyunyan

Armenpress: Number of confirmed cases of Covid-2019 in China exceeds 80,000

Number of confirmed cases of Covid-2019 in China exceeds 80,000

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 09:51, 2 March, 2020

YEREVAN, MARCH 2, ARMENPRESS. The number of victims of the new coronavirus in China has increased to 2912, up by 42 people per day, with over 44,400 people recovered from the illness, the State Committee on Hygiene and Health of China said, reports TASS.

According to the committee, the number of confirmed cases of infection in China has exceeded 80,000 cases.

On December 31, 2019, the Chinese authorities reported to the World Health Organization about an outbreak of pneumonia of unknown etiology in Wuhan, an economic and industrial megalopolis with a population of 12 million. As of today, more than 50 countries and territories, including Russia, have reported confirmed coronavirus cases.

The World Health Organization declared the new coronavirus outbreak a public health emergency of international concern, characterizing it as an epidemic with multiple locations. According to the latest reports, over 79,800 cases of patients infected with the novel coronavirus have been confirmed in China and other countries. The virus’ death toll has hit 2,870, yet about 42,000 patients have recovered from the disease.

https://armenpress.am/eng/news/1006873.html?fbclid=IwAR3IGXBs8Y9g76dszLhyWNDmoqwlPQ3CFnuXvmfmOzrcCXUEh8mfVMQoXqk

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Armenpress: Pashinyan appoints new spokesperson

Pashinyan appoints new spokesperson

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 11:09, 2 March, 2020

YEREVAN, MARCH 2, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan appointed Mane Gevorgyan to serve as his new spokesperson.

The PM’s respective decision is posted on .

 

Edited and translated by Aneta Harutyunyan




Armenian Church won’t suspend masses yet after first coronavirus case

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 11:16, 2 March, 2020

YEREVAN, MARCH 2, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian Church is not planning to suspend masses yet after the first novel coronavirus (COVID-2019) infection case was confirmed on March 1 in Armenia, the Mother See of Holy Ejmiatsin told ARMENPRESS.

As a precautionary measure, authorities have shut down schools and universities for one week after the first case of the COVID-2019 was confirmed.

In an effort to prevent a possible outbreak, a scheduled commemoration rally for the 2008 unrest victims on March 1 was also cancelled to avoid the mass gathering as a precaution.

 

Edited and translated by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenia temporarily suspends visa-free regime with Iran in coronavirus precaution

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 11:35, 2 March, 2020

YEREVAN, MARCH 2, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian Government is heightening and extending the restrictions on communication with Iran in a precautionary measure against the novel coronavirus, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced after a session of the task force on preventing the disease.

“Taking into account the epidemiological situation in our region we have made a decision to prolong and heighten the restrictions in the direction of the Armenian-Iranian border communication. We will begin a process on temporarily restoring a visa regime with Iran, and the visa regime will come into force within five days. We are in constant contact with our Iranian colleagues, we are offering our support to the good people and government of Iran in overcoming this difficult situation. We will support the friendly people and government of Iran as much as we can,” the PM said.

By the previous regulations, Iran and Armenia had a visa-free regime.

Edited and translated by Stepan Kocharyan