Zatulin says statements addressed to Armenia in Baku are insulting also for Russia

Save

Share

 19:14,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 11, ARMENPRESS.  First deputy chairman of the committee of the State Duma for the CIS and relations with Russian nationals abroad Konstantin Zatulin says that the statements made by Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev addressed to Armenia are insulting also for Russia, ARMENPRESS reports Zatulin said during a Yerevan-Moscow online discussion on December 11.

”The parades are attempts to insult and humiliate not only Armenia and the Armenian people, but also Armenia’s ally Russia. Russia and Armenia are allies and for that reason the announcements made during that parade, particularly the remarks and comparisons made by the Azerbaijani president between the Great Patriotic War and Karabakh war, fight against fascism and the operation in Karabakh, are a sacrilege, they are lies, they deserve all kinds of condemnation”, Zatulin said.

During the December 10 parade Aliyev said Yerevan, Sevan and Zangezur are Azerbaijani territories, and Erdoğan said in his speech that this day is ‘’the he day of enlightenment of the souls of Enver Pasha, Nuri Pasha and soldiers of the Caucasus Islamic Army’’.




Why Turkey returned to the Caucasus after a hundred years

Middle East Eye
Dec 11 2020
Ragip Soylu


Published date: 14:22 UTC       

Ankara and Azerbaijan put their differences aside in pursuit of a military victory over Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh. The outcome is a huge geopolitical shift in Turkey’s favour

It took 44 days for Azerbaijan to defeat Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh and make Turkey one of the fundamental players in the Caucasus.

And today, Turkey’s power in the region could not be clearer.

Words thanking Ankara were some of the first from Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s lips when he joyously declared a ceasefire on TV last month.

In response, people flocked to the streets with Turkish and Azerbaijani flags, bellowing chants praising Ankara.

Two days later, some of the leading members of Azerbaijan’s opposition addressed an open letter to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, ignoring Aliyev. They called on Turkey to deploy permanent troops to the Nagorno-Karabakh city of Shusha (Shushi in Armenian), which was recently captured by Baku, to safeguard the area against a perceived Russian threat.

And on Thursday, Erdogan stood beside Aliyev during a military parade, celebrating victory in a conflict marred by shocking human rights abuses on both sides.

A hundred years after the Ottoman army seized Baku, Turkey had returned to Azerbaijan. You wouldn’t guess it from the outpouring of fraternal feelings, but it marks a stark and abrupt change in the country.

Ten years ago, “liar, cheat and betrayer” were the words used by Aliyev to describe Turkish officials, after Ankara sought to normalise relations with Armenia. That broadside against the Erdogan government came in meetings with senior US officials, according to diplomatic telegrams released by Wikileaks.

Meanwhile, protests in Baku railed against Ankara for seeking normalisation with Yerevan without leveraging anything for Azerbaijan regarding Nagorno-Karabakh.

Now, things couldn’t be more different, as – daily – Aliyev calls Erdogan his trusted brother and Azerbaijanis of various political stripes urge Turkey to establish military bases on their own soil.

The question, asked over and over by foreign diplomats as they attempt to decipher this volte-face, is “Why now?”

“Because Azerbaijan asked for help,” said a senior Turkish official, speaking on condition of anonymity. “It is that easy. There is no broader conspiracy.”

+ Show – Hide

How Turkey and Azerbaijan’s relations went from frosty to familial in 10 years:

April 2009: Provisional agreement to normalise ties between Turkey and Armenia announced 

May 2009: President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan boycotts an international meeting hosted in Istanbul 

October 2009: Turkey and Armenia sign Zurich protocols to normalise their ties. Azerbaijani officials condemn it as against their national interests

November 2009: Turkey takes a step back and says it won’t normalise its relations with Armenia until Yerevan withdraws from Nagorno-Karabakh 

January 2010: The Constitutional Court in Armenia approves the protocols but effectively restricts the authority vested on the planned subcommittee on the Armenian Genocide claims  

August 2010: Turkey and Azerbaijan sign a strategic and military cooperation deal, a starting point of annual drills between the two countries 

October 2011: First Turkey-Azerbaijan strategic cooperation council held in Izmir 

December 2011: Turkey and Azerbaijan sign Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP) deal after Ankara cools down the Armenia reconciliation 

June 2012: Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia establish a trilateral diplomatic mechanism to deepen cooperation 

May 2013: Azerbaijan state oil company begins to build STAR refinery in Turkey, valued at $4bn

November 2013: Baku allows visa-free travel for Turkish businessmen 

April 2016: Azerbaijan and Armenia clashes turned to a full-scale conflict. Armenian media outlets close to the government claim Turkish military advisers are closely supporting the Azerbaijani army 

October 2017: The Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway (BTK) is completed 

June 2018: TANAP is completed

September 2018: Azerbaijani company close to Aliyev establishes Haber Global news channel in Turkey 

Nagorno-Karabakh and seven surrounding regions have been occupied by Armenian forces since 1994, despite the multiple UN Security Council decisions that determined that the area belonged to Baku. Both the Armenian and Azerbaijani communities have long historical and cultural roots in the mountainous region.

Sporadic clashes have broken out since the 1990s, most recently in 2016 and in July, but essentially Nagorno-Karabakh was a frozen conflict until Ankara decided to get involved.

In various interviews, Turkish officials have underlined to Middle East Eye that the peace process run by the international “Minsk Group”, headed by France, Russia and the United States, has been useless for the past 30 years. It was time, they said, for a new approach.

Turkey and Azerbaijan have strong ethnic links, as they speak almost the same language and share a common history.

“Is it weird that we tried to help our brethren?” asked the Turkish official. 

Turkish officials are quick to say that, despite the conflict being advantageous for Ankara and Baku, it was Armenia that sparked the latest war.

In July, Armenian forces attacked the strategic Ganja Gap in northern Azerbaijan, killing a general and his aides, who had been trained by Turkey. Armenia’s defence ministry said at the time that the clashes began after Azerbaijani forces tried to cross the border illegally. 

Matthew Bryza, a former US ambassador to Azerbaijan, said the attack left a diplomatic vacuum in the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict, which indicated that Yerevan was going to have a more aggressive approach.

“It was clear that neither the US nor France would play any role in mediating that uptick in violence,” Bryza told MEE. “Russia filled in on the Armenia side, and Turkey filled in on the Azerbaijan side.”

Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict: Turkey’s military exports to Baku jump 600 percent

Read More »

Bryza added that, in August, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan “suddenly and foolishly” began talking about the Treaty of Sevres, a 1920 settlement that would have handed eastern Turkey to Armenia.

“I think that upset President Erdogan and others at the top of the Turkish leadership. Protecting yourself, that’s a strategic response by Turkey.”

Others believe Pashinyan had been ramping up tensions in the region since the beginning of this year.

“Pashinyan said that Nagorno-Karabakh was Armenia and there wasn’t any need for further talks,” said Ceyhun Asirov, an independent Azerbaijani journalist and expert on Caucasus. “It was really astonishing. People felt violated as he continued to encourage illegal settlements by ethnic Armenians in occupied Azerbaijan soil.”

Asirov said that the July attack on the Ganja Gap was extremely concerning for Azerbaijan, as well as Turkey.

“Armenian forces attacked the area where you have an energy corridor with Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, TANAP gas pipeline and Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway,” he said. “This is the lifeline for Baku and a crucial energy and trade line for Turkey.”

The attack prompted protesters to pour into Baku’s streets and demand revenge in unprecedented numbers. Some of them even broke into the parliament. Turkish flags were waved in the city’s squares.

“People publicly asked for Turkey’s help during the protests,” Asirov added. 

Gubad Ibadoghlu, the leader of opposition party Movement for Democracy and Prosperities and a professor at Rutgers University, said the attack revealed Azerbaijani weaknesses.

“It showed everybody that we needed Turkey to face the Armenian threat,” he said.

Over the years, Turkey and Azerbaijan had overcome their differences.

First, the Turkish government dropped the normalisation process with Armenia after a strong intervention by Aliyev, who sent Azerbaijani MPs to Ankara in October 2009 to pressure Turkey into abandoning reconciliation.

Later, Erdogan and Aliyev moved their relationship to a new level, eased by the construction of the Trans-Anatolian gas pipeline (TANAP), which strengthened Turkey’s role as energy hub in the region by transferring gas to Europe.

‘The West in time has distanced from Azerbaijan due to its repressive domestic policies’

– Arastun Orujlu, ex-Azerbaijani intelligence officer

Azerbaijan’s state oil company SOCAR, meanwhile, has nearly $20bn of direct investments in Turkey, which purchased strategic assets such as petrochemical company PETKIM and built an oil refinery called STAR. An Azerbaijani media company with close ties to Aliyev also launched a news channel, Haber Global, in Turkey in 2018.

Arastun Orujlu, a former Azerbaijani intelligence officer, said Aliyev also changed course in his foreign policy.

“The West in time has distanced from Azerbaijan due to its repressive domestic policies,” Orujlu said. “He had to make a course correction in 2015. Aliyev has been balancing Russia with the Western support. He is now in need of Turkey to do so.”

Turkish officials say by the time clashes erupted between Azerbaijan and Armenia last July, the preparations for an annual joint military drill with Baku were already underway.

“We have already had F-16s deployed in the country and then there was a ground military drill with tanks and everything else,” the official added.

A second Turkish official said the presidential elections in the United States had created fertile ground for Ankara to craft a plan for Baku to capture the territories. While Washington and the rest of the world were distracted by the elections, Azerbaijan suddenly had enough time and space to make its move.

“We have offered to sell them armed drones since last year. But our Azerbaijani counterparts refused to purchase them,” said a third Turkish official.

“They had considerations with the Western powers and it could be even about Israel. They didn’t want to damage their relations. But now they were in need, almost forced to get our help by the circumstances.”

Turkey had many perks to offer: A batch of seasoned armed drones that could destroy the heavily fortified battlefront; a strategy shaped by experienced senior commanders who had fought in Syria and Libya; advanced weaponry such as precision-guided missiles; and Syrian mercenaries that added to the boots on the ground.

For everyone in Ankara, it was almost natural for Turkey to do something for Azerbaijan. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Turkey had always wished to expand its role in the Caucasus and Central Asia, where a number of Turkic republics emerged. 

Asirov, the journalist, said Turkey has been excluded from the Caucasus since Ottoman times.

“Turkey has always been part of the Minsk Group, but Russia and Armenia have always blocked Turkey from getting any meaningful role,” Bryza, the former ambassador, said. “Turkey has long aspired to have [access] to Azerbaijan and all the way to the Caspian Sea.”

Caught between Russia and Turkey, Armenians say West has abandoned them

Read More »

There were some obstacles before Turkey as well.

Turkish officials had strong suspicions about Russian influence in Azerbaijan and its army, with which Moscow has had long-standing deep ties, according to several Azerbaijani experts.

They suspect pro-Russian factions in Azerbaijan’s army passed information to Armenia ahead of the July attack on the Ganja Gap, including intelligence on the exact location of high-ranking Azerbaijani military officers.

“The war in 2016 also indicated that there was a pro-Russian faction within the Azerbaijan army,” said Ibadoghlu. “Russian influence is high in the judiciary, military and the police.”

Necmettin Sadikov, chief of general staff of the Azerbaijani armed forces, is considered among the pro-Russian ranks. 

Suspicions that Armenia received intelligence from Russia have been made public. An article on the website of a think-tank led by Erdogan’s close military advisor Adnan Tanriverdi in October accused Sadikov of leaking the location of the Azerbaijani officers in the Ganja Gap.

Since last summer, Sadikov, who had been the top Azerbaijani commander for 27 years, has disappeared from sight, and rumours suggest he was informally dismissed from his role.

Ibadoghlu said another high-ranking official, Baylar Eyyubov, chief of the security service for the president, has also disappeared. Several reports allege that he was previously accused of helping some members of the PKK, the Kurdish separatists who have waged a deadly decades-long war against Turkey.

Once the operation started against Armenia on 27 September, the Turkey-backed Azerbaijan army slowly progressed from the south and made concrete gains. However, the pace wasn’t particularly satisfactory for officials in Ankara, where many questioned the training and the reliability of the Azerbaijani army.

Another concern for Turkey was Russia. It was an open secret that Turkey’s leadership knew Russian resistance against Azerbaijan’s operation could put a stop to the entire offensive.

In October, a Turkish delegation visited Moscow and realised that Russian President Vladimir Putin had no quarrels with Turkey’s aims. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov described Shusha as an “Azerbaijani city”, and only conveyed criticism over the deployment of Syrian mercenaries, according to the Turkish officials.

As the Azerbaijani army neared Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh known as Khankendi in Azerbaijan, Armenia agreed a ceasefire brokered by Russia and supported by Turkey.

EXCLUSIVE: Azerbaijan, Armenia ‘near ceasefire deal’ on Nagorno-Karabakh

Read More »

“We weren’t part of the negotiations as the deal was getting drafted, but we were consulted,” said the first Turkish official.

One of the 10 November deal’s conditions was the opening of a road between Nakhcivan, an Azerbaijani enclave, and Azerbaijan proper, going through Armenia and creating a direct transportation link between Ankara and Baku.

“Everyone thinks this is a strategic victory for Turkey, as if we wanted it,” said the first Turkish official. “We didn’t even know anything about it until we saw the final version of the deal. Yet, we are happy about it.”

However, there was another condition which sparked a huge controversy in Azerbaijan, which was the deployment of Russian forces to Nagorno-Karabakh as a peacekeeping force.

“There has never been a Russian force in Azerbaijan since the fall of the Soviet Union,” said Orujlu. “They aren’t just a ceasefire mission. They have heavy weaponry, they are building permanent military bases that have drones and everything. Russian influence in the region and Azerbaijan will be directly felt.”

Ibadoghlu, the Azerbaijani politician, said the so-called Nakhcivan corridor would also serve Russian interests. “Moscow is trying to have direct access to Iran, as they are trying to extend their influence towards the south,” he said.

Many of Turkey’s Nato allies blame Ankara for facilitating a victory for Russia, which didn’t even fire a bullet. There is near consensus in Azerbaijan that a permanent Turkish military presence in the country near Nagrono-Karabakh is needed to balance the increasing Russian influence.

‘This is a huge geopolitical shift in Turkey’s favour and I would argue in Nato’s favour’

– Matthew Bryza, former US ambassador

Ankara seems unphased by Russia’s presence in the region. Turkey and Russia reached a deal to establish a joint ceasefire observation centre near the Karabakh border earlier this month, but the terms of the deal have been kept secret. “It is only a regular ceasefire observation mission, nothing more,” said the first Turkish official.

Even though it might have helped Russia gain a foothold in Azerbaijan, many in Turkey and in the West believe that the conflict cemented Turkey’s power and role in the region.

“This is a huge geopolitical shift in Turkey’s favour and I would argue in Nato’s favour,” Bryza, the former US ambassador, said. “Turkey’s involvement in the Caucasus politically and militarily is a good thing, and I would argue that it is unequivocally good thing for Nato.”

Orujlu agrees. “Turkey has given an example to the neighbouring Turkic countries that it was reliable and effective,” he said.

“Azerbaijan’s people would like to see Turkish soldiers on their soil. This could become a gateway for Turkey to Central Asia.”

Armenia To Receive Humanitarian Aid From Greece Tomorrow

Greek City Times
Dec 11 2020
by Paul Antonopoulos

Aid will be delivered to Armenia tomorrow after a request by Armenian Organizations in Greece.

The International Development Cooperation Service of Greece’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as part of its humanitarian mission, will deliver the aid to Armenia.

Specifically, the Armenian Relief Society, Armenian Blue Cross and Cross of Mercy Macedonia-Thrace, with assistance from the Embassy of Armenia in Athens, gathered humanitarian aid for victims of Azerbaijan’s invasion of Artsakh.

Armenians pack their belongings while leaving their house in Kalbajar. ALEXANDER NEMENOV/AFP via Getty Images

With cooperation from the Ministry of National Defense, which provided a transport aircraft, the delivery is scheduled to be transported to Armenia tomorrow.

The humanitarian aid includes medical supplies and food for the victims and refugees of Azerbaijan’s invasion of Artsakh.

Armenian refugees.

The aid was supplied by Greeks and Armenian-Greeks.

The actions are coordinated by the General Director of the International Development Cooperation Service, Mr. G. Larissis.

He will deliver the sent aid to representatives of the Armenian Ministry of Emergency Situations and the branch of the Armenian Relief Society in Armenia.

This action is representative of the support and solidarity Greeks have for Armenians.

Last month, Thessaloniki also did not hesitate to offer a helping hand to Armenians, with dozens of boxes of medical-pharmaceutical materials gathered and delivered to the Armenian community of Thessaloniki to be shipped to Armenia.

This was announced last month when the Armenian flag was raised in front of the city hall of Alexandroupolis in the presence of the Armenian Community of the northern Greek city, Mayor Ioannis Zampoukis, and President of the Municipal Council, Dimitris Kolios.



Iran not a fan of Erdogan’s ‘ill-recited’ Karabakh poem

Free Malaysia Today
Dec 11 2020

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan speaks at a joint news conference with Azerbaijan in Baku yesterday. (AP pic)

TEHRAN: Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif on Friday slammed Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan for an “ill-recited” poem, seen as implying Iran’s northwestern provinces were part of Azerbaijan.

Erdogan spoke in Azerbaijan’s capital Baku on Thursday during celebrations marking Azerbaijan’s military triumph over Armenia, in six weeks of fighting over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.

“Pres. Erdogan was not informed that what he ill-recited in Baku refers to the forcible separation of areas north of Aras from Iranian motherland,” Zarif wrote on Twitter.

Iran is home to a large Azeri community, mainly in the northwest in provinces next to Azerbaijan and Armenia, with the Aras River as a border.

“Didn’t he realise he was undermining the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan?” Zarif added.

“NO ONE can talk about OUR beloved Azerbaijan.”

According to Iran’s Isna news agency, the poem recited is “one of the separatist symbols of pan-Turkism”.

It said the verses point to Aras and “complains of the distance between Azeri-speaking people on the two sides of the river”.

Iran’s foreign ministry said it had summoned Turkey’s ambassador in Tehran over Erdogan’s “interventionist and unacceptable remarks”, and demanded an “immediate explanation”.

The envoy was told that “the era of territorial claims and warmongering and expansionist empires has passed”, according to an official statement.

It added that Iran “does not allow anyone to interfere in its territorial integrity”.

Lessons from the Nagorno-Karabakh deal

Reaction
Dec 11 2020

The agreement chiselled out between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the long-disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region adds some valuable lessons to the international diplomacy playbook. Armenia’s political woes are a timely reminder of the perils of overplaying your hand militarily when your national institutions have been eroded by deep-rooted corruption and poor governance. Europe should take note and learn from the Armenian government’s mistakes.

There is no doubt that the outcome of the agreement brokered by Russia is a poor one for Armenia as it represents a defeat which its people are likely to remain resentful about for generations to come. However, there is also little question that the Armenian leadership must bear a great degree of responsibility for the nature of this outcome, which was far from inevitable.

Over the course of the past three decades, the Armenian government in Yerevan made several significant strategic and diplomatic mistakes which have led to this military defeat. As such, it is simplistic and unhelpful to blame the plight of the Armenian people on Azerbaijan.

The truth is that their government has played its hand poorly on their behalf. It is now incumbent upon the Armenian leadership to accept responsibility for the circumstances in which the country finds itself, and behaves in a way that will advance the long-term interests of its people.

Since the Armenian army seized the enclave at the end of the first Nagorno-Karabakh war in the early 1990s, the Armenian leadership has consistently failed to effectively leverage its position of strength to ensure long-term stability in the region. This has been most palpable in its conduct within the Minsk Group created by the OSCE, co-chaired by France, Russia and the United States.

The Armenian government grew complacent about the status of the occupied territories, underestimating the degree to which Azerbaijan expected sincere compromise. In a series of summits, including in Madrid in 2007 and again in Kazan, Russia, in 2011, it was stipulated that a number of occupied territories adjacent to Nagorno-Karabakh would gradually be returned to Azerbaijan. Obstinacy prevailed however as the Armenian position radicalised, further entrenching the Azeris’ desire for revenge.

Eventually, as has been evident in recent years, the positions of both sides solidified and seemed devoted only to maintaining this precarious status quo. In Yerevan the concept of compromise eventually dissolved entirely. Any mention of concessions became synonymous with both the surrender of national identity and – given the stakes had been needlessly raised – the possibility of incurring an existential threat.

Radical rhetoric became the name of the game on both sides. It was naïve at best and dangerous at worst for Yerevan to expect that Baku would eventually back down. The Armenian side in particular was guilty of indulging in a romantic fantasy of invincibility, buoyed by its successes in the fighting between 1988 and 1994.

The leadership in Yerevan’s greatest and most damaging complacency however resided in its misplaced faith in Moscow. Granted, the two countries shared an old friendship, and are bound by the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) defence pact of 2002, a military alliance of six former Soviet states. Moscow’s allegiance also appears to be on display in the shape of a military base in Gumri that stations 3,000 Russian troops.

However, the CSTO pact does not apply to the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The Armenian government proved willing to believe its own bravado in comfortably assuming that Russia would come to its aid when push came to shove. The short conflict of April 2016 should have been a wake-up call for Armenia. It provided ample evidence of both Azerbaijan’s technological superiority and Russia’s reluctance to back them to the hilt.

The Armenian leadership chronically overestimated its own strength and underestimated that of its adversary. Throughout this time, its political institutions were being gnawed away by corruption and poor governance. The leadership drummed up support for the Nagorno-Karabakh cause to distract attention from this fact, all the while propagandising the strength of its position to its population.

Henry Kissinger once remarked that the bargaining position of the victor always diminishes with time. Yerevan should have settled the long-term status of Nagorno-Karabakh from its position of strength. Instead, the Armenian leadership failed to push ahead with domestic reforms and overstretched its military. Armenia now finds itself in the worst of all possible scenarios.

The international community must now ensure that Azerbaijan lives up to its side of the agreement. Crucially, Armenian human rights must be upheld, and their cultural sites respected. But Yerevan must also be held to the highest of standards. The Armenian government has routinely failed its people. We must not allow Yerevan to exploit the sympathies of the wider world to the detriment of its population.

Franco Frattini is a former Foreign Minister of Italy (2002-2004 and 2008-2011) and European Commissioner (2004-2008).

Turkey hails Azerbaijan for ‘beating’ Armenia

Manila Times, Philippines
Dec 12 2020
 
 
 
 
By Agence France-Presse
 
BAKU: Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said on a visit to this Azerbaijan capital that its struggle with Armenia was not over, as he hailed his close ally’s “glorious victory” in a bloody conflict with Yerevan.
 
Erdogan arrived in Baku to attend nationwide celebrations marking Azerbaijan’s military triumph over Armenia in six weeks of fighting over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.
 
Turkey backed Azerbaijan during a conflict that erupted in late September and left more than 5,000 people dead.
 
Azerbaijan’s win against Armenian separatists in Karabakh last month was an important geopolitical coup for Erdogan who has cemented Turkey’s leading role as a powerbroker in the ex-Soviet Caucasus region the Kremlin considers its sphere of influence.
 
In Baku, Azerbaijan’s army paraded military hardware and weapons seized from Armenia, and Turkish drones were also on full display. Hailing the parade, Turkish television announced that Turkish drones “turned the tide” of the Karabakh war.
 
“We are here today to…celebrate this glorious victory,” Erdogan said during the parade, the culmination of festivities marking Azerbaijan’s victory.
 
“Azerbaijan’s saving its lands from occupation does not mean that the struggle is over,” he added.
 
“The struggle carried out in the political and military areas will continue from now on many other fronts.”
 
 
National anthems of Azerbaijan and Turkey were performed ahead of the military display that was reviewed by Erdogan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev.
 
Erdogan’s attendance “shows to the whole world the unbreakable friendship of the Azerbaijani and Turkish peoples,” Aliyev said, adding that Erdogan’s support “from the first days of armed actions emboldened the Azerbaijani people.”
 
“Armenia was brought to its knees and capitulated,” he said.
 
More than 3,000 troops took part in the parade, which was also attended by 2,783 Turkish military personnel — symbolically matching the number of Azerbaijani servicemen killed in clashes. A Turkish commando unit was also in attendance.
 
None wore masks against the coronavirus despite Azerbaijan facing a dramatic spike in new daily cases that followed the outbreak of hostilities.
 
 
 
 

Armenia – France charters third humanitarian relief plane (11 December 2020)

France Diplomatie
Dec 11 2020
  • An aircraft chartered by France took off for Yerevan today from Charles De Gaulle airport; it is carrying humanitarian supplies (wheelchairs, stretchers, walkers, medical equipment, masks, medicines, care kits, clothing) collected by the Aznavour Foundation, which will oversee their distribution, as well as school supplies from UNICEF and supplies donated to the Aznavour Foundation by the Véolia Foundation (hygiene kits and quilts).

    Following on the flight on November 22, which carried medical aid donated by France to Armenian hospitals, and the one on November 27, which delivered donations collected by the Aznavour Foundation, humanitarian cargo from the UNHCR and UNICEF, and supplies from the NGO Electriciens sans Frontières (Electricians Without Borders) and the Véolia Foundation, this third humanitarian relief flight coordinated by the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs’ Crisis and Support Center illustrates France’s solidarity with Armenia and its people affected by the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.



Human Rights Watch: Azerbaijan: Unlawful Strikes in Nagorno-Karabakh

Human Rights Watch
Dec 11 2020

Investigate Alleged Indiscriminate Attacks, Use of Explosive Weapons

On September 27, Azerbaijan began air and ground attacks across Nagorno-Karabakh, an escalation in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia and the local authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh. Fighting continued until November 10, when Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia concluded an agreement to end the hostilities.

Click to expand Image

A remnant of an Azerbaijani Smerch artillery rocket that struck and damaged the newly renovated maternity ward of the Republican Hospital on October 28. © 2020 Dmitri Belyakov for Human Rights Watch

From September 27 through October 28, Azerbaijani forces conducted strikes on Stepanakert, at times using cluster munitions and Smerch and Grad rockets, which are not capable of precision targeting. Azerbaijani forces attacked Armenian and Nagorno-Karabakh forces based in or around Stepanakert, including at two military bases, one of which is believed to be the headquarters for the local defense forces. Several structures were also military objectives, subject to attack. However, Human Rights Watch found that in the attacks investigated, Armenian and local forces were not deployed nor had set up any significant defensive systems or other weaponry in the city.

By early October, most of the over 50,000 residents had fled the city, many to Goris and Yerevan in Armenia. Some civilians remained in Stepanakert, including older people and servicemen’s families. Since the fighting ended, tens of thousands have reportedly returned.

Human Rights Watch visited Nagorno-Karabakh in October and November and spoke to 19 civilian residents of Stepanakert, two officials from the local authorities, a nongovernmental organization worker, and four other residents who had fled to Armenia but who were present during the fighting. Human Rights Watch also acquired and analyzed satellite images taken between September 27 and late October that corroborate accounts, photographs, and videos of repeated Azerbaijani air and ground attacks in Stepanakert, including scores of damaged structures and impact sites. Human Rights Watch was able to examine a small number of the attack sites in Stepanakert.

Human Rights Watch found that, in addition to the attacks on military targets, Azerbaijani forces attacked residential areas with inherently indiscriminate weapons and dropped aerial munitions and fired heavy artillery into populated areas that contained no apparent military objectives. Such attacks are indiscriminate, violating the laws of war, because they do not distinguish between civilians and civilian objects and military targets. Warring parties should also refrain from using explosive munitions with wide-area effects in populated areas because they cause both immediate and long-term harm to the civilian population.

Click to expand Image

Satellite image recorded on October 8, 2020 shows an impact crater with a diameter of more than 10 meters along Sasountsi David Street in Stepanakert, only 150 meters north east of the ICRC office building. The strike severely damaged residential buildings located immediately in front of the crater. Satellite image © 2020 Planet Labs Photograph © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Azerbaijani forces repeatedly struck infrastructure with dual use – military and civilian – functions, including the main electricity control center for Nagorno-Karabakh, and the central administrative building of Karabakh Telecom, the territory’s sole telecommunications provider. While dual-use objects are legitimate targets, Human Rights Watch found that Azerbaijani forces attacked them with inherently indiscriminate weapons, such as cluster munitions, or carried out attacks that may have been disproportionate – that is, the anticipated civilian harm caused may have been excessive in relation to the expected military advantage.

Click to expand Image

Damage to the newly renovated maternity ward of the Republican Hospital in Stepanakert from an Azerbaijani Smerch artillery rocket on October 28. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Azerbaijani strikes damaged or destroyed numerous businesses and homes in four neighborhoods visited, two of which had no apparent military target nearby. Also, on October 28, an Azerbaijani artillery rocket strike damaged the newly renovated maternity ward of the Republican Medical Center, which had yet to open; because the maternity ward had moved its operations to the basement, the attack caused no serious injuries.

Azerbaijani officials have denied that their forces carried out indiscriminate attacks in Nagorno-Karabakh. On October 18, Hikmet Hajiyev, a foreign policy adviser to President Ilham Aliyev, told the BBC that attacks in Stepanakert were against military targets and denied engaging in indiscriminate attacks, saying, “We are very accurate in our target selection using precision guided munitions.” He indicated that all civilian casualties occurred during lawful attacks. On November 8, President Aliyev, in an interview with the BBC, dismissed reports of indiscriminate attacks and the use of cluster munitions documented by Human Rights Watch as “fake news.”

The strikes on Stepanakert have taken a toll on civilians and civilian infrastructure. The human rights ombudsman for the Nagorno-Karabakh local authorities reported that from September 27 to November 10, 13 civilians were killed in Stepanakert and another 51 were injured.

In five locations that Human Rights Watch visited, there was visible damage from explosive weapons to natural gas lines, which are above ground. On October 2, the deputy mayor said that natural gas was shut off for “security reasons.” Residents said that without natural gas, they had no reliable heating or hot water.

Azerbaijan forces struck four times the area near School Number 10, which is across the street from the main electrical substation. The attacks seriously damaged dozens of classrooms, the building’s exterior, and the school’s electrical and water supply.

“The Azerbaijani government should investigate and hold accountable those responsible for serious laws-of-war violations,” Fakih said. “Accountability for all violations of the laws of war is absolutely necessary if the region is ever going to move beyond a vicious, decades-long conflict.”

Attacks in Stepanakert: Strikes on Critical Infrastructure, Essential Services

Main Electrical Control Building and Substation

Azerbaijani forces repeatedly attacked the main management and control center for electricity in Nagorno-Karabakh, Artsakh Energo, as well as a substation, with artillery rockets, including those with cluster munition payloads, and air-dropped munitions. Both facilities are in populated areas of Stepanakert, close to a school, businesses, and multi-story apartment buildings.

Electrical power stations that make an effective contribution to military action and whose partial or total destruction, capture, or neutralization, in the circumstances ruling at the time, offers a definite military advantage are legitimate military targets. However, the laws of war prohibit an attack on such a target if the anticipated civilian harm caused would be excessive in relation to the military advantage. The attacking force should also assess whether an attack on other military objectives causing less damage to civilian lives and objects would offer the same military advantage.

Click to expand Image

Satellite image recorded on October 8, 2020 shows at least 10 impact sites over an area of 300 meters radius from the electrical substation in Stepanakert attacked on October 4. Some of these strikes directly hit the main control building the transformers and sub transmission lines in the substation and several affected residential and commercial buildings in the vicinity. Others landed on the courtyard of School Number 10. Satellite image © 2020 Planet Labs

On the night of October 3, Azerbaijani forces attacked the area of the main control building and substation with a LAR-160 series cluster munition rocket. Human Rights Watch observed the remnants of the rocket about 100 meters from the main control building, and scores of the distinctive impacts of the M095 submunitions, the remnants of the pink-colored stabilization ribbons, and submunition fragments mostly along the street adjacent to the building and substation.

Numerous buildings, private businesses, and markets had varying degrees of damage. While the main control building and substation appear to have been the targets, Human Rights Watch research did not identify any other possible military objectives in the area at the time of the attack.

Click to expand Image

Artsakh Energo’s main building after an Azerbaijan attack on October 4, 2020; it controlled distribution of electricity throughout the territory including for military purposes. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

On October 4, around midday, Azerbaijani forces struck both the main control building and the substation, damaging both. The first attack struck the main building, disabling the control center, causing service interruptions, and killing two civilian employees, including the head of control and distribution operations. Another attack, which was part of a series of over a half dozen strikes on the area shortly thereafter, around 1 p.m., damaged the substation.

Click to expand Image

Artsakh Energo’s electrical substation, part of the electricity distribution system for the territory including for military purposes, after an attack by Azerbaijan on October 4, 2020, which disabled the facility. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Human Rights Watch visited the site, reviewed satellite imagery of the area before and after the attack, and analyzed photographs and videos taken there. The damage observed is consistent with the damage signatures detected from satellite imagery.

Satellite imagery recorded on October 8 shows at least 10 impact sites within a radius of approximately 300 meters from the substation. A burn scar is also visible along the edge of the substation leading into the center of the transformer units. 

Human Rights Watch visited seven of these impact sites. One was on the main control building; four were on the periphery of an elementary school. A cluster munition rocket also struck a store nearby and scores of submunitions damaged adjacent residences, businesses, and numerous vehicles.

Human Rights Watch reviewed and verified three videos taken at the time of the 1 p.m. attack. Human Rights Watch located three videos on Twitter and Telegram and contacted the videographers who provided longer and higher-resolution versions. In one, taken by Artsakh Public TV on October 4 about 100 meters from the substation and main control building, at least eight detonations can be seen or heard, including on the substation, and residential buildings.

In all three videos, the sound of jet aircraft flying can be heard and two of the videos filmed from different locations show a munition falling toward the substation at an 80- to 90-degree angle. The angle of attack as well as the presence of aircraft overhead at the time are consistent with the munition being air-dropped. The strike at 1 p.m. was among over a half-dozen on the area around the substation in the span of just under a minute, some of which landed over 400 meters away.  

Civilians remaining in Stepanakert and two municipal employees described electricity outages across the city following the attacks. One employee said in mid-October that electricity was available in some areas of Stepanakert and that they were routing it to bunkers and basements where people were sheltering. Repair work, he said, was hampered by ongoing attacks. No figures about the total damage were available, and he expressed concern about providing electricity during the winter months.

Following the negotiated cessation of hostilities on November 25, Hunan Tadevosyan, spokesperson for Nagorno-Karabakh’s Rescue Services, told Human Rights Watch that electricity was still limited in Stepanakert and that repair work was ongoing.

The attacks on both the main control building and the substation may have caused disproportionate civilian harm compared with the immediate military advantage. However, the use of inherently indiscriminate cluster munitions in a residential area, causing harm to civilian objects, violates laws-of-war prohibitions against indiscriminate attacks.

Communications Network

Karabakh Telecom is a privately held business that provides cellular communications, including voice, text, and mobile internet services, to Nagorno-Karabakh. On October 2, the local Nagorno-Karabakh authorities took control of Karabakh Telecom, citing the security situation and the need to maintain interference-free communication throughout the territory, including to its armed force.

Telecommunications networks used by armed forces and armed groups are military objectives subject to attack.

On October 4, Azerbaijani forces attacked the immediate area of Karabakh Telecom’s head office in Stepanakert, which includes a large communication tower, with multiple LAR-160 series rockets that dispersed hundreds of M095 submunitions.

Human Rights Watch visited Karabakh Telecom’s headquarters in mid-October and identified a cluster munition rocket used to attack and damage the main building. Submunitions impacts were also observed in the vicinity. The submunitions damaged three large apartment complexes and numerous homes and businesses, punching holes in roofs, shattering windows, damaging and destroying several vehicles, including those owned by Karabakh Telecom, and causing localized electricity and water outages in buildings struck by submunitions.

Following the attack, residents in mid-October described significant difficulties accessing telecommunications networks. Family members, particularly those displaced to Armenia, described difficulty reaching and communicating with their relatives still in Nagorno-Karabakh. During the Human Rights Watch visit, mobile internet was not available.

By providing communications services to the local military, Karabakh Telecom was a legitimate military objective. Having its headquarters in a deeply populated neighborhood put civilians unnecessarily at risk. The importance of communications for health and well-being of the civilian population may have made the attack disproportionate. And the use of cluster munitions in a residential setting was unlawfully indiscriminate.

Indiscriminate Attacks; Use of Explosive Weapons with Wide-Area Effects

During the on-site investigations, Human Rights Watch documented the use of explosive weapons with wide-area effects in six areas of Stepanakert, damaging and destroying homes, businesses, hospitals, schools, and the local water supply, and significantly harming critical infrastructure to deliver electricity and natural gas and the telecoms network.

Explosive weapons with wide-area effects may have a large destructive radius, be inherently inaccurate, or deliver multiple munitions at the same time, causing high civilian loss if used in populated areas. Often a single weapon will fall into two of these categories. 

They include air-delivered weapons, some rockets, and large-caliber artillery. Several types of weapons and weapon delivery systems, both manufactured and improvised, are inherently difficult to use in populated areas without a substantial risk of indiscriminate attack. Weapons such as mortars, artillery, and rockets, such as Grad rockets, when firing unguided munitions, are fundamentally inaccurate systems. In some cases, armed forces can compensate by observing impacts and making adjustments, but the initial impacts and the relatively large area over which these weapons could strike regardless of adjustments make them unsuitable for use in populated areas.

Their use kills and injures civilians at the time of attack, either directly, due to the weapons’ blast and fragmentation, or indirectly, as a result of fires, flying debris, or collapsing buildings. When used in cities and towns, these weapons also cause longer-term, reverberating effects because they damage infrastructure, which in turn interferes with basic services, such as health care or education. The wide-area effects of certain explosive weapons greatly exacerbate this harm to civilians.

Impact on Schools

Explosive weapons damaged at least two schools in Stepanakert.

Click to expand Image

Stepanakert’s School Number 10, across the street from the main electrical substation, sustained seriously damage from Azerbaijani attacks on the substation during renewed hostilities. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

The damage to school number 10 occurred when Azerbaijani forces repeatedly fired explosive weapons with wide-area effects at the main electrical substation across the street, and 200 meters from Artsakh Energo’s main control building.  

Click to expand Image

An impact crater from an attack by Azerbaijan which landed about 40 meters from the front of Stepanakert’s School Number 10. The blast overpressure broke windows and damage dozens of classrooms. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Stepan Khachatryan, 57, the deputy head of School Number 10, said that the school had 1,300 students, ages 5 to 16, and about 100 teachers and 40 other employees. The school closed after hostilities broke out. Khachatryan said that starting on September 27 he and other staff, including a security guard, went to the school every day to keep watch. After strikes hit the school’s field in the first week of fighting he told the staff not to return.

Between September 27 and October 8, Azerbaijani forces fired two munitions that struck the field on the northern side of the school. During a visit on October 12, Human Rights Watch identified an unexploded Grad rocket in the ground on the northeastern end of the field. On the southwestern edge, there was blast damage from an explosive weapon and remnants of a rocket with a diameter of 300 millimeters, consistent with that of a Russian-made Smerch rocket.

Click to expand Image

A hallway inside Stepanakert’s School Number 10, which was repeatedly damaged by explosive weapons with wide-area effects used by Azerbaijan forces during hostilities. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Human Rights Watch analyzed a satellite image of the school and its vicinity taken on October 8. It shows damage to a wall in the soccer field, and an expended rocket motor is visible.

Due to the fundamental inaccuracy of the artillery rockets used in the attacks in an area with a high concentration of civilian objects, the strikes may constitute an indiscriminate attack.

Click to expand Image

A classroom inside Stepanakert’s School Number 10, which was sustained damage caused by explosive weapons with wide-area effects fired by Azerbaijan during hostilities. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

On a subsequent day, Azerbaijani forces fired two munitions that struck the school grounds, causing significant damage. Khachatryan said that the first landed in the front of the school, blowing out the front-facing windows and doors. Human Rights Watch on October 12 observed a crater several meters wide and deep in the front of the school and significant blast damage to the front of the school, including scores of broken windows, tables, chairs, and other school equipment in numerous classrooms.

Click to expand Image

A Grad rocket that landed in Stepanakert School Number 10’s football field. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Khachatryan said the second munition landed in the northern courtyard, a few meters from the cafeteria. Human Rights Watch observed a crater several meters wide and deep, damage to dozens of classrooms, external damage to the building, a cut to the main electrical line, and damage to the water system. The explosion left much debris inside the school and as of October 12 it had no power, running water, or natural gas.

Narine Khachaturyan, was staying in her parents’ apartment, which faces the school, during the October 4 attack between 8 and 9 p.m. Khachaturyan had moved there with her two daughters, ages 25 and 10, after being displaced by fighting from her home in Martuni, near the front line. She said:

I was in the kitchen with the groceries on the table in from of me, and suddenly, there was this roar, and glass flying everywhere, so I quickly turned off the gas and rushed downstairs and back into the basement. I was very frightened and left with the children the next day without going up even once, not even to take any belongings.

Khachaturyan said that as they were leaving they could see that the school was badly damaged.

Click to expand Image

Satellite image recorded on October 8, 2020 shows at least three impact sites in the schoolyard and football pitch of School Number 10. The impact crater 50 meters from the school, adjacent to Strarovoytova street, has a diameter of several meters. Damage to the interior western part of the school is also visible on satellite imagery as a result of a strike that landed less than 4 meters away.  A Grad rocket motor is also visible in the satellite image 30 meters north of the school. Satellite image © 2020 Planet Labs. Photograph © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Human Rights Watch analyzed a satellite image of the school and its vicinity taken on October 8. The image shows damage on the interior western part of the school and another impact site in front of the school, about 50 meters from the electrical substation.

Human Rights Watch was not able to identify the specific munition used, but both had a wide-area effect due to the large destructive radius of the munitions.

Witnesses said that on October 6 and 7, repeated attacks with explosive weapons apparently on a military compound used by local authorities damaged windows at School Number 12. Human Rights Watch on October 12 observed several damaged windows on the second floor. One school employee said that nearby blasts, which damaged a multi-story building inside the military compound, shattered about 40 windows in the school.

Impact on Hospitals

At least two hospitals were damaged by strikes during the October fighting.

On October 28, at least one artillery rocket launched by Azerbaijani forces struck the Republican Medical Center, one of the main hospitals in Stepanakert. The newly renovated maternity ward had the most significant damage. Human Rights Watch visited the site on November 23, reviewed 12 photographs and two videos posted on Twitter, Telegram, and news websites, and spoke to three witnesses. The photographs and videos show four stories of windows blown out on a stairwell of the northern side of the maternity ward. Human Rights Watch also located the remnant of a Smerch artillery rocket on the first-floor ledge of the ward.

Artur Marutyan, deputy-head of the maternity ward, said that because of the constant shelling in the city, they moved their operations into the basement in early October. He described the attack:

We were busy working and suddenly, everything is shaking, and it’s all dust and smoke. We couldn’t see one another even half-a-meter away. Just before it happened, our technician went to get an oxygen tank and the [blast] wave threw him all the way down the hall.

He said that although the munition directly hit the facility, because it hit the upper floors they were able to clean up and continue working.

Grigori Arustamyan, head of the emergency ward, who was on the ground floor, said:

Around 1 or 2 p.m. we heard a very loud explosion. The windows and window frames blew out and pieces of ceiling fell down. I was on the first floor in the emergency ward when it happened. We could hear several explosions, but others were remotely heard, while this one was very close, a direct hit on the maternity ward. People and staff got very scared, as the smoke even filled the bunkers.

Aida Marutyan, 50, head nurse of the emergency ward, said that “When the explosion happened the nurses in the dialysis unit, which is closer to the maternity ward, were thrown against the wall – suffered bruises and small cuts of shattered glass.”

Staff members said that dozens of patients and staff were at the hospital during the attack, including pregnant women, women with bleeding and other gynecological issues, civilians with light wounds, and soldiers in the emergency ward. The presence of injured soldiers in a hospital does not change its protected nature.

The hospital does not normally have any identifying markings on its roof, such as a red cross, Arustamyan said, and did not have one at the time of that attack.

Satellite imagery analysis corroborates the location and the timing of the attack, between October 28 to 29. Satellite imagery recorded on October 28 at 11:22 a.m., shows no signs of damage over the hospital complex but an image recorded the next day shows several impact sites near the main hospital and the maternity ward.

The use of an unguided artillery rocket in a populated area is inherently indiscriminate.

Three witnesses at the Health Center for Women and Children, which the new ward in Republican Hospital was to replace, said that it was struck during an attack in October. Human Rights Watch visited the site and observed an impact crater and shattered glass.

Impact on Residences

On October 4, a large explosive weapon from an Azerbaijani attack at about 1 p.m., struck the middle of Sasountsi David Street, in a residential neighborhood about 120 meters from the International Committee of the Red Cross offices, and over 400 meters from Artsakh Energo’s main control building. It created a crater more than 10 meters in diameter with damage patterns consistent with that of an air-delivered munition using a delayed fuze. Human Rights Watch was not able to determine whether the munition was guided or unguided. The strike was one of a series that damaged Stepanakert’s electrical substation along with area residences and businesses. Since many of the strikes that occurred in less than a minute were near multiple civilian residences, and not a military target, it suggests that the attack may have constituted bombardment violating the laws of war.  

Human Rights Watch analyzed satellite imagery, reviewed and verified photographs and videos of the incident, and spoke to witnesses.

In three videos taken at the time of the attack, including one from approximately 220 meters away, the sound of jet aircraft can be heard as eight explosions are heard or seen. No soldiers or military equipment are visible in any of the videos or photographs of the attack.

Both the size of the crater and the presence of aircraft overhead are consistent with the use of air-delivered munitions.

Human Rights Watch visited the site on October 11 and saw one destroyed building and damage to several nearby multi-story apartment buildings and businesses, as well as to the water and natural gas lines.

Mirzoyan Arleta, 69, who was in a basement about 15 meters away from the strike site, said that dust and other debris filled the room. “We were covered by debris,” she said. “We are so lucky that we were not outside. We went outside after that and saw that all around us the windows were broken and so dirty.” She said that around the time of the attack she did not see any soldiers or other military equipment in the vicinity.

Human Rights Watch is unaware of any military target in the vicinity besides the Artsakh Energo control building and substation, which was over 400 meters away, making this attack apparently indiscriminate.

On October 4, Azerbaijani forces damaged a five-story apartment building with a furniture shop on the ground floor, over 120 meters from Stepanakert’s main electrical substation.

Human Rights Watch visited the site on October 12 and observed significant damage to the southern edge of the building, including the destruction of several garages behind it and nearby vehicles. Human Rights Watch also observed scores of broken windows and damage on the east-facing portion of the building.

Nvard Aleksanyan, who lives in the building, said that the area was attacked multiple times since September 27 and that her building was hit on October 4. She said that she had been making coffee before the attack and managed to rush down to the basement.

One high resolution video, among the three taken at the time of the attack on the electrical control building and substation, taken from a hotel east of the building shows a munition falling at an 80- to- 90-degree angle before striking the southwest corner. The angle of attack and sound of jet aircraft are consistent with an air-delivered munition. 

A satellite image recorded on October 8 shows significant damage to the southern edge of the building and severe damage to 10 structures south and west of the building, consistent with the photographs and videos Human Rights Watch reviewed. A video taken shortly after the attack did not show any soldiers or military equipment. The strikes, which hit multiple residences in the span of less than a minute, may have amounted to bombardment.  

In another residential area, Human Rights Watch observed apartment buildings with substantial damage from explosive weapons that struck directly or from fragments or debris.

Click to expand Image

Residential buildings in Stepanakert destroyed in an attack by Azerbaijan during hostilities. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Eva, who asked that her real name not be used, said that she was in her home at night on either October 7 or 8 when an Azerbaijani attack struck a building across the street. She described two large explosions and a blast that propelled large stones dozens of meters, some of which damaged her home. She said that at the time, everyone was hiding in bunkers except for one man who had minor leg injuries. Eva said that after the attack, there was no electricity until workers repaired the electrical lines on October 11.

Human Rights Watch reviewed photographs posted online on the morning of October 8 that matched the location and damage from the site visit. Satellite imagery taken on October 8 at 2:25 p.m., shows several residential buildings damaged during the attack and debris along the street and a cross street.

The closest military target that Human Rights Watch could identify was a military base over 500 meters way. In the absence of a valid military objective, this attack appeared to be indiscriminate.  

Relevant International Humanitarian Law Standards

International humanitarian law, or the laws of war, applicable to the international armed conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, prohibits deliberate attacks on civilians or attacks that are indiscriminate or cause disproportionate harm to civilians and civilian objects. Warring parties must take all feasible precautions to avoid or minimize civilian harm, including not deploying in densely populated areas.

Indiscriminate attacks strike military objectives and civilians or civilian objects without distinction. These include attacks that are not directed at a specific military objective or that use weapons that cannot be so directed. Prohibited indiscriminate attacks include area bombardment – attacks by artillery or other means that treat as a single military objective a number of clearly separated and distinct military objectives in an area containing a concentration of civilians and civilian objects. 

Military commanders must choose a means of attack that can be directed at military targets and will minimize incidental harm to civilians. If the weapons used are so inaccurate that they cannot be directed at military targets without a substantial risk of civilian harm, they should not be deployed. 

While there is no general prohibition against using explosive weapons in populated areas, the use of weapons that are inherently indiscriminate, such as cluster munitions or unguided rockets, may invariably cause indiscriminate harm to civilians and civilian objects. Warring parties should avoid using explosive weapons with wide-area effects in populated areas due to the foreseeable civilian harm they cause, both at the time of attack and in the future.

Serious violations of the laws of war by individuals with criminal intent – deliberately or recklessly – are war crimes. Governments have a duty to investigate allegations of war crimes by members of their armed forces or forces on their territory and to fairly prosecute those found responsible.

Countries are in the process of negotiating a political declaration that would commit them to refrain from using explosive weapons with wide-area effects in populated areas. Azerbaijan and Armenia should endorse such a political declaration.

The 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions comprehensively prohibits cluster munitions and requires their clearance as well as assistance to victims. Cluster munitions have been banned because of their widespread indiscriminate effect and long-lasting danger to civilians. Cluster munitions typically explode in the air and send dozens, even hundreds, of small bomblets over an area the size of a football field. Cluster submunitions often fail to explode on initial impact, leaving duds that act like anti-personnel landmines for years and even decades.

Armenia and Azerbaijan are not among the cluster munition treaty’s 110 states parties. Both should take the necessary steps to join the convention without delay, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch: Armenia: Unlawful Rocket, Missile Strikes on Azerbaijan

Human Rights Watch

Dec 11 2020

Investigate Indiscriminate Attacks, Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas


Turkey may open its borders to Armenia, Erdoğan says

Ahval News
Dec 11 2020

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said his country was ready to open its borders with Armenia following the end of the recent conflict in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, state-run Anadolu Agency reported on Thursday.

“We have no grudge against the people of Armenia. The problem is with the Armenian administration. Over 100,000 Armenians live in my country,” Anadolu cited Erdoğan as saying.

The border between Turkey and Armenia has been closed since 1993 amid poor relations between Ankara and Yerevan over issues including Nagorno-Karabakh, which formally lies within Azerbaijan’s borders, but until recently was governed by an Armenian-led administration.

Turkey, a close ally of Azerbaijan, has previously made finding a resolution to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute a prerequisite for normalising relations with Armenia, a landlocked country where border closures with its neighbours have stifled the local economy.

Azerbaijan successfully retook much of Nagorno-Karabakh last month in a military offensive with Turkish support, and formal negotiations over a new political settlement for the region are expected to begin in the coming weeks.

Erdoğan criticised the OSCE Minsk Group, created in 1992 by international powers including France, the United States and Russia, for previously failing to find a solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Anadolu said.

Instead, a new regional bloc should be created, he said, according to Anadolu. “Russia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Iran, Georgia… Armenia could also be included in this platform.”