Category: 2020

Make A Virtual Pilgrimage to Dzidzernagapert

Talar Tumanian

Dzidzernagapert Armenian Genocide Monument was lit in orange and red in commemoration of the Armenian Genocide on Thursday

With the global coronavirus crisis and the guidelines imposed to curtail its spread, Armenians around the world are turning are fining innovative—mostly digital—ways to commemorate of the 105th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide on Friday.

Armenia’s Office of the High Commissioner of Diaspora Affairs is calling on all Armenians around the world to make a virtual pilgrimage to the Dizidzernagapert Armenian Genocide Memorial in Yerevan and collectively commemorate the Armenian Genocide.

“On April 24, we will all have a unique opportunity to collectively make a digital pilgrimage to the Dzidzernagapert Armenian Genocide memorial,” said a statement from the High Commissioner’s office on Thursday.

Beginning at 8 a.m. Armenia time (9 p.m. PST on April 23) on April 24, Armenians from the Diaspora can send a message from abroad to 0037433191500 phone number. On the same day, starting at 10 p.m. (11 a.m. PST) Armenia time the names of the people who sent a message will be projected on the columns of the memorial. A cultural tribute program will incorporate classical and traditional music, which will be broadcast live until dawn.

On April 24, starting at 10 a.m. (11 p.m. PST April 23), the Republic of Armenia President, Prime Minister, Speaker of the National Assembly, and the Catholicos of All Armenians will visit Dzidzernagapert. The Armenian government will lay 105,000 flowers at the eternal flame of the memorial, on behalf of all Armenians. The procession and the ceremony will be available live on the High Commissioner’s Facebook page.

Armenia officially kicked off the 105th anniversary commemorative events at 11 p.m. local time on April 23 when church bells across Armenia tolled for three continuous minutes, and street lights were turned off in Yerevan and other regions. Raphael Patkanian’s famed song, “Come My Nightingale” (Ari im sokhak) played across the country as Armenians directed their collective gaze to the Dzidzernagapert memorial hill, from where a purple light shot up to illuminate the night sky in the nationwide—and collective—commemoration of the Armenian Genocide.

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 04/23/2020

Maghakian Mike 
                                        Thursday, 
Yerevan Disagrees With Russian Criticism
        • Naira Bulghadarian
Armenia -- Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigorian at a news conference in Yerevan, 
March 30, 2020.
Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigorian on Thursday insisted that Russian natural 
gas has never been as cheap for Armenia as was claimed by Russia’s Foreign 
Minister Sergei Lavrov and that Yerevan is right to seek a reduction in its 
current price.
“I agree that during some periods the gas price at the border has been below 
international levels but I cannot share Mr. Lavrov’s view that it was ever two 
or three times lower than the market-based price,” he said in written comments 
to RFE/RL’s Armenian service.
Lavrov dismissed on Tuesday complaints that European Union member states are now 
paying less for Russian gas than Armenia and Belarus because of the collapse in 
international oil prices. He argued that that unlike EU consumers, the two 
ex-Soviet states allied to Russia buy Russian gas at fixed prices that had been 
set well below international market-based levels.
“When the existing price for Armenia and Belarus was two or three times lower 
than the international price this was taken for granted and nobody said that 
it’s politics,” he said, adding that both countries should honor their 
“contractual obligations.”
Grigorian insisted that the Armenian government is not seeking to take advantage 
of the crumbling oil prices that are hitting the Russian economy hard. He 
claimed that Yerevan recently asked the Gazprom giant to cut the price of gas 
delivered to Armenia primarily because the Russians wanted to raise it.
Gazprom raised its wholesale price for Armenia from $150 to $165 per thousand 
cubic meters in January 2019. Nevertheless the cost of gas supplied to Armenian 
households and businesses has remained unchanged since then.
Armenia’s Gazprom-owned gas distribution network has incurred additional losses 
as a result. Last month it asked the Public Services Regulatory Commission 
(PSRC) to allow a roughly 11 percent rise in its retail prices.
Lavrov also said that internal gas prices set by Armenian utility regulators 
make it harder for Gazprom to agree to a deeper discount.
In the context of the gas issue, the Russian minister also criticized ongoing 
criminal investigations into major Russian companies operating in Armenia. He 
singled out the Armenian railway network managed by the Russia Railways (RZD) 
giant.
Grigorian dismissed that criticism, saying that the Armenian authorities cannot 
allow any company to operate “beyond the law.” “On this issue we have a mutual 
understanding with our Russian partners at the highest political level,” he 
added without elaborating.
An Armenian law-enforcement agency raided the Yerevan offices of the network 
called South Caucasus Railway (SRC) and confiscated company documents in August 
2018. The Investigative Committee alleged afterwards that SRC inflated the 
volume of its capital investments by 400 million drams ($830,000).
Both SRC and its Russian operator denied any wrongdoing. Russia’s Deputy 
Transport Minister Vladimir Tokarev said last September that the criminal 
investigation has effectively disrupted RZD’s operations in Armenia.
A spokeswoman for the Investigative Committee said on Thursday it has still not 
charged anyone as part of the continuing probe. Nor have the investigators 
identified any concrete suspects in the case, she said.
Investigators indicted several SRC employees in a separate probe which was 
completed recently. The latter are accused of embezzling a total of 8 million 
drams ($16,600).
In late 2018, law-enforcement authorities also launched a fraud inquiry into 
Gazprom’s Armenian subsidiary. They have not indicted any senior executives of 
the gas operator either.
Armenian Genocide Commemorations Scaled Back Due To Coronavirus
        • Marine Khachatrian
Armenia -- People walk to the Tsitsernakabert memorial in Yerevan during an 
annual commemoration of the 1915 Armenian genocide in Ottoman Turkey, April 24, 
2019.
Citing a coronavirus-related state of emergency, the Armenian government has 
banned people from visiting a hilltop memorial in Yerevan on Friday to mark the 
105th anniversary of the Armenian genocide in Ottoman Turkey.
Huge crowds have for decades marched on April 24 to the Tsitsernakabert memorial 
to some 1.5 million Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire massacred or starved 
to death during the First World War.
The government decided to cancel the annual daylong procession because of the 
coronavirus pandemic which has killed 24 people and infected about 1,500 others 
in Armenia. It said that only the country’s top political and spiritual leaders 
will lay flowers at Tsitsernakabert this time around.
Officials will then place 105,000 flowers around the eternal fire of the 
memorial overlooking the city center. According to Deputy Minister of Education 
and Culture Ara Khzmalian, this will be followed by live performances by 
Armenian artists to be broadcast live on the night from Saturday to Sunday.
Armenia - People visit the Tsitsernakabert memorial in Yerevan to mark the 102nd 
anniversary of the Armenian genocide in Ottoman Turkey, 24Apr2017.
It was also decided that street lights will be switched off and churches across 
the country will toll their bells at 9 p.m. on Thursday. In addition, the 
government urged Armenians to turn the lights off in their homes and to light 
mobile phone flashlights by their windows at the same time.
All roads leading to Tsitsernakabert and entrances to the memorial were already 
blocked by police on Thursday afternoon. They will remain closed until Saturday 
night.
People randomly interviewed on the streets of Yerevan welcomed the authorities’ 
decision to scale back this year’s genocide remembrance ceremonies.
“If there is a danger [of spreading coronavirus] then we must avoid that danger 
because we have had enough casualties and must not suffer more,” said one woman.
Government Expects 2% Drop In Armenia’s GDP
        • Sargis Harutyunyan
Armenia -- A cable car at the empty ski resort of Tsaghkadzor, March 15, 2020.
Armenia’s government on Thursday forecast that the domestic economy will shrink 
by 2 percent this year due to the coronavirus pandemic and announced plans to 
borrow more than $500 million to cushion the impact of the recession.
Speaking at a cabinet meeting in Yerevan, Finance Minister Atom Janjughazian 
argued that the global health crisis has caused a major drop in international 
prices of copper, one of the court’s main exports, shut down the Armenian 
tourism sector and will cut multimillion-dollar remittances from Armenians 
working abroad.
Janjughazian said that this necessitates a revision of the government’s spending 
and revenue targets for year which were based on an economic growth rate of at 
least 4.9 percent projected for this year. He said the 2020 state budget should 
be amended to take account of 150 billion drams ($310 million) in 
coronavirus-related relief measures planned by the government and a shortfall in 
tax revenues which will likely total 170 billion drams.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s cabinet approved corresponding changes in its 
budget proposed by the Ministry of Finance. The changes also have to be approved 
by the Armenian parliament.
Janjughazian estimated that the government needs about 260 billion drams ($540 
million) in “additional financial resources,” presumably foreign loans, in order 
to meet its revised budgetary targets. Armenia’s public debt should therefore 
reach a level equivalent to 60 percent of GDP by the end of this year, he said.
Armenia -- Finance Minister Atom Janjughazian speaks at a cabinet meeting, 
Yerevan, .
According to Janjughazian, the aggregate debt stood at almost $7.3 billion as of 
last month.
The minister did not specify the sources of extra borrowing planned by the 
government.
The authorities in Yerevan can use a $248 million “stand-by arrangement” 
approved by the International Monetary Fund in May 2019. The IMF said at the 
time that the three-year lending program will be launched in case of “unforeseen 
economic shocks.”
In its World Economic Outlook released last week, the IMF forecast a 1.5 percent 
drop in Armenia’s GDP in 2020. It cautioned that this is a “baseline scenario” 
which assumes that the pandemic will fade in the second half of 2020.
The Armenian economy grew by 7.6 percent last year and continued to expand 
robustly in the first two months of this year. However, the situation changed 
dramatically in March as the government put the country under lockdown to fight 
against coronavirus.
The month-long lockdown has involved the temporary closure of most nonessential 
businesses. The government allowed construction companies as well as 
manufacturers of construction materials and cigarettes to resume their work on 
April 13.
Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinian said on Thursday that the government will 
also allow other sectors of the economy to resume work if the spread of the 
virus remains “manageable.” But he gave no time frames for their reopening.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2020 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

Azerbaijani press: News Blaze: Iran’s tentacles scattered around Armenian-occupied Nagorno-Karabakh

Emil Lazarian
ECONOMY 12:52 (UTC+04:00)

It appears that Iran’s tentacles give up their grip in one place and then get a grip elsewhere, reads the article by Nurit Greenger published on News Blaze.

Armenian-Occupied Nagorno-Karabakh is one such area, says the author.

Greenger recalled that last week, Iran Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) attack boats harassed U.S. Navy, Coast Guard vessels in the Persian Gulf.

“Gen. Jack Keane comforted the audience on TV with, “do not worry, our navy has its rules of engagement all worked out if Iran steps out of line.” In one of his Coronavirus daily briefing to the nation that same week President Trump projected his sureness when he stated, “when I came into office, Iran was going to take over the entire Middle East, right now they just want to survive, … right now they do not want to mess around with us…” (Trump on Iran starting at 1:18:16-ending- at 1:23:32). I then came across thought-provoking information about IRGC-supported Iranian trucks delivering fuel to the Armenian-occupied Karabakh region of Azerbaijan,” she wrote.

The author says that the question to be asked is, why would the self-proclaimed “guardian of all the world’s Muslims” support the ongoing Armenian occupation of land that belongs to its secular northern neighbor, the Republic of Azerbaijan, whose population is primarily Shiite Muslims?

“Iran shares a 611-kilometre border with the Republic of Azerbaijan; as a result of the Nagorno-Karabakh War of 1988-94, a large part of this border stretch has been removed from Azerbaijan’s lawful control. Armenia aggressively invaded and occupied approximately 20 percent of Azerbaijan’s sovereign territory that includes the Nagorno-Karabakh region and seven surrounding districts. The outcome of the war was that over 800,000 Azerbaijani civilians were expelled from these occupied areas. And till today they are still internally displaced, scattered all over Azerbaijan. Following the occupation, Armenia created the so-called “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic,” now called “the Republic of Artsakh,” in the illegally occupied area of Azerbaijan. It is important to state that the Armenian-occupied region is internationally regarded as part of Azerbaijan while the so-called “Republic of Artsakh” is not recognized by any country, worldwide,” reads the article.

She went on to add that and so, the Armenian-controlled Iran-Azerbaijan 132 km long border portion, stretching between the Armenian town of Meghri and the Azerbaijani town of Horadiz, is where Tehran’s interfaces with the so-called “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.”

“Built in the 13th century, the Khodaafarin Bridge, stretching across the Araz River and connecting Iran with the occupied Jabrayil district of Azerbaijan can be seen as an example of Iran’s cynicism. While Iran claims to be a nation of piety and order, at the same time it is pouring hard drugs, arms and fuel across this illegal border crossing, as well researched and penned by investigative writer Harrold Cane in his article “The Islamic Republic.”. The Khodaafarin Bridge, the main crossing point between Iran and Nagorno-Karabakh, is considered illegal under international law. Located well beyond the reach of global law and order agencies, therefore useful. For a long time Tehran, under the control of the IRGC, has been using this route for trafficking drugs, originating in Afghanistan, to their final destination, Europe,” wrote Greenger.

The author noted that the Iranian smugglers, driving trucks with Iranian license plates, openly carry narcotics into the Nagorno-Karabakh region, across the Araz River and into Europe’s back passage.

“Iran, a fervent Islamic theocracy, and Armenia, a Christian nation, make strange bedfellows. But, as it seems, money talks …According to Araz News – an independent news source focusing on ethnic Azerbaijanis, in addition to drug trafficking, the IRGC are also in charge of sending supplies, i.e. fuel, food, construction materials, etc., to the Armenia-occupied Karabakh. Most of the trucks sent to Armenia and the occupied Karabakh territory belong to the Nasr Novin Mishu Company, located in Sufian and Tabriz, Iran’s northwestern cities. The Nasr Novin Mishu Company is one of the subsidiaries of Nasr Company, a company operating under the auspices of IRGC in the northwestern part of Iran,” the author wrote.

Greenger noted that according to my sources, Iranian trucks, coming from the north-western part of Iran, enter the Karabakh region using at least two different routes and satellite images show the two crossing points. “One widely held route is from Tabriz to Meghri, a southern Armenian border town with Iran-to Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital, Stepanakert (Khankendi), via the Goris-Lachin highway.”

The second route is from Khomarly’s north-east, in the Iran’s Ardabil province, leading to the Jabrayil district of Azerbaijan, which is crossing a portion of the Iran-Azerbaijan border that has been controlled by Armenia since the early 1990s, she added.

“These crossing points, on the Iranian side, are connected to Iran’s M12 Highway. The recent footage, which I watched when reading Rufat Ahmedzade article, shows trucks and cars with Iranian license plates transporting fuel and food to the occupied Azerbaijani territories. Baku reacted fiercely to the footage and demanded from Iran an official investigation. Iran has adamantly refuted the claims. The video brings to focus Iran’s long-ongoing involvement in supplying the Karabakh’s illegal Armenian-run regime with vital resources,” reads the article.

The author notes that sadly, Tehran conducts a two-faced policy towards Baku. “For one, it claims to support the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, yet it allows Iranian trucks and cars to enter the region, tacitly supporting the UN-condemned Armenian occupation of Azerbaijan’s lands.”

As for the sanctions, Greenger recalled that President Trump pulled the US out of The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the Iran Nuclear Deal and has imposed heavy sanctions on Iran.

“With mounting pressure, well felt by the Iranian regime, Iranian officials are seeking alternative routes to circumvent the sanctions. The Islamic Republic has long used banks in Armenia and the occupied Karabakh region to avoid US and international sanctions. In August 2019, the US Department of Commerce imposed sanctions on Armenian and Georgian companies linked to and trading with blacklisted Iranian companies. Armenia’s foreign policy is aligned with Moscow and Tehran. Its dependency on Iran poses a major threat to West’s interests in the South Caucasus and the Caspian region,” reads the article.

The author believes that in its relations with Azerbaijan and Armenia, Tehran’s geopolitics is twofold: the official policy, and the pragmatic one, based on its national interests.

“With a large Azerbaijani population to its northern border, Tehran fears that a strong Baku may become an active advocate for Iranian-Azerbaijanis’ rights within Iran. The Islamic Republic knows well that its suppression of ethnic minorities’ rights has created distrust between its ethnic minorities and Tehran. Iranian-Azerbaijani population – some 30 million, residing mainly in Iran’s northwestern provinces – is the largest non-Persian ethnic group in Iran. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the staunchly secular Republic of Azerbaijan that is bordering northern Iran, it is possible that Iran fears a potential “Azerbaijani irredentism” inside its territory,” says Greenger.

The author believes that Armenian control over Azerbaijani lands, bordering Iran’s north-western region, appears to be beneficial for Tehran.

“It creates a ‘buffer zone’ between Azerbaijan and Iran’s north-western Azerbaijani populated regions. Any Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution, in favour of Azerbaijan, may not be in the interest of Iran either. The present status-quo in the Armenian-occupied Azerbaijan regions bordering Iran ‘solves’ a national security problem for Tehran. Since its 2nd declaration of independence, in the early 1990s, Azerbaijan has chosen to be strategically aligned with the West, including the US and Israel, which Iran considers to be its archenemies. The fear of Azerbaijani irredentism inside Iran, the secular nature of the government in Baku and its close partnership with the West have facilitated the emergence of a strong alliance between Iran and Armenia. The adage “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” well characterizes the Iran-Armenia nexus. Iran has even gone as far as supporting radical Shia and separatist groups in Azerbaijan,” reads the article.

She went on to add that so far Azerbaijan has been somewhat balancing its open strategic partnership with the US and Israel while having normal neighborly relations with Iran to the extent, to date, even not opening a diplomatic envoy in Israel, despite being Israel’s closest majority-Muslim ally.

“Considering Iran’s increased belligerence, I suggest Baku should soon open an embassy in Israel and take further actions to intensify the mutually beneficial Israeli-Azerbaijani military-intelligence partnership and cooperation. Iran’s current activities remind me of the idiom, ‘when the cat’s away, the mice will play.’ The world is busy defending itself from the Coronavirus pandemic, which seems to be an opportunity for bad actors to benefit from. Without supervision, they will do as they please, especially in disregarding or breaking rules. Iran-Armenia nexus is the case in point,” concludes the author.

Azerbaijani press: Azerbaijan’s MFA: What kind of security Armenian FM talks about under conditions of military occupation?

Markos Nalchajian

Wed 22 Apr 2020 15:29 GMT | 19:29 Local Time

Text size:   
Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan talks about the problems with security and free will in a peremptory manner, Spokesperson for the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry Leyla Abdullayeva said.

Abdullayeva was answering journalists’ questions.

Commenting on Mnatsakanyan’s remarks regarding the statement made by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov during the video conference on , Abdullayeva stressed that the foundations of the new world order were laid after the World War II and were enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations of 1945, the Helsinki Final Act of 1975 and the Paris Charter of 1990.

“The norms and principles of international law, including the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and self-determination of peoples, have been described in all of these fundamental documents,” the spokesperson said.

“Both Azerbaijan and Armenia are full-fledged participants in these documents, who have committed themselves to impeccably comply with their conditions,” Abdullayeva said. “We remind that participating states must refrain from using force that threatens the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.”

“We also emphasize once again that with regard to the principle of self-determination, participating states must act in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and relevant international law, including those related to the territorial integrity of states, as it has been stipulated in the Helsinki Final Act and then confirmed by the Paris Charter,” Abdullayeva added.

“As for the Armenia-Azerbaijan Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, while ignoring its aforementioned obligations, using military aggression against neighboring Azerbaijan, the Republic of Armenia occupied one-fifth of the internationally recognized territories of Azerbaijan, having subjected more than a million of Azerbaijanis to the ethnic cleansing,” the spokesperson said.

“Under these conditions, the foreign minister of the aggressor country, that is, Armenia, peremptorily states about the problems with security and free will,” the spokesperson said. “What kind of security and will Armenian foreign minister talk about under the conditions of military occupation?! The fact of the occupation of the territory of one state by another is a permanent source of threat to the security.”

“It is impossible to talk about the security and free will of the Karabakh people when one-third of them have been forcibly expelled from their places of permanent residence and they have been deprived of the opportunity to return to their houses and express free will in relation to the future of their region for about 30 years,” Abdullayeva added.

Regarding the statement made by Sergei Lavrov on April 21 on a phased settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Abdullayeva stressed that this position is confirmed by all OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs, which was repeatedly and consistently voiced by them at all levels and stages of the conflict settlement process.

“It is necessary to remember that the occupation is temporary,” the spokesperson said. “The sooner Armenia realizes this and ceases self-deception, deceiving its own population and trying to mislead the world community, the more chances there are to avoid further bloodshed and aggravation of the already deplorable situation in the country.”

The conflict between the two South Caucasus countries began in 1988 when Armenia made territorial claims against Azerbaijan. As a result of the ensuing war, Armenian armed forces occupied 20 percent of Azerbaijan, including the Nagorno-Karabakh region and seven surrounding districts.

The 1994 ceasefire agreement was followed by peace negotiations. Armenia has not yet implemented four UN Security Council resolutions on the withdrawal of its armed forces from Nagorno Karabakh and the surrounding districts.

Armenpress: COVID-19 latest updates: Russia leads in terms of news cases

Ani Basmajian

COVID-19 latest updates: Russia leads in terms of news cases

Save

Share

 17:58,

YEREVAN, APRIL 22, ARMENPRESS. The number of people infected with the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) around the world has reached 2 million 578 thousand 275, according to the data released by coronavirus research centers.

The death toll is over 179,000.

704,921 patients have recovered.

US is leading in the world in terms of the largest number of infected people (819,175 confirmed cases). 45,343 deaths were reported.

Then comes Spain which confirmed 208,389 cases so far. Over 4000 new cases were reported in Spain. The total number of deaths is 21,717.

Spain is followed by Italy which reported a total of 183,957 cases. 24,648 patients have died.

The next is France, overtaking Germany, with a total of 158,050 cases and 20,769 deaths.

Germany has confirmed 148,746 cases and 5,102 deaths.

Germany is followed by the UK which reported 129,044 confirmed cases and 17,337 deaths.

Turkey overtook China and confirmed 95,591 cases. The deaths comprise 2,259.

Iran also surpassed China with in terms of confirmed cases, as 85,996 cases have been registered. 5,391 people have died in Iran from coronavirus.

China, where the COVID-19 outbreak started, confirmed a total of 82,788 cases. 30 new cases have been reported.The death toll here is 4,632.

China is followed by Russia where the number of confirmed cases has reached 57,999 with over 5,000 new cases in a day. The death toll is 513.

Brazil confirmed 43,592 cases, Belgium – 41,889, Canada – 38,422, the Netherlands – 34,842.

Georgia confirmed 411 cases of coronavirus and 5 deaths.

Among the Arab states the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has the largest number of confirmed cases – 7,755. 46 death cases have been registered here. Qatar confirmed 7,141 cases and 10 deaths. Egypt reported 3,490 confirmed cases and 264 deaths. Kuwait reported 2248 cases and 13 deaths. Iraq confirmed 1,602 cases and 83 deaths. There are 682 confirmed cases in Lebanon and 22 deaths. Syria’s confirmed cases reached 42. 3 death cases have been registered.

In late December 2019, Chinese authorities notified the World Health Organization (WHO) about an outbreak of a previously unknown pneumonia in the city of Wuhan, central China. WHO declared the outbreak of the novel coronavirus a global pandemic and named the virus COVID-19. 

According to the data of the World Health Organization, coronavirus cases have been confirmed in more than 210 countries and territories.

Edited and translated by Tigran Sirekanyan

Armenpress: Joint statement by Armenian, Azerbaijani FMs and OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs

Maral Chavushian

Joint statement by Armenian, Azerbaijani FMs and OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs

Save

Share

 00:22,

YEREVAN, APRIL 22, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov, and the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group (Igor Popov of the Russian Federation, Stéphane Visconti of France, and Andrew Schofer of the United States of America) have held frequent consultations remotely since mid-March, including a joint video conference on 21 April. Andrzej Kasprzyk, the Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office, also participated in these consultations, Armenpress reports citing the OSCE website.

During the consultations, the participants discussed the impact of the global health crisis on the region and recent developments on the ground.  They also considered next steps in the Nagorno Karabakh settlement process in line with their joint statement issued in Geneva on 30 January 2020.

It was acknowledged that, due to the extraordinary situation resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, the implementation of previously agreed humanitarian measures was postponed.  The face-to-face Ministerial meetings and the visits of the Co-Chairs to the region agreed upon in Geneva have also been postponed.  Nevertheless, the necessary work to prepare these activities continues.

The Co-Chairs underlined the importance of observing the ceasefire strictly and refraining from provocative actions in the current environment and called on the sides to take measures to reduce tensions further.  They also expressed appreciation for the continued work of the Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office under the present circumstances and stressed the need for monitoring exercises to resume as quickly as possible.

Considering the great challenges now confronting all populations without regard to political boundaries, and which serve as stark reminders of the preciousness of every human life, the Foreign Ministers and the Co-Chairs expressed the hope that the resolve seen in the global pandemic response will bring a creative and constructive impetus to the peace process. The Co-Chairs drew attention to the 23 March appeal by the Secretary General of the United Nations for global ceasefire measures during the current health crisis and to the Co-Chairs’ 19 March statement.

The Foreign Ministers and Co-Chairs agreed to remain in close contact and to continue negotiations in person as soon as possible.

Armenia coronavirus cases reach 1473

Tambiyan Samvel

Save

Share

 11:12,

YEREVAN, APRIL 22, ARMENPRESS. 72 coronavirus cases were diagnosed in the past 24 hours in Armenia, bringing the total number of infections to 1473, NCDC reported.

24 people recovered in the past day, raising the number of recoveries to 633.

As of 11:00 the number of active cases is 816.

The total number of fatalities is 24.

Edited and translated by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenian newspaper criticizes authorities while bringing Georgia as a positive example

Kalantarian Kevo
Georgian Journal, Tbilisi
 
 
 
Yerevan is buried in rubbish, Rustaveli Avenue is washed in Tbilisi – says Armenian newspaper Golos Armenii. Author Marina Mkrtchyan compares measures taken by the Armenian and Georgian authorities in the fight against the coronavirus and strictly criticizes PM Nikol Pashinyan’s government. First, she speaks about steps made by the Georgian PM Giorgi Gakharia, such as monetary compensation to the Georgian citizens of GEL 150, imposing lockdown in Tbilisi and other three large cities, fines of up to GEL 15 000
and making wearing masks compulsory.
 
“Citizens of Armenia, by contrast, see deputies and ministers on television every day at parliamentary and government meetings without masks. They see without masks the prime minister, speaker, and commandant, who urge them to comply with safety rules” – Marina Mkrtchyan says.
Tbilisi mayor Kakha Kaladze during disinfection works
 
“Amid the coronavirus epidemic, the Yerevan City Hall is not engaged in disinfecting the entrances and elevators of apartment buildings, but in spring fieldwork” – reads the article. “On the central streets of the capital, gardening employees dig out some flower beds and plant flowers. In a state of emergency – this is the most “necessary” work to do. Central streets are buried in trash. The situation is similar in the courtyards and entrances of multi-apartment buildings, where tenants wipe the railing and wash the stairs themselves. The fact that the mayor of Yerevan is obsessed with phobias and is hiding from the coronavirus is already known far beyond the borders of the country.”
 
“Unlike Armenia, where the government cannot influence the rise in prices for essential goods, Georgian PM promised to keep under control prices of 9 items, namely rice, pasta, vegetable oil, flour, sugar, wheat, milk powder, buckwheat and beans” – Marina Mkrtchyan says.
Disinfection works in Tbilisi streets
 
Is there a difference in how Armenians die – because of the coronavirus or hunger? – asks the author and says:
 
“Situation in Armenia resembles a mess and general chaos, while Pashinyan and his gang are busy dealing with personal and political accounts, they do not care about the people! Nikol advises people to squeeze coronavirus with tweezers in a glass of vodka. President Lukashenko, who is called the “last dictator of Europe,” also advises treatment with vodka and a bath. What a striking resemblance in approaches!” – by saying that, the article concludes:
 
“If Gakharia let himself to give such an advice, he would be forced to leave the post the same day!”
Georgian PM Giorgi Gakharia
 
Source: golosarmenii.am
 
 
 
 
 

The G-Word: Why The US Needs to Recognize Genocides

Torgomian Varazdat
Brown Political Review
April 8 2020
 
 
 
MEGHAN MURPHY | APRIL 8, 2020
 
For a century, the United States government refused to recognize the systematic murder and explusion of 1.5 million Armenians under the Ottoman Empire as genocide. This was despite the fact that the Armenian diaspora was the most active group of survivors campaigning for formal recognition around the globe and transformed the debate about the United States’ role in qualifying targeted mass murders as genocide. The case of Armenian non-recognition is not a unique one – past administrations refused to recognize the Cambodian or Rohingya mass murders as genocides despite international agreement on the use of the term.
 
The case of Armenia was impacted earlier this year when both the House and Senate voted to pass resolutions that officially recognized the genocide in October and December. However, this was not motivated by a desire to vote in accordance with UN Conventions on the definition of genocide, but rather to strike back at Turkey for its invasion of Northern Syria in October. This politicization of the act led Turkish President Erdogan to threaten to recognize the American genocide of Native Americans. President Trump concluded the debacle when he denied that the US position had changed at all.
 
The United States, as well as the global community, needs to recognize the ways in which current and historic genocide recognition can be used not only as a signal of moral respect for victims, but to give much needed aid to suffering people, and prevent future atrocities through education. Instead of political relationships as the deciding factor when recognizing a genocide, the US should declare genocide whenever a case fits the definitions set out by United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. A policy detached from political considerations but focused on the realities of conflicts will lead to more immediate and effective action to prevent more atrocities in the future.
 
The most obvious argument for a political and consistent genocide recognition is that the United States is morally bound to authentically recognize such horrific acts and in doing so, demonstrate respect for victims. In the case of Armenia, earlier recognition would have affirmed and eased the generational trauma one million Armenian-Americans and 10 million others, continue to suffer. Instead, they received a belated statement that was clearly only made to antagonize Turkey.
 
“However, what is important here is the comparative of not making any effort to pressure an end to mass murders.”
 
However, making the argument that countries should change their policies based on ethical obligations to make victims feel seen is largely inconsequential. Instead, policy makers can be persuaded to make a change based on the concrete benefits that genocide acknowledgement brings.
 
First, a concise statement from a government on the categorization of mass killings can lead to military intervention to stop a current crime. In past occasions, as a US Holocaust Memorial museum report states: the American government “placed great stock in the possibility that a US acknowledgment […] would force the US government to undertake or press for more forceful efforts to prevent and punish the crimes, and in some cases to put military force behind that effort.” For example, the question of evaluating the  Bosnian genocide was strongly tied to questions about whether the US should intervene militarily or lift the arms embargo put in place by the Security Council on Yugoslavia. The US ended up taking two years to reach a consensus on the Bosnian case, making the previous military debates irrelevant as the genocide had ended. However, if they had a more liberal policy at the time, it is likely that airstrikes would have been used to prevent further atrocities. In the case of Darfur, diplomats were so caught up in debating the use of the term genocide and its political implications that they stalled on the “more important questions about how to craft an effective response to mass violence,” leading to delayed action. However, once the State Department did declare that genocide was occuring in 2004, the US assisted the dispatching of 670 African Union troops to the region and 20,000 military personnel from the United Nations’ security force. In addition to financially supporting troops, the US provided bases and equipment to protect civilians in Darfur.
 
Secondly, when a current genocide is declared or a historical one is recognized, victims and their descendants are also more likely to receive aid. In the three years after the State Department issued a rare genocide declaration in Darfur, they sent over $4 billion in humanitarian, peacekeeping, and development assistance, as well as 40,000 tons of food a month to Sudan. For nearly two decades, sanctions were placed on the assets of Sudanese leaders implicated in the Darfur violence and on companies owned by the government of Sudan. Financial support can also come if a historical genocide is recognized because, as Thomas de Waal writes for Foreign Affairs, descendants of the perpetrators of the genocide “aspire to absolve their ancestors of guilt” after official recognition and seek to remove links between them and past. After the international community recognized the Holocaust, Germany was pressured to make financial reparations to Israel.
 
Finally, minority groups can gain a global recognition of their struggles and thus tangible political powers following recognition. An internationally recognized genocide is far more likely to end up being taught in school curriculums because the Responsibility to Protect doctrine recommends that “education curriculums should include instructions on past violations and on the causes, dynamics and consequences of atrocity crimes.” Across American states, curriculums generally include the most “well-known” genocides. For example, the Rhode Island Board of Education Act only stipulates that students study the German, Armenian, Cambodian, Iraqi, Rwandan, and Darfur genocides, which are coincidentally six of the ten genocides the US has ever acknowledged. Furthermore, the US has the financial and political capability to help develop genocide education in the countries where it has taken place. As de Waal argues, the US could help Turkey conserve Armenian heritage or “restore the place of Armenians” in Turkish history books. This same process has occurred with UN support in developing genocide studies in Rwandan and Cambodian secondary schools. This educational system transforms into worldwide knowledge and understanding of victim’s suffering, and this can give them a moral and political credit that transfers to the protection of rights in the present day. For example, global recognition of the Holocaust after World War I transfered support to the Jewish political movement of Zionism.
 
It is important to understand that just recognition is not a solution for ending genocides or a way to satisfy the US’ role in ending crimes against humanity. Recognizing an act with a specific word should certainly not be the most important aspect of American foreign policy, which is a view is backed up by experts like Samantha Powers, who have cautioned against focusing only whether or not to use the “G-Word.” Furthermore, even when the US has made a declaration on genocide and acted, the crime is not always fixed or undone – this is clearly shown in the failures the US made in dealing with the Darfur crisis. However, what is important here is the comparative of not making any effort to pressure an end to mass murders.
 
The benefits of a country taking the step to put international pressure on perpetrators of crimes using a genocide resolution, as well as pressure upon themselves and other world powers to act, cannot be denied. As a country with immense power to stop mass killing, the US government must be able to issue effective policy and gain insight on the potential of their language in foreign affairs.
 
Photo: Image via Flickr (John Brighenti)
 
 
 
 
 

CIVILNET.Russia and the Nagorno Karabakh Peace Negotiations: An Interview with Emil Sanamyan

Hovhannisian John
CIVILNET.AM

22:06 

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said on April 21 that the parties to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict have been presented with projects that suggest a step-by-step solution of the conflict, which “are currently actively discussed.” Lavrov added that these proposals suggest moving towards a step-by-step settlement, assuming at the first stage the solution of the most pressing problems, including the withdrawal of Armenian troops from “some territories around Nagorno Karabakh” and the unblocking of transport, economic and other communications. Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan responded immediately that “this kind of approaches had appeared in 2014 and 2016, and are not acceptable for the Armenian parties.” He stressed that for Armenia and Karabakh the paramount issues remain security and the status of Nagorno Karabakh. 

Emil Sanamyan, editor of the USC Institute of Armenian Studies Focus on Karabakh platform and expert on South Caucasus elaborates the recent moves in Nagorno Karabakh negotiations with CivilNet’s Karen Harutyunyan. 

– The widely discussed so-called Lavrov plan has been rejected by Armenia before and after the 2016 April war. Meanwhile, Armenia’s Prime Minister and Foreign Minister both have been denying a discussion of any concrete plan in negotiations. What is your view on these statements? 

– Foreign Minister Lavrov is the most prominent international figure to comment on the Karabakh conflict with some regularity and in the absence of much other commentary at this level, Lavrov’s words always become news. Typically, these comments are prompted by Azerbaijani or Armenian journalists during his media availabilities, and this time was not an exception as Lavrov was answering questions via an online event hosted by Gorchakov Fund.

Lavrov’s previous comments were made six months ago, when he expressed certainty that militarily the situation in Artsakh would remain stable. Those comments must have been based on assurances given by Ilham Aliyev. However, Aliyev has offered that stability as an advance to Nikol Pashinyan, hoping to convert it into serious discussion of Armenian compromises. It appears that Pashinyan has been resisting such discussions. This is the main context for Lavrov’s comments.

– Almost two years have passed since the revolution in Armenia with the new leader Nikol Pashinyan bringing new sort of discourse to the process. For example, he said that any solution to the problem must consider the interests of the peoples of Armenia, Nagorno Karabakh and Azerbaijan, while also stating that “Karabakh is Armenia, period” and that Karabakh’s participation in negotiations is a sine qua non. What kind of impact does this rhetoric have on the negotiation process and atmosphere, if any?

– I don’t think those specific comments have had any effect, as they are vague to the extreme and therefore open to interpretation. Even “Karabakh is Armenia, period” – something that was said by everyone from Leonid Azgaldyan to Serzh Sargsyan before as well – is not a statement of policy, but a very generic slogan akin to “Armenia is Europe, period.”

It is so far unclear if Pashinyan has made it a policy to make Artsakh part of the Republic of Armenia and what intermediate steps he is ready to take in that regard. Until that is clear all we have is “kicking the can down the road” approach that we had before.

– How do you see Russia’s role in the current stage of Karabakh negotiations? Why has Moscow moved to highlight the step-by-step option, knowing well that it puts the Armenian government in an “awkward position”?

– Fundamentally, this has always been the case in the Karabakh conflict and associated negotiations. If we recall the start of this conflict in 1988, the Armenian side was the one challenging the status quo and Moscow was its protector. So, compromise solutions offered by Moscow tended to fall short of the Armenian goal of Artsakh’s reunification with Armenia.

As a reminder: In 1988 Gorbachev’s offer was to raise NK’s status from autonomous oblast to autonomous republic, it was rejected. In 1991 Yeltsin’s offer was to re-establish autonomy and a similar offer was made by Yevgeni Primakov and it was again rejected in the mid-1990s. I would note that all those proposals were so-called “package proposals,” it’s just the Armenian side did not like the content of those packages.

As we know from diplomatic documents, the shift to “step-by-step” option came at the suggestion of the United States in 1997 and at the time it also had Russia’s support. The thought was that if the parties cannot agree on status, why not agree on everything else and keep the status indefinitely unresolved. As we recall, Levon Ter-Petrossian was inclined to agree to that approach and lost his job as a result. 23 years later this remains Aliyev’s preferred option for resolution, and this is occasionally reflected in comments by mediators.

But just as with “package” solutions, judgment on “step-by-step” has to be made on the basis of specific content. In general, the Armenian side is ready for steps that lead to stabilization of cease-fire and normalization of relations. That is the Armenian “step-by-step” approach. But we have yet to see a strong diplomatic effort by Armenia to promote that approach.

– Although  there has not been a turn in Armenia’s  foreign policy since the revolution, relations between Armenia and Russia have become uneasy in certain spheres. For example, asked about the possibility of decreasing the price of Russian gas for Armenia, Mr. Lavrov stressed that some Russian companies in Armenia are being prosecuted, and “if we talk  about being allies, then, perhaps, the alliance should be displayed in all areas.” How would you assess the current state of Armenian-Russian relations? Do Armenia’s domestic developments impact these relations, and to what extent? What implications can these relations have for the Nagorno Karabakh peace negotiations, given Russia’s exclusive role in the region?

– The Russian leadership has been generally unhappy with Armenia events. At the same time, in the absence of obvious signs of change in foreign policy, Vladimir Putin has opted to take a patient approach and basically wait out Nikol Pashinyan. Considering the centralized nature of Russian leadership, personal relations with Putin remain paramount when it comes to relations between countries. The older people get, the harder it is for them to make friends, and it is hard for me to imagine any kind of friendship between Pashinyan and Putin. Armenia-Russia relations will remain in danger of deterioration, be that over Pashinyan’s treatment of Robert Kocharyan or some other issue to which Putin has shown to be sensitive.

Lack of a strong relationship between Moscow and Yerevan is of course a strategic opportunity, which Aliyev will continue to exploit. And I would note that this did not begin under Pashinyan. In fact, the “social distancing” that happened between Putin and Serzh Sargsyan was a key factor that led to the security deterioration in Karabakh and the April War.

– The calamities caused by the COVID-19 pandemic were reflected in the April 21 joint statement of the Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers and the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs, who stressed the importance of maintaining the ceasefire regime. Will the impending economic recession all over the world and in this region in particular impact  the NK peace process in any way?

Uncertainty remains as to how long the current “stoppage” in the global economy will last and if it might be repeated later this year or next. I think it is clear that the demand for oil will remain low for the foreseeable future and Russian and other post-Soviet economies will be struggling as a result. I doubt that the NK peace process, difficult as it is, will become less difficult in these new conditions. 

Armenia comes to this crisis better prepared than most other countries because of its natural geographic isolation and existing blockades, and Diaspora networks have helped it adjust to economic disruptions in the past, but Armenia will no doubt be hurting as well. It remains to be seen to what extent Armenia’s leadership will be able to handle this crisis with its challenges and opportunities.