TV journalist hounded in France over Nagorno-Karabakh report

Reporters Without Borders
Oct 28 2020

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) condemns the online attacks that a French TV reporter received from members of the Armenian community in France after just doing her job by covering the current fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region from the Azerbaijani side of the front line.

Liseron Boudoul, a staff reporter for the French TV channel TF1, began receiving hate messages on Facebook and Twitter, including such insults as “genocidal whore,” after TFI broadcast her report on its 8 p.m. news programme on 22 October. She was also subjected to pressure via a WhatsApp text from someone who had managed to get her personal phone number.


TF1 was itself also targeted by systematic harassment on social media and in emails and phone calls.

Two reporters for a leading French daily were also subjected to online threats from members of the Armenian community in France in early October in connection with their articles about the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

We firmly condemn the harassment to which Liseron Boudoul and TF1 have been subjected,” said Pavol Szalai, the Head of RSF’s European Union and Balkans Desk. “It is unacceptable for a journalist and a media outlet to be hounded in this way for covering a conflict, on the grounds that they placed themselves on a certain side of the front line.”

Szalai added: “We also call on Franck Papazian, the co-chair of the Coordinating Council of Armenian Organizations in France, to unequivocally condemn this grave attack on freedom of the press.

In a Facebook comment, Papazian described Boudoul’s report as “similar to disinformation.” One of the comments that followed said: “It’s possible that with a few beheadings of senior TF1 personnel, they will think better and more clearly.”

The day after Boudoul’s report was broadcast, members of the Armenian community demonstrated spontaneously outside TF1’s headquarters in Paris in protest against what they regarded as the TV channel’s biased coverage.

A few days before Boudoul’s report, TF1 had broadcast two reports from the Armenian side of the front line. To defuse tension, TF1 finally removed Boudoul’s report from its website.

France is ranked 34th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2020 World Press Freedom Index, while Armenia is ranked 61st and Azerbaijan is ranked 168th.


Armenia’s Miscalculations in Nagorno-Karabakh

Pulitzer Center
Oct 26 2020

The air raid sirens were blaring. An old man on the main avenue, the only person in sight, told me to cross to his side of the street. “The shells usually fall on the other side,” he said.

In Stepanakert – the now nearly empty capital of the self-styled ethnic Armenian Artsakh Republic – the remaining residents spend their nights cowering in makeshift shelters that are often little more than musty cellars under aging Soviet apartment blocks. When a volley of Grad rockets crashed into the city, buildings shuddered for miles around.

Almost a month into the war in Nagorno-Karabakh, many Armenians are starting to feel the earth shift beneath their feet as Azerbaijan’s military advances annihilate old assumptions about Armenia’s military prowess and Azerbaijan’s distaste for a fight.

For nearly three decades, Armenians have controlled not just Karabakh – a mountainous district of Azerbaijan that had a degree of self-rule during the Soviet period – but also seven formerly ethnic Azeri districts surrounding Karabakh, which it won control of when the first Karabakh war ended in 1994.

In a matter of weeks, Azerbaijan has begun reversing the conquests Armenians cemented in the early 1990s, planting flags in towns that were once populated by Azerbaijanis as well as towns within the Karabakh heartland itself where Armenians had lived continually for centuries – until just days ago.

They’ve done it with an array of modern weaponry purchased from a cast of characters as diverse as Turkey, Israel, and Russia. But it’s the drones sourced in Turkey and Israel in particular that have changed the balance of power on the battlefield. No longer are the mountains of Karabakh the Armenian fortress they once were – not when the opponent rules the sky above them.

In September, none of this was imaginable for most Armenians, whose worldview revolves around a proud past and the assumption – forged in the first Karabakh war – that they are the superior warriors. Armenia’s history is indeed ancient; it can claim relics and landmarks throughout the region that stretch far beyond its modern borders. But it is Armenia’s obsession with the past that may have caused its people to misread the threatening present.

A typical conversation between a foreigner and a resident of Stepanakert will allude to the age of the churches in the region and the religion of its adversaries in Azerbaijan. Every outsider is seen as an emissary who must be charged with the urgent task of telling the Christian world that Armenians were here first and that they’re now under attack from an Islamic horde.

It’s not unreasonable for people here to see things this way. After all, the present conflict began with pogroms against Armenians in the Azerbaijani cities of Baku and Sumgayit that were a violent response to a burgeoning Karabakh-Armenian separatist movement in the late 1980s. The memory of the Ottoman slaughter of Armenians during the 1915 genocide looms large, too.

But these painful memories obscure the more recent events that motivate Azerbaijanis to fight today. More than a few people expressed the sentiment that the Azerbaijanis “have gone completely crazy,” or asked me, “Why are they doing this?” It’s as though Armenians’ past traumas have made it harder for them to perceive Azerbaijan’s grievances and its growing willingness to sacrifice not just billions of dollars of its oil wealth for an arsenal of modern weaponry but also the lives of its soldiers and civilians.

Aftermath of a rocket strike on a residential building in Stepanakert. Image by Simon Ostrovsky/Newlines. Nagorno-Karabakh, 2020.

For Azerbaijan, it’s all in the service of a cause that is seen as just. Baku’s initial grievance against Armenians was the Karabakh region’s desire to be united with Armenia. But that has since been eclipsed by anger over the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Azeris from their homes in both Karabakh and the surrounding districts as they came under the control of ethnic Armenian forces during the first war. Since then, it has remained a central tenet of Azerbaijani state propaganda that one day they would return to their homes, no matter the cost.

Armenians who were in cities that remained under Azerbaijani control had to flee, too. In all, some 200,000 ran, compared to some 750,000 Azerbaijanis left homeless by the first war. But it’s not just a question of scale. Armenians won the first war and therefore never had to experience the bitterness of capitulation.

It’s a bitterness that has only grown over the years, and one that Azerbaijan has never tried to hide. Every year on Armed Forces Day, a lengthy parade of state-of-the-art weaponry rolls through Baku’s Freedom Square, overseen by Azerbaijan’s unchanging President Ilham Aliyev. In 2018, armored jeeps displayed the tiny Israeli Orbiter “Kamikaze” drone, being used today to deadly effect on the battlefield. In another column, the army paraded the Russian Solntsepyok multiple rocket launcher system, which incinerates everything in an area equivalent to eight soccer fields with 24 rockets fired simultaneously. Yet somehow, Yerevan didn’t truly believe these weapons would ever be used.

“Instead of buying the most modern weapons and preparing for the worst, the politicians were building villas for themselves,” a Russian teacher in Stepanakert said of the de facto authorities in Karabakh and their political allies in mainland Armenia who were recently overthrown in a 2018 revolt against corruption. They grew complacent because they thought Russia would always defend Armenia. “They didn’t even refurbish the bomb shelters,” she complained.

The winner of that revolution, Armenia’s newly minted Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, enraged Azerbaijan further by visiting Nagorno-Karabakh in 2019 and calling openly for “reunification” with Armenia, taking things a step further than his predecessor, who had called only for its independence to be recognized to avoid unnecessarily provoking Baku.

Meanwhile, Russia has taken a hands-off approach to the conflict, mediating between the two sides as a neutral arbiter instead of involving its military on Armenia’s behalf. Russian President Vladimir Putin pointed out in an interview recently that his country’s mutual defense treaty with Armenia does not extend to Nagorno-Karabakh, which is inside Azerbaijan’s territory. If the war were to spread to Armenia proper, that would of course be another matter.

Russia, the only power with real influence in both countries, has tried to float a resolution long discussed under the auspices of the so-called Minsk Group process: Armenians give up five of the seven Azerbaijani regions they captured in the first war and keep the two connecting Karabakh to mainland Armenia. But Azerbaijan has never been willing to recognize Karabakh’s independence in exchange for the land, and Armenians have never been willing to relinquish the territory without Baku’s promise to recognize their Karabakh statelet.

In every previous round of negotiations, this impasse seemed to more or less satisfy the Armenians. After all, every time a deal wasn’t reached, the status quo remained in place – a status quo in which Armenians held all the territory in question. Negotiations supported by Russia, the United States, and France never led anywhere for decades because mediators were unable to untangle this conundrum.

And so a situation that was unacceptable to Azerbaijan stood. “The [peace] process certainly prefers a status quo that doesn’t include significant loss of life occurring,” U.S. Ambassador Carey Cavanaugh, who served as a Minsk Group co-chair until 2001, told me by way of explanation. “I don’t think you can fault international mediators, negotiators or diplomats, for that.”

But now, significant loss of life is exactly what is occurring, after Azerbaijan – encouraged by Turkey – launched a surprise attack on Sept. 27. On Thursday, Putin said the conflict had already claimed a total of around 5,000 souls, offering figures that were much higher than the warring parties themselves have been willing to publish. While Azerbaijan isn’t releasing its military losses at all, Armenia has officially reported 927 deaths among its forces. Civilian fatalities have been caused mostly by the senseless shelling of population centers by both sides and have reached the 100 mark.

Aftermath of a rocket strike on a residential building in Stepanakert. Image by Simon Ostrovsky/Newlines.  Nagorno-Karabakh, 2020.

They’ve lost land, too. No longer do Armenians control all seven regions surrounding Karabakh. In the southern sector in particular, Azerbaijani forces are moving closer and closer to the Lachin corridor connecting Karabakh with Armenia proper. Soon they will be within artillery range of Lachin, if they are not there already. Will Baku be satisfied with just the regions that were mostly Azerbaijani before the first war? Aliyev has indicated that he will not.

“We are headed for all the territories. Every inch of the occupied lands … of course, without Shusha our mission will be half done,” he said earlier this week. Shusha, just a few miles from Stepanakert, is in the very heart of Karabakh. It was the city with the highest proportion of ethnic Azeris in the Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Oblast during the Soviet period, though the Turkic presence there goes back much further, and Azerbaijanis consider it a cultural headwater.

Aliyev has proposed that the Armenian and ethnic Azeri communities live in peace under Azerbaijani rule in the future, but it’s not a vision many Armenians believe is possible, especially after a video – verified by the Bellingcat group of digital forensic analysts as authentic – was circulated on social media depicting Azerbaijani soldiers executing two unarmed Armenian men they captured. According to Cavanaugh, the reality of an Azerbaijani reconquest would mean the displacement of 150,000 ethnic Armenians from the region. In any event, he doesn’t believe Azerbaijan would ever get that far.

“I don’t think there is a victory to be had that would come about before you would have an escalation and bring in more outside powers,” he says. A general at a funeral for fallen Armenian soldiers in Yerevan said something similar to me after venting his frustration over the drone strikes decimating his troops: “The Russians are helping us,” he whispered, without elaborating.

The question is, will that help be enough? The air defense systems sourced in Russia, built to hit fighter jets, have been little use against the swarm of miniature drones sent against Armenian forces. I saw the burned husk of one such system, an Osa design from the 1970s, presumably put out of commission by a modern guided missile designed in this century. And more direct Russian involvement threatens to pull in Turkey, Moscow’s burgeoning regional rival in theaters as diverse as Syria, Libya, and now Karabakh.

So where has Washington been throughout this crisis? It’s done little to rein in its NATO ally Turkey, which has openly backed Azerbaijan, and it’s done little to put pressure on Azerbaijan itself, which owes much of its oil wealth to U.S. backing of the construction of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline over Russian objections in the early 2000s.

That U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration hasn’t bothered to appoint a co-chair to the Minsk Group with an ambassadorial rank might indicate just how much it cares about a war that’s unspooling in the South Caucasus in the middle of an election campaign.

America’s influence in the region could also be hampered by its president’s personal involvement in the region. In 2015, Trump told a radio host he had “a little conflict of interest,” in Turkey because of Trump Towers that were built there, “not the usual one, it’s two,” he emphasized. Similarly, in Azerbaijan, his company attempted for several years to build a Trump Hotel. Although it was never completed, the Trump Organization received millions of dollars worth of licensing fees from the powerful government-linked developer behind the project.

While the rest of the world tries to manage an unfolding global pandemic in the thrall of America’s election spectacle, the Karabakh war has seemingly been allowed to lurch on unhindered. Without outside intervention, it will unfold to become the latest war without end, added to a list of misery that already includes Ukraine, Syria and Libya.

https://pulitzercenter.org/reporting/armenias-miscalculations-nagorno-karabakh?fbclid=IwAR3s8qv80EyZCg5cR99HUTIjab-i4t6uaYtnUvRxLG1hS7CiMBulJOcPn0o

Armenians hope their fighting spirit will save them amid Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

The Irish Times
Oct 28 2020

The children are gone and only a few women remain. Stepanakert, the de facto capital of Nagorno-Karabakh, has become a city of men. The streets are quiet aside from the odd ambulance, military Jeep or Lada banger grunting along. The supermarket shelves are thinning and the menu options at the Armenia Hotel leave much to be desired.

So much of this war between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which erupted on September 27th, is from another time. In the south it’s mostly trench warfare, where young men huddle in shallow narrow trenches. Decaying bodies are scattered across no man’s land – there are reports of wild pigs tearing at rotting flesh at night.

In villages, families are packed on to buses and sent to Yerevan, Armenia’s capital. Some refuse to leave and retreat to a life underground. Every day brings rumours of Azeri advances, fresh propaganda and stories of loss.

In Stepanakert you can talk about the war, but you cannot analyse it. The Armenians’ love for this land, and their willingness to die for it, has hindered their ability to talk about it frankly. A dark flash crosses their face when you mention Azeri gains or press for facts about strategy.

They are a nation of fighters and firmly believe their fighting spirit, coupled with their advantage of having the higher ground in Nagorno-Karabakh, will save them in the end. When asked in an interview with this reporter how the Armenians can defend against Azeri drones, which have been supplied by Turkey and Israel and have inflicted heavy losses, the president of Nagorno-Karabakh, Arayik Harutyunyan, said: “This is a sacred war, and the side who fights a sacred fight, wins.”


At the media centre in Stepanakert, which tightly shepherds international journalists, every opportunity to show us a shot-down drone is taken. The reality is the Armenians can’t defend the sky on their own: they need support from outside, and that has been slow to come.

If someone randomly hands you a piece of fruit in Nagorno-Karabakh it’s not because they think you’re hungry. They are giving you a part of their home which they have had to flee because of the fighting. It’s a tender moment and should be treated with respect.

On the many minibuses out of Stepanakert, the bag of fruit is treated with a special reverence. It’s likely the succulent apples and king oranges, which are called Arqayanaring, will fade before the end of this most recent escalation. After three humanitarian ceasefire announcements, the bellicose rhetoric and fighting continues – but the fruit is symbolic of the essence of this conflict. On both sides it’s about ownership of every blade of grass in Karabakh.

On Tumanyan Street, Hovik Asmaryan and his wife Isabel, Syrian Armenians from Aleppo, serve free meals all day to soldiers and journalists alike – “It’s my duty to my country,” Hovik says.

One of the most remarkable meals this reporter has had in Nagorno-Karabakh was served on the front line in the company of a group of young soldiers aged between 18 and 20. Arthur, a cheeky boy of 18, was working as a chef before the war and had taken over kitchen duties in the trenches.

Without a moment’s notice he whipped up some chicken with lentils and bread. It was wholesome and honest and came peppered with questions regarding how much carbohydrates the Irish eat compared to the Armenians. The decision was made not to debate such a contentious issue – there would be no winner.

Daily life is quiet in Stepanakert but wrapped around the silence is a determination to win the war. The people here are a broad cast of characters. The well-dressed family alone in a shelter every night drinking Karabakhti vodka in memory of the dead. The young soldiers guarding the hotels who are glued to social media, waiting to be called up to the front.

The volunteers asleep in hotel lobbies after walking 4km across the worst front lines under heavy shelling to deliver supplies to the troops. The Baudelaire-loving colonel in a military bunker sitting with a Finnish rifle and reading Dante’s Divine Comedy.

The city seems oblivious to the encroaching front line. This is both a comfort and a cause for concern. Mass is still said daily, and the bakeries still churn out delicious fresh bread. It could be the calm before the storm, or the energy these men need to protect their homeland.


Is 2020 Azerbaijan and Armenia’s Favored Year for War?

National Interest
Oct 27 2020

At this point, whether states are optimistic or pessimistic about the outcome of engaging in a conflict is key to understanding it’s timing.

by Bekir Ilhan

The most recent clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh started on the morning of September 27, 2020. Armenia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic—the de facto state backed by Armenia, declared martial law and total military mobilization while Azerbaijan declared martial law and curfew along the border.

The clashes have not yet turned into an all-out war, but both sides employ a wide variety of military equipment, such as long-range artillery, drones, and tanks, and accuse one another of firing the first shot. Regardless of legal and ethical concerns, both sides have strategic incentives to initiate, escalate, and keep fighting a conflict. The bargaining theory of war and the idea of bounded rationality help us better understand why states initiate and fight wars by focusing on states’ prospects for military victory. Bargaining over a territory can be challenging if negotiating parties have incomplete information about each other’s actual military capabilities. In such a situation, perceptions and signaling relevant information matter.

At this point, whether states are optimistic or pessimistic about the outcome of engaging in a conflict is key to understanding it’s timing. This logic could apply to the current conflict in Karabakh. For Azerbaijan, there appears to be optimism about victory now. On the Armenian side, it seems there is more pessimism about defeat in a future war. These differing perceptions jointly increase the risk of war by intensifying a syndrome that might be called better-now-than-later.

Armenia estimates that the status quo in Karabakh will change in the near future at the expense of its interests as the balance of military power shifts in favor of Azerbaijan. In other words, events on the ground are moving in favor of Azerbaijan and against Armenia. For this reason, it may be preferable for Armenia to fight a war when it has the least chance of being stuck in a military stalemate with Azerbaijan, rather than fighting at an uncertain future point when Azerbaijan is more likely to win. Therefore, Armenia may want to push Azerbaijan into a confrontation in which no one could claim a decisive military victory, hoping for third-party intervention. In other words, Armenia plays a game in which it will neither win nor lose.

On the other hand, Azerbaijan does not want to fight a war whose time has not yet arrived. Put differently, if Azerbaijan military planners believe that Armenian military capabilities are far from competing with their own, Baku could optimistically calculate that it is high time to initiate a war over Nagorno-Karabakh. Thus, Azerbaijan will have strong incentives to escalate the conflict into a full-blown war.

Military history is replete with numerous examples where warring parties’ prospect of victory affected the timing of conflict. For instance, before the Russo-Japanese War in 1905, the Japanese war planners thought that they had a fifty-fifty chance of victory when they attacked, believing their chances of winning will be decreasing as time passes. Before the Yom Kippur War in 1973, Egypt’s strategic assessment was based on a military stalemate in which it would have a bargaining chance to reclaim the Sinai Peninsula and push the Israeli to withdraw, instead of a decisive military victory. Also, if the Franco-Prussian war in 1870-71 had broken out a year later, the French would not have been defeated so quickly. The French Army’s modernization had not yet been completed at that time. We could have been reading the First World War in history books as the Russo-German War of 1914 or the Russo-Austrian-Hungarian War of 1914. But it turned into a general war between the major powers because of mutual pessimism about defeat in a postponed war. Immediately after the assassination of the Austro-Hungarian crown prince, Germany, fearing growing Russian military power, thought it was the best moment to fight. France wanted to fight because Germany would fight against Russia at the same time. Russia relied on France’s commitment to fighting against Germany.

Regarding the conflict on Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian strategic assessment is not based on an optimistic assessment about victory, but pessimism about losing a potential war in the future. Although the clashes take place between Azerbaijan and Armenia, regional powers like Turkey and Russia have strong incentives to involve themselves in the conflict, increasing the risk of a regional war across the South Caucasus. Turkey has already declared unequivocal support for Azerbaijan. While so far Russia has not sent open and strong political support to Armenia, it has allegedly involved in the conflict through electronic warfare systems. But further escalation could trigger direct Russian involvement in the conflict, turning the region to another confrontation zone between Turkey and Russia.

Diplomacy urged as Nagorno-Karabakh fighting rages

CGTN China
Oct 28 2020
CGTN
Ruins of a house that was destroyed by shelling during a military conflict over the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh, in the city of Terter, . /Reuters

U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Tuesday urged Armenia and Azerbaijan to pursue a diplomatic solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict as fighting in and around the region continues as the ceasefire brokered in Washington failed again.

Armenia acknowledged overnight that Nagorno-Karabakh forces had withdrawn from a strategic town between the mountain enclave and the Iranian border.

Both sides accused each other on Tuesday of striking targets outside Nagorno-Karabakh itself in defiance of a truce brokered by Pompeo at the weekend.

Pompeo, in India on Tuesday, spoke separately with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azeri President Ilham Aliyev over phone and “pressed the leaders to abide by their commitments to cease hostilities and pursue a diplomatic solution,” the State Department said.

Azerbaijan rejects any solution that would leave Armenians in control of the enclave that is part of Azerbaijan but populated and controlled by ethnic Armenians.

Armenia says it will not withdraw from territory it views as part of its historic homeland and where the population needs protection.

The ethnic Armenian-controlled Nagorno-Karabakh “defense ministry” said its military had recorded 1,009 deaths since the fighting erupted on September 27. Azerbaijan has not disclosed its military casualties. Russia has estimated as many as 5,000 people have been killed in the conflict.

A car is damaged by shelling during the military conflict over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, in the town of Martuni, ./Reuters

A car is damaged by shelling during the military conflict over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, in the town of Martuni, ./Reuters

What the major powers say?

World powers want to prevent a wider war that might suck in Turkey, an ally of Azerbaijan, and Russia, which has a defense pact with Armenia. The conflict is also close to pipelines that carry oil and gas from Azerbaijan to international markets.

U.S. President Donald Trump said on Tuesday that it was disappointing to see the U.S.-brokered ceasefire collapsed. “It’s disappointing to see that, but that’s what happens when you have countries that have been going at it for a long time.”

Iran’s foreign ministry said on Twitter that Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi would travel to several countries including Turkey and Russia to discuss the crisis.

And Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said on Tuesday that Iran has prepared a peace proposal for the regional conflict. “Iran’s proposal for permanent resolution of the conflict will be tabled either today or tomorrow.”

Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu and his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, discussed Nagorno-Karabakh in a phone call. Moscow said they discussed an immediate ceasefire.

The OSCE Minsk Group, formed to mediate the conflict and led by France, Russia and the United States, is scheduled to meet the Armenian and Azeri foreign ministers in Geneva on October 29. Turkey has demanded a bigger role in the mediating body.

(With input from agencies)

https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-28/Diplomacy-urged-as-Nagorno-Karabakh-fighting-rages-UWVl2a9KvK/index.html

Armenia PM’s wife starts combat training amid tensions with Azerbaijan

The Indian Express
Oct 28 2020

Anna Hakobyan, the wife of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, announced on Tuesday that she has begun military training and will soon join the Armenian forces fighting against Azerbaijan in the highly-contested Nagorno-Karabakh region.

In a post shared on Facebook, 42-year-old Hakobyan said that a 13-member women’s squad, including herself, will soon begin military training exercises, AFP reported.

“In a few days we will depart to assist with the protection of our borders,” the post read. “Neither our homeland nor our dignity will be surrendered to the enemy.”

This will be her second military training course since the resurgence of tension between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Just last month, Hakobyan and a group of women from Karabakh underwent a seven-day combat training course at a military base, where they learnt how to use arms and ammunition, AFP reported.

The most recent outburst of fighting between the two warring nations broke out in September, and has killed more than a thousand people so far. Three ceasefire agreements, attempted separately by Russia and the United States, have failed to take affect as tensions continue to escalate in the region.

Earlier this month, Hakobyan, the chief editor of the Armenian Times newspaper, sent a letter to the First Ladies of the US, Canda, France, Brazil, Lebanon, Singapore, Lithuania, Argentina and Vietnam, urging them to “recognize the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, the civilian population of which is being attacked by Azerbaijan”.

Her 20-year-old son Ashot Pashinyan has also volunteered to fight against Azeri forces in Karabakh, AFP reported.

Erdogan says offered Putin to solve the Karabakh issue together, Kremlin denies the claim

 Public Radio of Armenia
Oct 29 2020
 
 
 
 
 
 
Turkey is sincere in its efforts to solve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and believes in Russia’s sincerity, President Tayyip Erdogan said on Wednesday, adding he had told Russia’s Vladimir Putin that they could resolve the issue together, Reuters reports.
 
In a speech, Erdogan said he told Putin that “Armenia is using Kurdish militants in the conflict, after Putin expressed concerns in their phone call on Tuesday over increased involvement of fighters from the Middle East.”
 
Meanwhile, Kremlin Spokesman Dmitry Peskov has said the issue of Turkey’s involvement in the settlement of the Karabakh conflict was not even touched upon during the phone conversation.
 
“The issue was not on the agenda,” Peskov said, noting that only the parties to the conflict – Armenia and Azerbaijan – can agree to the participation of this or that state in the settlement process.
 
In a phone conversation with Erdogan late on Tuesday, Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed his concerns over increased involvement of fighters from the Middle East in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
 
Putin expressed deep concern over the ongoing hostilities in Nagorno Karabakh. He alos informed Erdogan about about the contacts with the leaderships of Azerbaijan and Armenia and the steps being taken to achieve an armistice as soon as possible and de-escalate the crisis.
 
 
 

Armenia PM’s Wife Joins Military Service To ‘protect Homeland’ Amid War With Azerbaijan

Republic World
Oct 28 2020
Written By

Vishal Tiwari

Anna Hakobyan, the wife of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will be defending her country’s border at the Nagorno-Karabakh region amid the armed conflict with Azerbaijan. The 42-year-old on October 26 in a Facebook post informed that she along with 12 other women will start military training exercises and in few days they will depart to assist the country’s forces in protecting borders with Azerbaijan. “Neither our homeland nor our dignity will be given up to the enemy,” Hakobyan wrote on Facebook.  

Read: Armenia, Azerbaijan Report More Fighting Despite Cease-fire

This will be Hakobyan’s second military training since the conflict with Azerbaijan broke out later last month. She along with several other women recently received training on how to use arms and ammunition as part of a seven-day combat training. Hakobyan on Tuesday said that after her earlier Facebook post regarding the training she has received many letters from women who want to volunteer. She also shared phone numbers asking them to contact if they want to join the all-women squad in defending the country’s borders. 

Read: Armenia PM Accuses Azerbaijan Of Ceasefire Violation

According to Public Radio of Armenia, Ashot Pashinyan, Hakobyan’s 20-year-old son is also fighting against Azeri forces in Karabakh after he decided to volunteer earlier this month. 

Armenia and Azerbaijan have agreed to two ceasefires in the past four weeks of the fighting, but both sides have failed to adhere to the agreements and have accused each other of breaking the truce. Both sides are determined to claim victory this time, which is making the international community worried. The United Nations has urged Baku and Yerevan to reach an agreement in order to prevent a major conflict from breaking out in the region.

Read: Armenia, Azerbaijan Accuse Each Other Of Truce Violations

The fight between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh region has been going on for the past month since it had started on September 27 following skirmishes that began in July this year. Azerbaijan and Armenia have been at loggerheads since 1989, however, in 1994 both countries agreed to a Russia-brokered ceasefire agreement. Skirmishes have occurred in the years following the 1994 ceasefire but did not stretch this far. 

Erdogan Pitches Putin on Karabakh Peace After U.S. Bid Fails

Bloomberg
Oct 28 2020

Armenia and Artsakh Republic are once again the subjects of Azerbaijan’s unprovoked aggression – Eduardo Eurnekian

Public Radio of Armenia
Oct 28 2020

Armenia and Artsakh Republic are once again the subjects of Azerbaijan’s unprovoked aggression, Argentine Armenian businessman Eduardo Eurnekian said in a message.

“With an endless supply of the most advanced military technology and supported by an army of mercenaries, the Azerbaijani army is ruthlessly attacking the peaceful Armenian population, which has no choice but to heroically repel the aggressor with the great sacrifice of the most precious of its society, its youth,” Eurnekian said.

“We salute our employees from Armenia International Airports, Converse Bank, Karas Wines and Zvartnots Handling, who have left their families behind and volunteered to join the defense of our homeland,” he said.

Eduardo Eurnekian has donated a total of $3.5 million to Hayastan All Armenian Fund’s “We Are Our Borders” global fundraising initiative.