Greece Must Learn Military Lessons From The Armenian Defeat

Greek City Times
Nov 14 2020
by Guest Blogger

If the defeat of the Armenians is due to many factors, which should be considered at multiple levels by Greece, some initial (albeit precarious) conclusions can be drawn regarding developments in war methodologies and the capabilities and inefficiency of weapons systems. The form of operations there, in fact, bears great resemblance to the battles against by ISIS in Iraq and the war in eastern Ukraine a few years ago, which Greece must observe.

Although public attention has turned to unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), especially the Turkish-assembled Bayrarktar drone, it would be wrong to be trapped in a “fetishism” about the operational value of aircraft. It was not in itself what caused serious blows to the Armenian forces.

Their value lay in the fact that they were integrated into systems forming recognition-impact grids, with massive power projection capabilities and at the same time with a large tolerance for losses. We also point out that the aircraft used are not very high technology.

In fact, the Artsakh conflict has been marked by the limited, non-existent role of high-tech, high-cost platforms such as modern fighter jets. This limited the role of air defense systems, such as the S-300, which are precisely aimed at dealing with fighter jets.

The Azeris did not rely on high-tech systems, but on their ability to inflict heavy losses on the opponent, combined with their ability to take heavy losses.

One pillar of Azeri power was impact-recognition grids, the core of which were low-tech aircraft. They had them in large numbers, so they could suffer heavy losses. The second pillar was a large army on the ground, which consisted largely of mercenaries, who could also suffer heavy losses.

Azerbaijani drone strike in Artsakh.

The aircraft were used both for impact and mainly in intelligence gathering, reconnaissance surveillance and target acquisition (ISTAR) roles, directing artillery fire and guiding infantry. An infantry with great tolerance for losses inflicted on it by ruthless, determined and resourceful Armenians.

Dominance with drones

The need for large numbers of consumable aircraft has been recognized in the West as well. As British Air Force chief Sir Stephen Hillier put it, during the conference on the future of air and space power, held in London (July 17, 2019), it is a crucial issue to create more targets in the air.

In particular, the British Royal Air Force is concerned about the small number of fighter jets currently available and is therefore seeking, inter alia, to acquire unmanned fighters that will accompany the manned aircraft. These aircraft will have many roles, but the goal is to create larger fleets of consumable aircraft that will saturate the enemy air defense. This is exactly what the Azeris did in Artsakh.

Similar is the approach of the US Air Force, which wants to frame its F-35 and F-15EX fighter jets with the unmanned XQ-58 Valkyrie of Kratos Defense Security Solutions, or something similar. Valkyrie began to develop in July 2016, when the US Air Force awarded Kratos a contract under the Low Cost Attritable Aircraft program. The mass use of aircraft for reconnaissance or impact is not a privilege of technologically advanced countries.

For example, during the SOFIC (Special Operations Forces Industry Conference) in Tampa, Florida (May 2017), General Tony Thomas, Commander of the US Armed Forces Interdepartmental Special Operations Command, stated that ISIS in Mosul had achieved regular air supremacy with the widespread use of modified trade drones. These carried out reconnaissance and strike missions, carrying 40mm bombs, or turning them into aerial improvised explosive devices.

The example of Eastern Ukraine

The value of strike-and-hit grids was also evident from operations in eastern Ukraine in 2014-2015, where the Russians used artillery units flexibly. They were supplied with information from aircraft, special operations teams and electronic warfare systems to quickly detect enemy forces and fire them at a rapidly changing battlefield.

For example, in July 2014, according to US intelligence sources, a single Russian artillery brigade destroyed two Ukrainian motorized battalions within minutes, in the “Battle of Zelenopillya”. In particular, a force of the Ukrainian 79th Airmobile Brigade appeared at an advanced outpost and just 30 minutes later came under heavy fire from multiple BM-21 Grad rocket launchers, resulting in its destruction.

It is estimated that the Russians used special forces to locate the Ukrainians and passed the targeting data to the rocket launchers. The Russians also seem to have used electronic warfare systems, such as the PB-301B Borisoglebsk-2. This could interfere with or intercept radio signals and cell phone broadcasts, as the Ukrainians used cell phones at the beginning of the conflict to direct artillery fire, leading the Russians to intercept them.

Another system used by the Russians is the Leer-3, which is estimated to detect the coordinates of active cell phones from their GPS. In this way, it seems that the Russians targeted and destroyed several artillery units of the Ukrainian airborne forces. To tackle the problem, the Ukrainians were equipped with Harris RF 7800V radios from the United States, which offer cryptographic communications.

According to Ukrainian Lieutenant General Andrii Koliennikov, deputy director of the Institute for Scientific Research of the Military Equipment Directorate of Ukraine, 90% of Ukrainian casualties in this war came from artillery and mortar fire.

Part of the Russian strategy was also to strike a crushing blow at the adversary’s command and control structure so that it could not respond to Russian blows. The doctrine of the use of Russian artillery seeks to minimize the time available to the enemy to return fire. It is noteworthy that the Russians used all the artillery systems at their disposal, old and new, even some that had been withdrawn.

Critical choice for the Greece’s Armed Forces

From the above it becomes clear that it is wrong, if not dangerous for Greece to focus on increasingly few markets, due to the high cost, high-tech battle platforms. These become unaffordable, precisely because of the high cost and the small numbers available, but also the long time required to replenish them in case of loss.

MPU RX-4 drone with the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki team in Greece. Photo: ANA-MPA

The situation becomes even more dysfunctional, if combined with the inability to suffer great losses in human resources. And it becomes extremely dangerous when the opponent invests in multi-platform reconnaissance-impact grids that have high tolerances in losses, while his tolerances in human losses are also greater.

In addition, the debate over which frigate or fighter jet is better than the other is dangerously misleading. In war reality, what counts is the development of multi-system battle “entities”, which unite differently within an indivisible unit to inflict destructive blows on the opponent and with great tolerances to the blows received by him. That is why the expensive and incomplete battle platforms are not the appropriate means to strengthen Greece’s combat capabilities. Instead, they offer an Achilles heel to the opponent!

To learn from the defeat of the Armenians

These conclusions are not necessarily negative for Greece. On the contrary, they offer huge opportunities if we want to invest in Greece’s ingenuity, in the rich scientific and technical potential and if of course we utilize commercially available technologies. Today, Greece is at the beginning of a series of major changes in the art, science and technology of war, which are shaping a revolution in this field.

This is exactly the revolution examined by the signatory’s latest study “The New Military Revolution and Greece’s Defense Strategy” (Livani Publications). From this comes much of the information presented here. This revolution offers huge opportunities in Greece, not only to strengthen the fighting capabilities of the army economically, but also to achieve a cooperative relationship of the national economy and defense, instead of being competitive as it is today.

However, if Greece insists on an outdated model of combat capability development based on the overseas market of expensive high-tech platforms, cut off from each other, we risk being trapped in an innovative gap with the adversary. This will cause very dangerous disharmony on the Greece-Turkey front in the years to come.

The views of the author do not necessarily reflect those of Greek City Times.

Konstantinos Grivas is an Associate Professor of Geopolitics at the Military School of Guards. He also teaches Geography of Security in the Wider Middle East at the Department of Turkish and Contemporary Asian Studies at the University of Athens in Greece. He is a regular contributor to SLPress.

Genocide claims in Nagorno-Karabakh make peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan unlikely, despite cease-fire

The Conversation
Nov 14 2020
Genocide claims in Nagorno-Karabakh make peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan unlikely, despite cease-fire
                               12.43am AEDT

The deal leaves Azerbaijan, which was given Nagorno-Karabakh by the Soviets in 1923, largely in control of the majority-Armenian territory. Leaders in Nagorno-Karabakh, located in Western Azerbaijan close to Armenia, continue to demand independence.

Thousands have died and an estimated 100,000 have been displaced in Nagorno-Karabakh since September. As the cease-fire took effect on Nov. 10, Azerbaijanis danced in the streets. But angry Armenians stormed the Armenian parliament and office of the prime minister.

Both sides in the conflict have claimed that fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh isn’t just about territorial control – it is a fight to prevent genocide, a fight for their lives. These grave accusations, while yet unproven, may make a lasting resolution to the conflict much harder.

Violence first broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh in the 1980s, when the region’s ethnic Armenian leaders sought to gain independence from Azerbaijan. There has been intermittent fighting since then, including a bloody war in the 1990s that ended in another Russia-brokered cease-fire giving Azerbaijan legal control of the region.

But Armenian leaders in Nagorno-Karabakh declared themselves an independent republic, and have repeatedly tried to secede.

In my research on self-determination, I find that genocide is often invoked by secessionist regions as a last-ditch effort to secure outside intervention in their conflict.

The United Nations defines genocide as the destruction or partial destruction of a “national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” It is a war crime under international law, and countries are supposed to “prevent and punish” it under a 1948 U.N. agreement.

Secessionist leaders often try to rally foreign powers around their cause with arguments based on geopolitical strategy, economic self-interest, religious bonds or shared ideology. Those reasons broadly explain why Iran supports the Iraqi Kurds in their quest for greater autonomy, and why the Arab states back the Palestinians’ efforts at statehood.

But when all else fails, freedom fighters will highlight their own repression in the starkest of terms to gain international assistance. In war a global campaign for victimhood is the weapon of the weaker side – and genocide claims are the most powerful weapon in this arsenal.

According to my research, more than two-thirds of members in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, a nongovernmental organization composed of autonomy-minded minority groups like the Kurds, have alleged genocide.

Genocide may be, as one scholar puts it, the “embodiment of radical evil,” but as a war crime it is incredibly difficult to prove.

Under international law, accusers must show perpetrators acted with the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part,” specified groups. Demonstrating intent is a tall order.

Armenia knows this as well as any nation. The 1915 Armenian genocide by Turkey is recognized by fewer than three dozen countries. In terms of both law and politics, declaring a deadly military campaign to be genocide – versus just the atrocities of a bloody conflict – is tricky indeed.

A house destroyed in an Oct. 17 rocket attack on Gyandzha, in Nagorno-Karabakh, that killed a young boy. Gavriil GrigorovTASS via Getty Images

Genocide allegations, on the other hand, are more easily come by. But according to my research they don’t bode well for peace.

Genocide claims turn “the other side” into an enemy bent on the destruction of an entire people. Once the public sees a conflict in these terms, history shows, leaders understandably balk at the prospect of sitting down at the negotiating table with that enemy.

Genocide claims also reduce the likelihood of effective outside mediation by winnowing away the pool of “honest brokers” – that is, objective intermediaries. Opposing parties can and do reject would-be peacekeepers based on their acknowledgment of – or refusal to acknowledge – genocide accusations, my research finds.

In archived coverage of the South Ossetian region of Georgia, for example, local leaders in the 2000s insisted various European and American troops could not serve as peacekeepers since they had not defended Ossetians from an alleged 1992 genocide.

Genocide claims in the Georgia cases did eventually lead to international intervention and separation from Georgia, but not through peaceful negotiations. Instead, South Ossetia, like another breakaway Georgian state called Abkhazia, gained de facto independence after a brutal Russian military assault on Georgia in 2008.

This mirrored what occurred in Kosovo nearly a decade earlier when Serbian atrocities prompted Western intervention. Western powers recognized Kosovo’s independence in 2008, but Serbia continues to contest Kosovo’s separation.

In the case of Nagorno-Karabakh, genocide claims on both sides are nothing new. In archival research I found media reports showing that Armenian leaders have repeatedly reminded foreign powers of the 1915 Armenian genocide when pressing for outside intervention in their conflict with Azerbaijan.

Azerbaijanis celebrate the end of the military conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh on Tuesday. Gavriil GrigorovTASS via Getty Images

Azerbaijanis, for their part, retort it is their citizens who should fear genocide. During a 1992 Armenian military campaign in Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenians committed what is now called the Khojaly massacre, when at least 613 civilians were reportedly killed. As newspapers from the era reveal, Azerbaijani leaders declared then that without international intervention, Armenians would finish the job.

[Deep knowledge, daily. Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter.]

It is impossible to determine whether genocide has in fact occurred in Nagorno-Karabakh without in-depth investigations. But the accusations alone may overpower any truce. And as Armenians’ angry reaction to the recent cease-fire demonstrates, peace between the two nations is fragile at best.


https://theconversation.com/genocide-claims-in-nagorno-karabakh-make-peace-between-armenia-and-azerbaijan-unlikely-despite-cease-fire-149350






Armenian-Canadians send more humanitarian aid for people of Artsakh

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 09:46,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian community of Canada is sending more humanitarian aid for the people of Artsakh.

United Armenian Council of Ontario member Edgar Manukyan told ARMENPRESS that the supplies will be sent to Armenia on November 21.

“We’ve sent many batches of humanitarian aid earlier too, 15 tons of aid was sent from Toronto alone,” he said. Most of the emergency relief supplies include medication, sleeping bags, clothing and other essential items.

“There is no despair, we continue our work,” Manukyan said.

Manukyan said they will send ambulances in the next few weeks.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Artsakh military chief meets with Russian peacekeeping contingent commander

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 10:15,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. Artsakh Defense Minister and Commander of the Defense Army Lt. General Mikayel Arzumanyan held a meeting on November 13 with the Commander of the Russian peacekeeping contingent Lt. General Rustam Muradov.

“Issues of organizing and implementing the peacekeeping mission” were discussed, according to a news release issued by the Defense Army.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armen Dzhigarkhanyan dead at 85

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 10:45,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. Prominent Russian-Armenian actor Armen Dzhigarkhanyan has died at the age of 85, his representative told RIA Novosti. 

The cause of death wasn’t immediately available.

Dzhigarkhanyan’s filmography includes a record of 300 appearances in films.

In March 1996, Dzhigarkhanyan founded his own theater named “D, which is currently named Moscow Drama Theater headed by Armen Dzhigarkhanyan.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

20 aircraft carrying Russian peacekeepers arrive in Armenia over last 24 hours

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 10:51,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 17, ARMENPRESS. 20 Russian IL-76 aircraft carrying peacekeeping troops and materiel arrived in Armenia over the past 24 hours for deployment to Nagorno Karabakh.

On November 13 Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoygu had said at a briefing with President Vladimir Putin that up to 25 flights are carried out in one day. More than 1100 peacekeepers had already been transported as of November 13.  The peacekeeping mission in Karabakh will be comprised from a total of 1960 troops, 90 armored vehicles, 380 other vehicles and special materiel.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenian FM, United Nations chief discuss Karabakh

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 11:48,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan held a phone conversation with UN Secretary General António Guterres on November 13 to discuss Nagorno Karabakh, the foreign ministry said.

Mnatsakanyan and Guterres discussed the developments that took place after the signing of the armistice.

The Armenian FM underscored “the necessity of holding discussions over all issues related to the NK peace process exclusively within the framework of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship.”

The UN chief reiterated support to the OSCE MG Co-Chairmanship format.

“Zohrab Mnatsakanyan comprehensively presented the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh that is created as a result of the Turkish-Azerbaijani aggression, and the steps taken by the governments of Artsakh and Armenia in the direction of addressing it,” the foreign ministry said in a news release. The Armenian FM and Guterres also spoke about the involvement of the UN and other relevant bodies in responding to the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh.

Mnatsakanyan emphasized the necessity of preserving and restoring the rights of the displaced Armenians of Artsakh and the UN’s important role in this process as part of the international mandate entrusted in them.

Both sides underscored the need for preserving the Armenian historic-cultural heritage in Artsakh that is endangered as a result of Azeri occupation.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Baroness Caroline Cox visits Armenian Genocide memorial in Yerevan

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 12:04,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. Member of the UK’s House of Lords Baroness Caroline Cox visited the Tsitsernakaberd Memorial in Yerevan on November 12 to pay tribute to the memory of the Armenian Genocide victims.

Baroness Caroline Cox toured the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute’s Memory Ally and watered the fir-tree which she had planted during an earlier visit, the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute said. 

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Armenian CDC reports 1472 new cases of COVID-19

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 11:17,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. 1472 new COVID-19 cases were recorded over the past 24 hours, bringing the cumulative total number of confirmed cases to 115855, the Armenian Centers for Disease Control reported. 3697 tests were conducted.

With 1989 reported recoveries over the past day, the total number of recoveries reached 74105.

41 people died from COVID-19 complications, bringing the death toll to 1738. This number doesn’t include the deaths of 448 other people (8 in the past 24 hours) infected with the virus, who died because of other pre-existing illnesses, according to healthcare authorities.

The number of active cases as of 11:00, November 14 stood at 39564.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Pashinyan highlights social guarantees for families of fallen troops

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 13:44,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 14, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan chaired a consultation focusing on ensuring the social guarantees for the families of troops who were killed or wounded in action during the Karabakh war.

“One of the important directions of our upcoming activity must be the issue of social guarantees for the families of fallen servicemen and the servicemen who suffered disabilities during the war. We’ve gathered today to discuss the situation around the Insurance Foundation of Servicemen, to see the situation and what needs to be done in order to ensure its full operations. We must also discuss what additional tools we have in order to be able to make issues relating to this foundation’s activities more stable and comprehensive,” the PM said.

Then, the officials briefed the PM on the one-time and monthly compensation mechanisms and the upcoming actions for expanding the resources of the foundation.

In turn, the Hayastan All Armenian Fund’s Director Haykak Arshamyan presented information on the funds raised by their organization for Artsakh and the directions and purposes of its use.

The meeting also touched upon the social assistance programs for citizens of Artsakh.

“The Prime Minister issued concrete instructions to the officials in charge to implement the works maximally organized, targeted and purposeful,” the PMO said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan