Category: 2020

Russia’s ‘peacekeeping’ operation in Karabakh: Foundation of a Russian protectorate (Part One)

Emil Karabekian
112 International
Dec 9 2020

Author : Vladimir Socor

Source : Jamestown Foundation

Following its victorious 44-day war (September 27–November 9), Azerbaijan controls approximately one third of the territory of its Upper (“Nagorno”) Karabakh region

Following its victorious 44-day war (September 27–November 9), Azerbaijan controls approximately one third of the territory of its Upper (“Nagorno”) Karabakh region. The larger part remains under Armenia’s control via the unrecognized republic of Karabakh, although the territory is universally recognized as being a part of Azerbaijan. The Kremlin-brokered ceasefire of November 9 and its “peacekeeping” intervention have prevented Azerbaijan from regaining this larger part of Upper Karabakh with its administrative center, Stepanakert (Khankendi in Azerbaijani). The ceasefire stopped the Azerbaijani forces’ seemingly irresistible advance; and the swift insertion of Russian “peacekeeping“ troops has effectively sealed Armenia’s continuing hold onto a rump–Upper Karabakh. Strategically, however, thanks to its intervention, Russia has practically become a suzerain power in this enclave and seems to be laying the foundation for a Russian protectorate.

The November 9 armistice agreement makes no reference to Upper Karabakh’s legal or political status. Azerbaijan’s legal title to sovereignty is not in dispute, but is omitted. De facto, meanwhile, the armistice agreement complicates the situation even further than it already was. Upper Karabakh—hitherto a territorial unit—is now divided between an Azerbaijani-administered part, free from Russian troops (excepting the Lachin corridor—see below) and a larger part under an unrecognized local Armenian administration. The latter is equipped with state structures (including an “army”) but is practically governed from Yerevan; and it is now protected by Russian troops with a Russian civil-affairs presence on the ground (see EDM, November 12, 13).

Without making legal arrangements, Russia has become the security guarantor of this Armenian-inhabited territory of Azerbaijan against reincorporation by the same Azerbaijan. The case is analogous with those of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria, which are protected by Russian troops vis-à-vis Georgia and Moldova, respectively. Akin to those cases, Russian “peacekeeping” troops in Upper Karabakh patrol the demarcation line between the enclave and the rest of Azerbaijan (see EDM, November 12, 13).

Related: Putin, Merkel discuss Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, effectiveness of Minsk agreements

Unlike those other cases (or that of Ukraine’s Donbas), however, Russia has not dictated this armistice agreement. Rather, it has received Azerbaijan’s consent to the “peacekeeping” operation after serious negotiation and reciprocal give-and-take in the war’s final stage. Azerbaijan’s forces had, at that stage, regained four Armenian-occupied districts adjacent to Karabakh, in Azerbaijan’s interior. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev consented to Russia’s “peacekeeping” operation in Upper Karabakh in return for Russian President Vladimir Putin compelling Yerevan to yield three additional Armenian-occupied districts in inner Azerbaijan (Aghdam, Kelbajar, Lachin) back to Baku without further fighting. President Aliyev recounted the essence of this quid pro quo in several post-armistice addresses to the nation (Azertag, November 20, 25, December 1).

The November 9 armistice agreement (Kremlin.ru, November 10) declares a full ceasefire between Azerbaijan and Armenia as “the Sides” (Upper Karabakh’s authorities being unrecognized). It stipulates the stationing of Russian “peacekeeping” troops in the Armenian-controlled part of Karabakh as well as in the Azerbaijani-controlled Lachin corridor (the 20-kilometer-long, 5-kilometer-wide link between Armenia and the Armenian-controlled Karabakh). Thus, the Russian “peacekeepers’ ” areas of responsibility are situated entirely on Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized (also by Russia) sovereign territory.

The Kremlin seems intent on a permanent military presence in Upper Karabakh. The armistice (clause 4) sets the “peacekeeping” mission’s duration at five years initially, to be prolonged automatically at five-year intervals, unless one of “the Sides” (Azerbaijan or Armenia) “declares its intention to cease implementing this clause” with six months’ advance notice. This wording does not provide a basis for Azerbaijan to demand outright the withdrawal of Russian troops in the future. It simply allows one side to make a unilateral statement. Nor does this wording obligate Russia to withdraw its troops, were Azerbaijan unilaterally to “cease implementing.” Moscow could well, in that case, respond by calling for negotiations and procrastinate with impunity (as it has in all the analogous cases—see above). Given that Russian troops are stationed exclusively on Azerbaijani legally recognized territory, Armenia’s inclusion in the clause about the operation’s lifetime is unwarranted and a potential source of Russian mischief.

Related: Azerbaijan announces number of soldiers deceased in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

Russia’s troop contingent is set at 1,960 motorized-rifle troops with light weapons, 90 armored personnel carriers, and 380 motor vehicles (no mention of helicopters) by the armistice agreement. Moscow, however, is augmenting its military and quasi-military presence in Upper Karabakh beyond the armistice agreement’s limitations. Taking charge of humanitarian relief and post-conflict reconstruction in this territory, the Russian government is deploying the personnel of its militarized departments responsible for civilian affairs to Upper Karabakh.

On November 13, President Putin instituted, by decree, an Interdepartmental Center for Humanitarian Response of the Russian government in Upper Karabakh. The Center draws its personnel for the most part from Russia’s Ministry for Emergency Situations, a fully militarized institution, formerly headed by Russia’s current Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu. The Ministry of Defense is, indeed, in charge of the Center’s “organizational matters,” according to Putin’s decree; while Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) also contributes personnel to the Center, as do civilian departments (Kremlin.ru, November 13).

Russia’s Humanitarian Response Center is instructed to work closely with the Russian “peacekeeping” troops. The Center has set up a “camp for long-term basing of Russia’s Emergency Situations Ministry’s personnel” outside Stepanakert. It is receiving supplies and additional personnel from Russia, including a new unit of more than 100 de-mining troops from Russia’s defense ministry (TASS, November 22, 23, 24, December 6). Supplies and reinforcements are delivered from Russia to the Yerevan airport and onward, overland, across Azerbaijani territory, to Karabakh. To simplify the logistics, the Russian and Armenian sides consider restoring and upgrading the disused Stepanakert airport.

Read the original text at The Jamestown Foundation.

Is Armenia about to become part of Russia so it doesn’t get betrayed again?

Ekmekjian Janet
EU Repórter
Dec 9 2020
December 9, 2020

By Guest contributor

There is now peace in Nagorno-Karabakh. Can either of the warring sides be considered a victor – most certainly not. But if we look at controlled territories before and after the conflict, there is clear a loser – Armenia. This is also confirmed by the dissatisfaction expressed by the Armenian people. However, objectively speaking the peace deal can be considered Armenia’s “success” story, writes Zintis Znotiņš.

No one, especially Armenia and Azerbaijan, believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh has been resolved completely and forever. Therefore, it’s no surprise that Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has invited Russia to expand military co-operation. “We hope to expand not only security cooperation, but military-technical cooperation as well. Times were difficult before the war, and now the situation is even more severe,” Pashinyan told the press after meeting with Russian Minister of Defense Sergey Shoygu in Yerevan.1

Pashinyan’ words made me think. Russia and Armenia are already cooperating on multiple platforms. We should remember that after the collapse of the USSR Armenia became the only post-Soviet country – Russia’s only ally in Transcaucasia. And for Armenia Russia is not merely a partner, because Armenia sees Russia as its strategic ally that has significantly helped Armenia on numerous economic and security matters.2

This co-operation has also been established officially on the highest level, i.e. in the form of the CSTO and CIS. More than 250 bilateral agreements have been signed between both countries, including the Treaty on Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance.3 This poses a logical question – how do you strengthen something that has already been established on the highest level?

Reading between the lines of Pashinyan’s statements, it’s clear that Armenia wants to prepare its revenge and requires additional support from Russia. One of the ways of strengthening military co-operation is to purchase armaments from one another. Russia has always been the largest provider of weapons for Armenia. Moreover, in 2020 Pashinyan criticized former president Serzh Sargsyan for spending $42 million on metal scraps, instead of weapons and equipment.4 This means that the Armenian people have already witnessed their “strategic ally” betray them regarding armaments deliveries and participation in different organizations.

If Armenia was already doing worse than Azerbaijan before the conflict, it would be unreasonable to assume that Armenia will now become richer are able to afford better armaments.

If we compare their armed forces, Azerbaijan has always had more weapons. What concerns the quality of these weapons, Azerbaijan is again a few steps ahead of Armenia. Additionally, Azerbaijan also has equipment produced by countries other than Russia.

Therefore, it’s unlikely that Armenia will be able to afford enough modern weapons in the next decade to stand against Azerbaijan, which will also likely continue modernizing its armed forces.

Equipment and weapons are important, but human resources are what really matters. Armenia has a population of roughly three million, while Azerbaijan is home to ten million people. If we look at how many of them are fit for military service, the numbers are 1.4 million for Armenia and 3.8 million for Azerbaijan. There are 45,000 soldiers in the Armenian Armed Forces and 131,000 in the Azerbaijani Armed Forces. What concerns the number of reservists, Armenia has 200,000 of them and Azerbaijan has 850,000.5

This means that even if something miraculous happens and Armenia acquires a sufficient amount of modern equipment, it still has fewer people. If only…

Let’s talk about the “if only”.

What does Pashinyan mean by saying: “We hope to expand not only security cooperation, but military-technical cooperation as well?” As we know, Armenia doesn’t have the money to purchase any armaments. Moreover, all the previous forms of cooperation and integration have been insufficient for Russia to really wish to solve Armenia’s problems.

The recent events prove that Armenia gains nothing from being a part of the CSTO or the CIS. From this point of view, Armenia’s only solution is tighter integration with Russia so that the armed forces of Armenia and Russia are a single entity. This would be possible only if Armenia were to become Russia’s subject, or if they decide to establish a union state.

In order to establish a union state, the position of Belarus must be taken into account. After the recent events, Lukashenko has most likely agreed with all of Putin’s demands. Armenia’s geographic location would benefit Moscow, and we know that if there’s another country between two parts of Russia, it’s only a matter of time until this country loses its independence. This, of course, doesn’t concern countries that join NATO.

It’s difficult to predict how Armenians would welcome such a turn of events. They would surely be happy to defeat Azerbaijan and regain Nagorno-Karabakh, but would they be happy if Armenia returned to the Kremlin’s gentle embrace? One thing is certain – if this happens, Georgia and Azerbaijan must strengthen their armed forces and consider joining NATO.

1 https://www.delfi.lv/news/arzemes/pasinjans-pec-sagraves-kara-grib-vairak-militari-tuvinaties-krievijai.d?id=52687527

2 https://ru.armeniasputnik.am/trend/russia-armenia-sotrudnichestvo/

3 https://www.mfa.am/ru/bilateral-relations/ru

4 https://minval.az/news/123969164?__cf_chl_jschl_tk__=3c1fa3a58496fb586b369317ac2a8b8d08b904c8-1606307230-0-AeV9H0lgZJoxaNLLL-LsWbQCmj2fwaDsHfNxI1A_aVcfay0gJ6ddLg9-JZcdY2hZux09Z42iH_62VgGlAJlpV7sZjmrbfNfTzU8fjrQHv1xKwIWRzYpKhzJbmbuQbHqP3wtY2aeEfLRj6C9xMnDJKJfK40Mfi4iIsGdi9Euxe4ZbRZJmeQtK1cn0PAfY_HcspvrobE_xnWpHV15RMKhxtDwfXa7txsdiaCEdEyvO1ly6xzUfyKjX23lHbZyipnDFZg519aOsOID-NRKJr6oG4QPsxKToi1aNmiReSQL6c-c2bO_xwcDDNpoQjFLMlLBiV-KyUU6j8OrMFtSzGJat0LsXWWy1gfUVeazH8jO57V07njRXfNLz661GQ2hkGacjHA

5 https://www.gazeta.ru/army/2020/09/28/13271497.shtml?updated

The views expressed in the above article are those of the author alone, and do not reflect any opinions on the part of EU Reporter.

Armenian protesters converged on parliament, demand PM resigns

Albert Nalbandian
PBS
Dec 9 2020
World D ec 9, 2020 2:05 PM EST

YEREVAN, Armenia (AP) — Thousands of protesters converged on the parliament building in Armenia’s capital Wednesday to push for the resignation of the ex-Soviet nation’s prime minister over his handling of the fighting with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh.

Nikol Pashinyan’s opponents are angry at a peace deal that ended six weeks of fighting over the separatist region but saw Azerbaijan take over wide areas that have been controlled by Armenian forces for more than a quarter-century.

Armenia’s opposition parties gave Pashinyan an ultimatum to resign by Tuesday, but he has ignored the demand, defending the peace deal as a bitter but necessary move that prevented Azerbaijan from overrunning the entire Nagorno-Karabakh region.

About 15,000 protesters marched through downtown Yerevan to the parliament building, chanting “Nikol go away!”

The opposition has been pushing for Pashinyan’s resignation since the Russia-brokered peace deal took effect on Nov. 10. Protests have grown over the past days, with demonstrators blocking traffic in various sections of the capital, and also rallying in other cities.

The Armenian Apostolic Church and all three of the country’s former presidents have joined the demand for Pashinyan to step down.

Undeterred, the prime minister told lawmakers in parliament Wednesday that the nation needs consolidation in the current difficult period. “Voices of different groups mustn’t be mistaken for the people’s voice,” he said.

Speaking outside parliament Wednesday, Artur Vanetsyan, the former head of the National Security Service who leads the Homeland opposition party, argued that Pashinyan should step down to allow opposition forces to “normalize the situation” in the country. “Each day he stays on the job raises a new threat to the nation,” Vanetsyan said.

Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan but has been under the control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia since a separatist war there ended in 1994. That war left Nagorno-Karabakh itself and substantial surrounding territory in Armenian hands.

In 44 days of fighting that began in late September and left more than 5,600 people killed on both sides, the Azerbaijani army forged deep into Nagorno-Karabakh, forcing Armenia to accept the peace deal that saw Azerbaijan reclaim much of the separatist region along with surrounding areas.

Azerbaijanis have celebrated it as a major victory, and the country is set to hold a massive military parade Thursday — to be attended by visiting Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Turkey strongly backed Azerbaijan during the conflict, which it used to expand its clout in the region.

Vladimir Isachenkov in Moscow contributed to this report.

BBC correspondent describes staying safe, finding journalistic camaraderie during Nagorno-Karabakh’s 6-week war

Arbi Tashjian
CPJ: Committee to Protect Journalists
Dec 9 2020

By Elena Rodina, Europe and Central Asia Research Associate on December 9, 2020 1:15 PM EST

Journalists who covered the recent six-week-long conflict between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces in the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh faced violence to get the story of the region’s latest bloody chapter to the world. At least six journalists were injured in shelling attacks in Nagorno-Karabakh and two were assaulted when a mob descended on a broadcaster in Armenia to oppose its reporting on the November 9 peace treaty, as CPJ documented. CPJ issued safety advice for journalists covering the conflict.

Nagorno-Karabakh, located within Azerbaijan’s borders, has been under the control of ethnic Armenian forces since a 1994 truce. Fighting again broke out on September 27, with hundreds and possibly thousands killed, according to reports. In the November 9 peace treaty, Armenia ceded certain territories to Azerbaijan.

BBC Russia correspondent Marina Katayeva covered the most intense weeks of fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh. She spoke to CPJ via messaging app on November 8 from Yerevan, the Armenian capital, just after she left the conflict zone, and again on November 12, also from Yerevan, about the challenges of working in war, safety measures for reporters, and the importance of journalistic camaraderie. For security reasons, Katayeva writes under a pseudonym, which CPJ has also used in this interview. The interview has been edited for length and clarity. 

Had you covered conflict before, and how did you decide to cover Nagorno-Karabakh? 

I have never covered conflicts before, and my decision to go to Nagorno-Karabakh was dictated by my desire to go into the field, given that for half a year before that I had worked from home [due to COVID-19]. I wanted to finally see people, not just write articles based on phone interviews. Plus, I had been in Armenia before and knew the region.

Can you describe your daily routine while covering the conflict? 

My workdays are almost never the same. Planning is almost impossible because the situation is changing daily. But there are some rituals that I start every day with: checking social networks, calling people in the conflict zone whom I want to feature in an article. If the situation hasn’t evolved overnight, I proceed with what I planned for that day – meeting with people, recording interviews. If the road back to the hotel from the location takes a long time, I write the article while still in the car, using the Notes app on my phone. 

What do you do to make sure you’re protected? 

In our team, everyone has a bulletproof vest and a helmet, and we also brought those for our driver-interpreter. The main protocol is to not take these off if we hear shots or explosions and wear them in the zones where shelling can potentially start. When planning a trip to an area where the conflict is ongoing, we try to find a hotel with a basement. In Stepanakert [the de-facto capital of Nagorno-Karabakh] a couple of times we went to bed fully clothed in case of the nighttime shelling. 

How do you find out about safety concerns in a particular area? 

You can only learn about safety by calling a specific village or a city where you are going to and by asking the locals. Unfortunately, this doesn’t always work. Shelling can start at any moment; it can catch you in the beginning of your visit or toward its end. Also, you cannot rely entirely upon the local peoples’ safety evaluations, simply because they do not always consider the situation around them dangerous. To any question about safety they would answer that “Everything is good, there is no danger.” And then they would proceed to tell you how the day before a shell had landed in their yard and got stuck in the ground next to an apple tree, unexploded. 

What is the most difficult part of covering Nagorno-Karabakh?

As in all conflict zones, the main difficulty is staying safe. It is impossible to guarantee full safety or predict anything here. There is also a question of difference of opinions. It is almost impossible to hear an alternative point of view on the events; it is natural and common for all the war zones, especially when the conflict has to do with the land or the integrity of a state. 

You are covering this conflict during a global pandemic. How do you and your team protect yourselves from the virus? 

Almost no one thinks about COVID-19 in the immediate proximity to the conflict zone – people who spend nights hiding in basements have different priorities. On the other hand, in Yerevan the rules are very strict: you are obliged to wear a mask in every store or closed space. Police can stop you on the street and ask you to put on a mask. I am going with the flow, so I am not wearing a mask in the conflict zone and I put it on when I leave it.  

How has working in Nagorno-Karabakh impacted you personally? 

I was most touched by a story of a refugee who had a birthday while he was staying in one of the hotels in Goris [a town in southern Armenia close to the Nagorno-Karabakh border]. The owner of the hotel decided to prepare a surprise for him, having learned that he would be turning 65 years old. She ordered a cake with candles, and when all the refugees gathered together for dinner, she turned the light off in the dining room and brought out that cake, playing loud music. While everyone around was applauding and congratulating him, the man looked at the cake with an empty stare, and all he could say was “Thank you.” Later I spoke with him and his wife, and learned that their sons were at war, and they came from Hadrut [the site of heavy fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh] leaving all their possessions behind, having the time to only grab their documents. 

In the duration of the whole work trip to Karabakh, my dominant emotion was sadness. I felt bad for the people who lose their houses, who must spend their days, sometimes weeks hiding in basements. I was sad that the war became routine for them, and that they organized their daily lives with a potential bombing in mind. The saddest thing is not that people complain or cry — I have almost never seen it here — but that they keep quiet or tell me that they are “doing just fine.” 

When you are covering a conflict for so long, does the sense of danger eventually diminish? 

Some people say that the feeling of danger changes with time, but not for me. Perhaps this is because during this trip I have been responsible not only for myself, but our whole journalistic team. I would not risk their safety, no matter how important of a story I had to cover. 

Do journalists covering Nagorno-Karabakh help each other and share information and resources?

Journalists are friendly with each other. Almost everyone crosses each other’s paths in the hotels of Goris or in Karabakh itself, and many get acquainted in the basements in Stepanakert. In these places people forget about competition and try to help each other. Of course, we are all looking for unique characters, unusual stories, and exclusive shots. But there is no animosity among journalists here. 

Elena Rodina, a native of Kazan, Russia, worked as a Moscow-based sociopolitical correspondent for Ogoniok, one of the oldest weekly Russian magazines, and Esquire Russia. Her journalism and research have been published in Caucasus Survey, Digital Ethics, Time Out Chicago, Newcity, Media and Communication, and Zeitschrift fur Slavische Philologie, among other outlets. Rodina holds a PhD in Communication Studies from Northwestern University, and an MA in Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies from the University of Oregon, in addition to her bachelor’s degree in Romanic-Germanic Philology from Russia’s Kazan Federal (former State) University.

Yerevan expresses concern over safety of Armenian population in Karabakh

Parkev Tvankchian
TASS, Russia
Dec 9 2020
Armenian Foreign Minister Ara Aivazian met with French counterpart Jean-Yves Le Drian in Paris

YEREVAN, December 8./TASS/. Armenian Foreign Minister Ara Aivazian expressed concerns over the safety of Armenian population returning to Nagorno-Karabakh at talks with French counterpart Jean-Yves Le Drian in Paris on Tuesday.

“During a meeting with my French counterpart, we discussed in detail a long-term settlement of the Karabakh conflict. I expressed Armenia’s concerns, including as concerns a safe and deserved return home of the Armenian population fleeing Artsakh during the war, as well as an immediate exchange of prisoners of war and return of the bodies of those killed,” Aivazian said.

He said that “aggression against Karabakh launched by Azerbaijan with an active support from Turkey, and the difficult situation as a result of it” was among the focal points at the talks. The diplomats exchanged opinions concerning the settlement of humanitarian problems, further peace negotiations, moves towards stability and security in the region, as well as protection of centuries-old Armenian cultural heritage under the control of Azerbaijani troops.

Renewed clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia erupted on September 27, with intense battles raging in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, a disputed territory that had been part of Azerbaijan before the Soviet Union break-up, but primarily populated by ethnic Armenians, broke out in February 1988 after the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region announced its withdrawal from the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1992-1994, tensions boiled over and exploded into large-scale military action for control over the enclave and seven adjacent territories after Azerbaijan lost control of them.

On November 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a joint statement on a complete ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh starting from November 10.

Sports: Euro-2022: Armenia futsal team outscores Bulgarians after second match as well

Bedik Zaminian
News.am, Armenia
Dec 9 2020

The Armenia national futsal team outscored the Bulgarian team during the return match for the Euro-2022 qualifying play-offs as well and made it to the selective group stage.

During the return match in Varna, Armenia beat Bulgaria 3-1. Among the outstanding players were Davit Aslanyan, Saro Galstyan and Vladimir Sanosyan.

During the first match, Ruben Nazaretyan’s team defeated the opponent 4-0.


Russia bans imports of tomatoes & apples from Azerbaijan

Emil Lazarian
RT – Russia Today
Dec 9 2020
9 Dec, 2020 13:33


Russia’s agricultural watchdog has restricted shipments of tomatoes and apples from Azerbaijan after pests were found in the products. The embargo comes into force on December 10.

Russia’s Rosselkhoznadzor (Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Surveillance) said in a statement on Wednesday that it had repeatedly warned Azeri exporters about the rising number of “quarantine objects” in the fruit and vegetable supplies.

The watchdog earlier said that the number of such cases had sharply increased in 2020 compared to the year before. Pests such as grapholita molesta, a moth that damages mainly stone fruits and causes significant economic losses, as well as one of the largest pests of tomato plants in the Mediterranean and other warm parts of Europe, the tomato leafminer, or tuta absoluta, were found in apple and tomato shipments from Azerbaijan.

Rosselkhoznadzor said it had recorded 17 such cases since October 22.

Azerbaijan is one of the largest suppliers of tomatoes to Russia, with imports amounting to nearly $190 million and accounting for around a third of total inbound shipments of the fruit last year.

Baku has been surprised by Moscow’s ban, RIA Novosti reported, citing a person familiar with the matter. Nearly 90 percent of Azerbaijan’s export revenues come from hydrocarbons sales, but tomato exports are the leading non-oil and gas products shipped from the Caspian state. According to Azerbaijan’s customs data, from January to October it shipped over 160,000 tons of tomatoes, over $173 million-worth, to foreign buyers.

Azerbaijan was not the only country that was subject to Russia’s import freeze this month. Rosselkhoznadzor has also voiced safety concerns over Turkish tomato imports, but they avoided a blanket ban, with only two provinces facing temporary restrictions starting on Friday. Moscow imposed similar restrictions on Wednesday on tomatoes and peppers from a province in Uzbekistan as well as on an Armenian region bordering Turkey.


The three captives handed over to Armenia were elderly civilians with serious health problems

Elizabeth Jabejian
Public Radio of Armenia
Dec 9 2020

The three captives transferred from Azerbaijan to Armenia on December 9 through the mediation of Russian peacekeepers are elderly civilians, who were handed over to the Armenian side due to serious health problems, the Armenian Unified Information Center reports.

Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinyan’s Office reported earlier today that three Armenians held in Azerbaijani captivity had been repatriated.


Turkish Press: Canadian Senate rejects motion to recognize Armenian sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh

Frangulian Shushan
Daily Sabah, Turkey
Dec 9 2020
Canadian Senate rejects motion to recognize Armenian sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh
The upper house of the Canadian Parliament rejected a motion submitted by a Conservative senator recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as an independent “republic.”

Senator Leo Housakos’ motion urged the Canadian government to recognize the occupied territory and “immediately condemn the joint Azerbaijani-Turkish aggression.”

Fifty-three senators rejected the Conservative senator’s motion, while 16 voted in favor and five abstained.

The senator is from the French-speaking province of Quebec in the North American country and is of Greek origin.

Last month, France adopted a resolution to recognize the independence of the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which drew heavy criticism from both Ankara and Baku for ignoring international law as well as U.N. decisions.

The symbolic resolution does not mean the French government will recognize a sovereign Nagorno-Karabakh, but it does a message of support to France’s large Armenian community. The French resolution calls on the government to “recognize the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and use this recognition as an instrument of negotiations for the establishment of a sustainable peace.” It also calls on the government to pursue a tougher European response toward Turkey, which has supported Azerbaijan in the conflict.

Nagorno-Karabakh is an internationally recognized territory of Azerbaijan. No country in the world, not even Armenia, recognizes its sovereignty.

Relations between the two former Soviet republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia have been tense since 1991 when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh.

Around 20% of Azerbaijan’s territory has remained under illegal Armenian occupation for nearly three decades.

Multiple U.N. resolutions, as well as many international organizations, have demanded the withdrawal of the occupying forces.

Fresh clashes erupted on Sept. 27 continuing for 44 days, throughout which Baku liberated several cities and nearly 300 of its settlements and villages from the Armenian occupation.