The Charter of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) has no provision banning arms sales to a non-CSTO country engaged in a conflict with a member state of the organization, Deputy Foreign Minister Shavarsh Kocharyan told lawmakers on Tuesday.
His comments came in response to a question of MP Mikayel Melkumyan about the possible restrictions to be imposed on weapon sales of Russia and Belarus to Azerbaijan.
In the meantime, Kocharyan said there is a CSTO clause allowing its member states to acquire the same weapons at lower prices than non-CSTO countries and Armenia makes use of it.
“We have such a provision both with Russia and within the framework of the CSTO,” he said, adding Armenia buys weapons from Russia at much more affordable prices that the third countries.
This was stated by High Commissioner for Armenia’s Diaspora Affairs Zareh Sinanyan at the meeting with Armenian students in Moscow.
He noted that Armenia should be ready for repatriation both in terms of legislation and infrastructure.
“The state should give its compatriots the opportunity to live, work and prosper in Armenia, invest their potential in the homeland,” Zareh Sinanyan said.
Yerevan /Mediamax/. According to the conclusions of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), published today, Armenia has not fully implemented priority recommendations of the commission.
“In its 2016 report on Armenia, ECRI recommended that the authorities bring their criminal law into line with ECRI’s General Policy Recommendation No. 7; ECRI concludes that this has not been implemented as, for example, the list of “prohibited grounds” in the new draft Criminal Code does not contain all those proposed by ECRI. Besides, the adoption of the new Criminal Code is currently only planned for 2020.
ECRI also recommended that the various action plans for the integration of vulnerable groups include a description of their objectives, a complete set of criteria for assessing the impact on those groups, and a clear financial plan. This has been partially implemented,” read the ECRI conclusions.
The Middle East’s history has been one of ethnic and cultural diversity. As the birthplace of civilization in the Fertile Crescent, and then of the three Abrahamic religions, it has naturally seen the ebb and flow of a vast number of distinct peoples and communities. Yet these days, that legacy’s continued status appears more in jeopardy than ever. With decades of war, instability and religious extremism worsening conditions, another of the region’s ancient communities is increasingly flowing outwards: the Armenians.
Armenians have been long present in the Levant and elsewhere in the region. With a rich history of mercantilism, small-scale migrations from their mountainous homeland in eastern Anatolia established the first communities in the region long ago. Most contemporary Middle Eastern Armenians, however, came to the region as a result of the 1915 Armenian genocide that saw Ottoman troops disperse them from their territories into the rest of the empire and beyond.
The communities established a century ago have since been whittled down, by a process that has drastically accelerated in the past 10 years and then even more so in the last 12 months. The long-term survival of Armenians as a distinct community across the region now is more in question than at any time before.
Of the three largest communities, the most severely reduced is that in Syria. Home to perhaps 80,000 Armenians before the war, the Syrian Armenians had the distinct misfortune of being concentrated in Aleppo, which suffered massively as the center of a four-year struggle between government and opposition forces. Even more shocking was the 2014 sacking of Kesab, an exclusively Armenian village in the country’s northwest, that transfixed Armenians across the world as anti-government jihadists ransacked the town. Their homes destroyed, more than 20,000 Syrian Armenians repatriated to Armenia with the help of that country’s government, while more went elsewhere. Some accounts place the number of Armenians remaining in Syria to be as low as 15,000.
Iran and Lebanon, the other two centers, have each shed many of their own Armenians in the past few years. Lebanon’s Armenian population, once perhaps a quarter of a million strong, saw its share of emigration during the 1975-1990 civil war there. More have left recently for more mundane reasons: economic stagnation and unemployment. This same factor has also played a key role in outflows from Iran, whose Armenian population dates back to a 17th-century resettlement program by the then-shah.
The ‘Velvet Revolution,’ as commentators have dubbed the peaceful uprising that toppled the Republic of Armenia’s authoritarian government last spring, has delivered an air of hope to the country
While these two countries have seen severe economic difficulties, the homeland has become much more attractive. The “Velvet Revolution,” as commentators have dubbed the peaceful uprising that toppled the Republic of Armenia’s authoritarian government last spring, has delivered an air of hope to the country. While it was once viewed in dour terms by the diaspora, this perception has been turned on its head, with immigration numbers (most of which are of ethnic Armenians) reaching their highest point in more than a decade.
Exact statistics are hard to come by, but repatriation organizations active in the republic note that the largest increase has been from Lebanon and Iran. Should successful economic and political reforms follow, further Armenian migration from these two countries would almost certainly ensue.
Another region-wide trend has played a major role: Christian persecution. Across the Middle East, Christian communities have suffered killings and other attacks with increasing regularity. Perhaps the two most severely affected have been Iraq, where anti-Christian violence since 2003 peaked with the rise of ISIS, and Egypt, whose Coptic Christians have suffered immensely. Both countries also play host to Armenian communities, the vast majority of whom, however, have since fled. Even in Israel, home to a few thousand Armenians, notably in Jerusalem’s 2,000-year old Armenian quarter, discrimination against the community has occurred on a sustained, if much less violent, level.
The trend has played out on a massive scale: whereas Christians were estimated to form more than 13% of the Middle East’s population in 1910, that number is expected to fall to barely 3% by 2025. A seismic shift in the region’s demographics is occurring, one in which the Armenians are caught up.
Unlike Arab Christians, however, Armenians do have a homeland state, one where the population shares their language, faith and customs. The mere existence of the Republic of Armenia is thus a major blessing for many Middle Eastern Armenians.
But there are still many challenges. Armenia is a developing country, with an average monthly wage of only US$300. Unlike locals, who mostly live in houses and apartments long owned by their families, repatriates must spend half their salary or more on rent alone. Two centuries of Russian and then Soviet domination have naturally affected local culture and mindsets as well, creating difficult-to-bridge cultural and linguistic gaps. Still, they are lucky to have this refuge.
The Armenian retreat stretches from Alexandria to Aleppo to Esfahan, and shows few signs of stopping. Most of the smaller communities, like those in Iraq, are already nearly gone. Those in Iran and Lebanon are likely to survive, albeit in truncated form, and possibly even thrive: Forming their own enclaves in each country, they are large enough to be self-sustaining, and also enjoy special privileges afforded to them under the respective national governments. The United Arab Emirates has also remained a rare hub, its financial opportunities and stability encouraging a still-vibrant Armenian presence.
The second half of the 20th century saw the vanishing of the Middle East’s Jews from the lands where they had lived for centuries; the first half of the 21st is witnessing the phenomenon repeated among Christians. For the Armenians, driven there by force a century ago, their fate now, again, seems to lie elsewhere.
This article was provided to Asia Times by Syndication Bureau, which holds copyright.
Lidl, a German global discount supermarket chain which also has Lidl Voyages service, has included Armenia among its proposed travel destinations for French tourists.
Lidl offers its visitors a seven-day travel itinerary to Armenia starting from €899, during which tourists will discover the cultural heritage of Armenia.
During the trip tourists will be able to explore capital Yerevan, with the itinerary including trips to Khor Virap, Norovank Monastery, Areni Winey, Saghmosavank (13th century Armenian monastic complex), Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, Goshavank monastery, Garni Temple, Geghard Monastery and Lake Sevan.
The visit to Armenia is advertised under the slogan “The Miracle of Armenia”.
Pashinyan said that he has taken into consideration the opinions of protesters against the exploitation of the mine and economists who are worried about the country’s international image
There are currently no legal grounds for a ban on the exploitation of the Amulsar gold mine, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has stated during a live broadcast on his Facebook page.
Back in mid-August, the Investigative Committee of Armenia published the results of a comprehensive, which claimed examination that the development of the field does not harm the environment.
The Prime Minister then spoke for more than an hour in a live feed, assuring the public that the Amulsar mine would be exploited in accordance with environmental standards unprecedented for Armenia.
But environmentalists and residents of nearby settlements demanded exploitation of the mine be abandoned.
The fact is that approximately 100 tonnes of sodium cyanide per year will be used for gold mining operations in the area.
Opponents of the development of the mine believe that the case has a clear political context – they suggest that the government is turning a blind eye to environmental issues in order to avoid litigation with the company that obtained the rights to develop the field under the former government.
On September 9, Prime Minister Pashinyan again called for calm concerning the issue. He asked residents of the region of Jermuk to unblock the roads leading to Amulsar.
He explained his position as follows: the Lydian company, which received a license to operate the mine, will resume construction work no earlier than April 2020, therefore, there is no need to obstruct passage to the mine at the moment.
And the exploitation of the field itself can begin only at the end of 2020 or the beginning of 2021.
Meanwhile, having granted a license for the development of the Lydian mine, the country has undertaken obligations, and now cannot fail to fulfill them without damaging its reputation.
Nikol Pashinyan said that he has taken into account the opinion of concerned residents of the country, but has also considered the opinion of economists who argue the need to maintain a positive image of the country in international economic organizations.
In addition, the Prime Minister has assured the public they have no reason to protest, since his government does not accept any corruption deals and is concerned about the future of his country and its inhabitants.
The main issue is that the government can not prohibit the development of the Amulsar mine.
“But at the same time, we can’t not take into account the anxiety of the public,” Pashinyan noted.
PM Pashinyan said the Armenian government is obliged to systematically monitor all work in the Amulsar mine.
To this end, the Armenian Ministry of the Environment is going to acquire appropriate equipment by May 2020, which will make it possible to detect violations during the operation of the mine.
And since the Lydian company will not continue to work on the territory of the mine until that time, there is no need to rush the government.
Nikol Pashinyan spoke of some details of the last meeting with representatives of Lydian Armenia which took place on September 6.
According to Pashinyan, the company has committed itself to operating the mine in a safe manner.
“This means that not a single liter of polluted water will enter the rivers, the air will not be polluted, the groundwater will not be polluted, and there will be no problems with biodiversity. Representatives of the company strongly assure that there will be no negative changes in the environment.”
And most importantly: if any violations are detected, the mine will be closed for 90 days.
The Armenian Prime Minister voiced a number of proposals of how to solve the current situation.
To begin with, he asked the locals of Jermuk to unblock the roads leading to Amulsar. They blocked them after the revolution of 2018, hoping that the new government would support them and prohibit the development of the field.
“I officially ask the residents of Jermuk to open roads to the mine. I repeat. I’m asking you to open the roads,”, the phrase more than once appeared in the prime minister’s direct appeal.
Then Pashinyan said that the inspection body was instructed to start checks at Amulsar on a number of issues that were voiced at a recent video conference with ELARD – the consultations company which conducted a comprehensive safety review of the mine’s exploitation:
“A new investigation team has been formed, which will not only double-check the facts, but will also investigate new ones.”
Pashinyan’s arguments again did not seem convincing to environmentalists and activists of the SaveAmulsar movement.
Ecologist Shirak Buniatyan has already answered Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan about the possible operation of the Amulsar mine.
On his Facebook page, he wrote that the road to Amulsar will open only in two cases:
either government will abide by the unshakable decision of the Armenian people, adopted a year ago [ed. A speech given by Pashinyan that the mine will not be exploited];
or the authorities will use the methods of their predecessors [ed. Implying the use of force].
“But if they resort to this vicious practice of the former, then they will kill the popularity of the revolution. Amulsar is our homeland and that’s it”, wrote Buniatyan.
Among the first, one of the richest people in Armenia, the head of the Prosperous Armenia party Gagik Tsarukyan, reacted to Pashinyan’s statements.
According to him, the fate of the Amulsar field should be decided by the people. Moreover, he said he himself is ready to go out to a protest against the operation of the mine and join the people:
“You need to hear the people. If there is consent, open the mine. If this consent does not exist, let it not be worked out. The people live there and will continue living there. How can one ignore their opinion?”
The MP from the ruling parliamentary faction My Step, the head of the commission on economic issues, Babken Tunyan, agrees that there are currently no legal grounds to ban the operation of the Amulsar mine:
“At the moment, this decision has been made: there is no need to impede construction work on the mine. I adhered to this point of view from the very beginning … If during the year additional reasons appear that will allow us to stop the development of the mine, then certain measures will be taken.”
The topic of the exploitation of the Amulsar mine has become one of the most discussed in the Armenian Facebook segment for quite some time.
Social media users are divided into two camps: some are categorically against the resumption of Amulsar’s development, while others completely trust Pashinyan’s opinion and are of the opinion “he knows better”.
Here are some of the comments:
“We trust our prime minister!”
“Mr. Prime Minister, you are the leader of our country, and we, your people, unconditionally trust you!”
“We will protest and go to the end! Even at the cost of our lives! ”
“Stop your manipulations! The tourism sector can bring us much more money than the 10% of Lydian!”
“The larger half of the population is against it!”
“Is this how we are entering the second stage of the revolution?”
Amulsar mine is the second largest gold deposit in Armenia, and contains about 31 tonnes of ore and 40 tonnes of pure gold.
Lydian Armenia discovered the gold mine back in 2005.
Up until 2012, the company was looking for investors and was developing a mine development programme.
The same year Lydian Armenia and the Armenian government signed an agreement to develop and exploit the mine, and the company received the right to proceed with the project.
Protests against the development of the mine began in 2011.
They were attended by residents of surrounding settlements and environmentalists, who said that gold mining in the area could have a negative impact on the environment of the city of Jermuk, Lake Sevan and local rivers.
The initiative group ‘Jermuk will not become a mine’ was created at the time.
In 2012, the collection of signatures against the development of the mine began.
Activists repeatedly blocked the attempts of the mining company to approach the mine with heavy equipment. In 2018, they were able to have work at the mine suspended.
The Investigative Committee of Armenia then opened a case looking into environmental damage, for which an international assessment carried out by Elard was commissioned.
Several days ago after the release of Elard’s report, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that mining would continue, given the report’s findings.
“If it is true that operating the mine is safe for Sevan and the Jermuk water system, then the project will be implemented. However, if there is a threat, I, as the Prime Minister, will not be able to permit its operation regardless of anything.”
As a result, the examination concluded that the development of the mine does not contain “uncontrolled risks”. That is, the government had the go ahead to allow gold mining at Amulsar to resume
The Lydian company received the right to exploit the Amulsar mine after signing one of the largest investment packages in the history of independent Armenia.
The structure announced a figure of 325 million dollars, and said 1,300 people would be involved in construction work, and that 770 jobs would be available during the operation stage.
The development of the mine, according to the company’s estimates, should provide an annual growth rate of 1.4% or $185 million for Armenia’s GDP.
Export figures, according to preliminary estimates, could reach up to $286 million per year.