RA FM: Russia Murders do not affect relations between the 2 states

ArmInfo News Agency, Armenia
Dec 1 2006

RA FM: MURDERS OF ARMENIANS AND RA CITIZENS IN RUSSIA DO NOT AFFECT
RELATIONS BETWEEN TWO STATES

Armenia-Russia relations are very good, deep and strategic, RA FM,
Vardan Oskanyan, said at today’s press-conference, asked if the
murders of Armenians and RA citizens in Russia affect the relations
between the two states.

"Of course, these murders cause deep regret and pain. It is a serious
problem and not only for Armenia. It is a more serious for Russia ",
RA FM said. He noted that murders of Armenians are mostly seen in
Armenia, but the persons of other nationalities are killed as well.
As the Minister said, the issue must worry the Russian side and RF
authorities have to take very serious steps to stop this phenomena,
otherwise, it may go on with more range. At the same time, the
Minister stressed again that it does not affect the Armenian-Russian
relations.

Asked about the recent statement of RA Ambassador to Russia, Armen
Smbatyan, who estimated the Armenian- Russian relations for "five
plus", V. Oskanyan said one should not talk by estimations. At the
same time, the Minister refused to comment the Ambassador Smbatyan’s
activity.

What Is Appropriate For A Javakheti Armenian Is Not Appropriate For

WHAT IS APPROPRIATE FOR A JAVAKHETI ARMENIAN IS NOT APPROPRIATE FOR AN APARANI ARMENIAN

Lragir, Armenia
Nov 29 2006

The Hzor Hayrenik Party is ready to run for parliament in 2007 both
alone and in an alliance. The chair of the council of the party Shirak
Torosyan said they conducted a survey and found out that their rating
has not dropped since the election in 2003. In 2003 Shirak Torosyan’s
party led by Vardan Vardapetyan, the former deputy mayor of Yerevan,
officially got a little more than 3 percent. In reality, we got more
than 5 percent, assures Shirak Torosyan and adds that if the election
in 2007 is fair, they will get more than 5 percent.

It is also possible that the Hzor Hayrenik Party will run for
parliament in an alliance. There is no clear answer to this question
yet, but they have consultations with the parliamentary forces
and the forces which could not enter the parliament. However, one
ally of Hzor Hayrenik is already known. It is the Javakheti Union
of Compatriots. Shirak Torosyan is the chair of this union, and he
is not hiding that they are engaged in politics. Shirak Torosyan
dislikes that these unions tend to enter politics. Perhaps he wants
only his union to be in politics. He even has an explanation.

"Javakheti is entirely politics, and it is already a political
problem. When you feel, when you see that the political forces or the
government do not deal with the problem adequately, it becomes clear
for the people of Javakheti that they must tackle their problem through
certain bodies, certain organizations. In this case, the Javakheti
Union of Compatriots is actively engaged in politics. In this case,
I think, the engagement of the Javakheti Union of Compatriots is
justified because in a number of cases such active engagement is not
favorable for the government," Shirak Torosyan says. He says since
the Javakheti Union is not a political body, it is cooperating with
political forces, namely the Hzor Hayrenik Party.

Hzor Hayrenik is referred to as a party of the Armenians of Javakheti,
and it is at least strange that they have the right to do politics,
whereas Aparanis do not.

"We are not solving the problem of the Armenians of Javakheti but the
problem of Javakheti as a geopolitical factor. Javakheti is within
the administrative borders of Georgia, it is inhabited by Armenians,
and is in the focus of the Armenian and Georgian relation. You know
that Georgia is Armenia’s only way of communication with the outer
world. The Georgian policy on Armenia is known to everyone, let us
not try to hide it. In other words, if it can suffocate us, it does.

Evidence to this is the construction of the Kars-Akhalkalaki
railroad. Consequently, Javakheti is our trump card in our relation
with Georgia," Shirak Torosyan says.

Presently, it is calm and stable in Javakheti and the tensions have
been mitigated after the local election, Shirak Torosyan says. He
does not know what will happen later. He says time will show.

Meanwhile, the Russian Time and other media often manipulate
the problem of Javakheti in reporting on the Russian and Georgian
relations. Shirak Torosyan says there is danger that the question will
be manipulated not only in Russia but generally. However, this danger
can be rendered harmless, Shirak Torosyan thinks, if the population
in Javakheti is organized correctly.

TBILISI: Georgian Leader Signals Gas Deal With Azerbaijan

GEORGIAN LEADER SIGNALS GAS DEAL WITH AZERBAIJAN

Civil Georgia, Georgia
Nov 29 2006

President Saakashvili hinted on November 29 that Azerbaijan is willing
to provide Georgia with natural gas, as Tbilisi desperately seeks
alternative supplies to ease energy dependency on Russia.

President Saakashvili met with Azeri counterpart Ilham Aliyev on the
sidelines of the CIS summit in Minsk on November 28.

"I think this winter will become a historic example of brotherly
relations between Azerbaijan and Georgia," Saakashvili told reporters
in London, where he arrived overnight after Minsk summit.

He neither specified whether any concrete deal was reached during
the meeting, nor elaborated further details of talks.

"During the meeting, the two Presidents discussed issues related to
further enhancement of bilateral ties in various fields. Other issues
of mutual interests were also discussed," an official Azerbaijani
news agency AzerTag reported without any other details.

Meanwhile, Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Nogaideli, who accompanied
by Energy Minister Nika Gilauri, will pay one-day working visit to
Azerbaijan on November 30, said that Georgia may achieve favorable
"re-contracting" of Shah-Deniz gas deal.

Georgia wants to buy more gas from Azeri Shah-Deniz field than it is
currently envisaged by the contract – Turkey and Azerbaijan are also
part of this contract.

Georgia is expected to receive 200 million cubic meters of gas as
a transit fee, plus 50 million cubic meters at a reduced price from
the South Caucasus Gas Pipeline, which will transport Azeri gas to
Turkey via Georgia next year.

PM Nogaideli noted that in the meantime, gas distribution companies
in Georgia are currently in talks with the Gazprom’s export arm.

"These talks with Gazexport are being held in Yerevan [Armenia] because
it was impossible to hold these talks in Moscow for various reasons,"
PM Nogaideli said.

Russia’s monopoly Gazprom told Georgia it wants USD 230 per 1000
cubic meters of gas in 2007 instead of current USD 110.

PM Nogaideli also noted that in late December a joint Georgian-Iranian
economic commission will gather in Tehran with his participation to
finally define terms of gas supply from Iran.

U.S. Ambassador to Georgia John Tefft warned recently that Washington
does not approve of Georgia having long-term strategic energy-related
cooperation with Iran.

Georgia conducted its first emergency gas import from Iran in January,
2006 after twin blasts on two gas pipes in Russia’s North Ossetia
disrupted supplies in Georgia.

Capacity of Georgian-Azerbaijani gas pipeline, which was used for
import of Iranian gas in a period from January 30 to February 5,
2006, was 4 million cubic meters per day which is roughly a half of
the amount needed for Georgia per a day.

Sources close to the government say Tbilisi tries to maximally reduce
share of Russian gas in total Georgia’s consumption.

But some opponents have warned that by totally rejecting Russian gas
Georgia may become dependent on another supplier.

"The government was telling us that they are trying to diversify energy
supplies, but instead it seems that they are just changing them. Real
diversification means to have various supplies, meaning that country
will not depend on a single energy provider," Davit Ebralidze, energy
expect affiliated with the opposition Republican Party, told RFE/RL
Georgian Service on November 29.

Oskanian To Visit Brussels, Strasburg, Paris And Iran In December

OSKANIAN TO VISIT BRUSSELS, STRASBURG, PARIS AND IRAN IN DECEMBER
By Gohar Gevorgian

AZG Armenian Daily
29/11/2006

Foreign Ministry’s Press Center informs that Foreign Minister Vartan
Oskanian will leave for Brussels to be present at the sitting of
the OSCE Foreign Ministers’ Council to be held on 4-5 Dec. It is
foreseen that he will meet EC General Secretary Terry Davis and other
EC high-ranking officials.

The Minister will be back to Brussels on 7th Dec. to meet the NATO
General Secretary Jaap de Hoop Scheffer.

The next day Oskanian will visit Paris and will participate in the
arrangements dedicated to the Armenian General Benevolent Union’s
100th anniversary.

The Minister’s December visit will be concluded by his Iranian visit
on 17th Dec.

BAKU: Vardan Oskanian: Nagorno Karabakh Conflict Poses Obstacle Betw

VARDAN OSKANIAN: NAGORNO KARABAGH CONFLICT POSES OBSTACLE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND TURKEY

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
Nov 27 2006

Nagorno Karabakh poses a serious obstacle for the normalization of
Turkey-Russia relations," Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanian
told France-Press agency in his interview, APA reports.

"It is not right to make the same Nagorno Karabagh conflict with North
Cyprus conflict. The first conflict happened in the period of USSR,
but the second happened in the territory of UN states. Armenia and
Northern Cyprus know that there are many obstacles for Turkey to
enter to EU," he said.

Armenian-Turkish Dialogue and Taner Akcam

Nouvelles d’Arménie, France
Nov 26 2006

Armenian-Turkish Dialogue and Taner Akçam

The current problems, if not enmity, prejudice and hatred, between
the Turkish and Armenian communities can almost entirely be traced
back to the Genocide of 1915. This has been, and still is, the major
stumbling block in Armenian-Turkish relations.

Frequently, the Armenians look at the year 1915 as the epitome and
culmination of the misfortunes, misgovernment and tragedies they
suffered under Ottoman Turkish rule. The Turkish state continues
flatly to deny the events of 1915, often mitigating or denigrating
the Armenian tragedy in various forms and to varying degrees.

They also claim that the vile acts of destruction committed against
the Armenians are below the inherent dignity and honor of the Turkish
people and the ideals of Turkish nationalism that gave rise to the
modern Turkish state.

Any and all references to 1915 have not only polarized both the
Armenians and the Turks but have also politicized their respective
stands vis-à-vis one another.

They continue to suffer emotionally, as their viewpoints remain
mutually unrecognized or unacceptable. They spend millions of dollars
to silence one another’s voice and become all the more embittered, as
they fail to come to terms with the unspeakable pain, loss and
memories associated with 1915 and its attendant consequences.

The social actors engaged in this confrontation are the nation-states
of Turkey and Armenia, the communities in both countries, including
the Armenian minorities in Turkey, the Armenian diaspora, especially
in France and the United States, and the nascent Turkish communities
in Germany and the United States.

All of these actors ( ?) have their separate interests,
interpretations, and expectations from the discussion of the Armenian
tragedy, and they all attempt to impose their respective views upon
others.

As a whole, the Armenians are in agreement that what happened in 1915
was indeed genocide. They have different interpretations, however, as
to why 1915 happened, where 1915 should be located in collective
memory, and how this location should affect the present.

The views of the Turkish state, the Turkish diaspora, and the people
of Turkey also differ widely on the assessment of 1915. The Turkish
state has developed a master story that aims to deny and erase the
genocide from Turkish collective memory. This master story has so far
been viable because of the inherent disregard of the Turkish state
for its own historical past. Since the Turkish nationalist project
had to construct the Turkish nation-state in contradistinction to the
Ottoman Empire, it construed and identified the birth of the Turkish
state as the beginning of the history of the nation, rendering what
had transpired earlier irrelevant.

While the Turkish diaspora seems to adhere to this official state
line, the people of Turkey often do indeed have their own alternative
narratives. These narratives circulate informally among groups and
individuals, but are never brought into the public arena, for fear of
retribution from the state.

Such contestation and discrepancies between and within the Armenian
and Turkish communities, and the persistent lack of meaningful
dialogue produce sadly significant consequences. Their failure to
cultivate direct ties not only allows third parties to enter the
public space and exploit Armenian-Turkish differences and
disagreements to their advantage, it also forecloses opportunities to
discuss, acknowledge and address problems and silences in their own
histories.

The Armenian and Turkish communities can overcome such negative
consequences by recognizing their shared past, the violence, shock
and trauma they both have experienced, and the man-made tragedy
inflicted on the Armenians.

One could certainly assert that the Armenians have experienced a
double trauma : one resulting from the massacres of 1915, and the
other from Turkey’s refusal to recognize the genocide. One of the
first steps towards reconciliation through dialogue is the
recognition of the trauma of the past affecting both the Armenians
and the Turks.

Prior to 1915, the Armenians and Turks shared more than six centuries
of common history. This common history can only be studied if 1915 is
recognized as one, albeit major, historical instance to be analyzed
within the context of the common history Turks and Armenians shared
before and after 1915. Inability to do so would essentialize 1915.
The second step in reconciliation through dialogue is the recognition
of the common history of the Armenian and Turkish communities.

In its account of what happened or did not happen to the Armenians,
the master story of the Turkish nation-state chooses to emphasize the
pain and suffering inflicted on the Turks themselves, as if this
would in some way alleviate Armenian pain and lessen the Armenian
tragedy.

The Turkish master story also claims that the denial of the Armenian
tragedy and the exclusion of this group from its imagined community
would decrease the pain and suffering of the Turks. The third step in
reconciliation through dialogue is the recognition of the inherent
biases present in the master story of the Turkish state.

Once these steps are taken jointly by the Armenian and Turkish sides,
on equal terms and with mutual recognition and respect, the current
insufferable atmosphere can be turned into a joint search for
reconciliation through dialogue. Such a perspective is essential if
Armenian and Turkish scholars are to explore history in a meaningful
way and in all its shades, gray and otherwise.

There is an acute need and, indeed, much room for understanding,
collaboration and joint exploration of all aspects, facets and
details of Armenian-Turkish relations throughout history. For there
is much prejudice to be shed, stereotypes to be destroyed, and many
obscure areas to be explored in a constructive fashion. It is this
spirit that has led us, two University of Michigan faculty, working
in the field of Ottoman and Armenian history and culture, to work
together with a view to promoting a scholarly dialogue and adopting a
wider embrace of Armenian-Turkish studies.

In our approach and determination to work together, we have derived
much inspiration from the person and work of Dr. Taner Akçam.

It is with a deep sense of privilege and honor that we introduce Dr.
Taner Akçam’s collection of essays. For many years now, Dr. Akçam has
been working tirelessly, and against tremendous odds, to overcome
prejudices and biases and to promote understanding and better
relations between Turks and Armenians. The focus of his scholarship
has been the Armenian Genocide, its history and impact on
Armenian-Turkish relations since 1915.

He has diligently delved into primary archival sources to understand
and illuminate, and to analyze and interpret, some of the darker
aspects of the Armenian tragedy and human behavior. In all his work,
Dr. Akçam’s scholarship has been meticulous, his perspectives
illuminating, and his moral fortitude inspiring.

What has also been remarkable about this gentleman is not only his
perseverance, but also his genuine sense of optimism. His essays
offer us a glimpse into the soul and work of a compassionate human
being and a dispassionate scholar, endowed with a deep sense of
social awareness and responsibility.

Dr. Akçam’s work has been so far published in Turkish and German and
has therefore been inaccessible to the English-speaking public. The
present volume brings together some of his essays in English
translation.

We are certain that this volume will be of significant importance to
those interested in the modern phase of Armenian-Turkish relations.
We are also certain that its appearance will be gratifying to Dr.
Akçam himself. A wider audience will read his work. This will
translate into a greater impact and, hopefully, will stimulate more
dispassionate research.

And there is no greater fulfillment for a Turk who began his arduous
journey all alone, than to be joined by an increasing number of
companions in quest of the truth and fruitful understanding between
Turks and Armenians.

KEVORK BARDAKJIAN
University of Michigan

FATMA MÜGE GÖÇEK
University of Michigan

Armenian community toasts independence

Daily News (New York)
November 19, 2006 Sunday
SPORTS FINAL EDITION

ARMENIAN COMMUNITY TOASTS INDEPENDENCE

BY SNEJANA FARBEROV SPECIAL TO THE NEWS

RED, BLUE and orange – the colors of the Armenian flag – were waved
proudly in Brooklyn last Sunday as the 15,000-strong local Armenian
community celebrated 15 years of national independence.

The main event of the day was organized by St. Gregory Mission Parish
and held at St. Edmund’s Church on Ocean Ave. More than 150 guests,
some from as far away as Germany, convened there for an evening of
poetry readings, traditional dance performances by the Sevan
ensemble, and a mixed bag of musical treats.

The evening began with a performance of the American and Armenian
national anthems by lead soloist Jenny Bagdasarian and passionate
community activist Elen Ohanyan, both of whom grew up in the U.S.
That set the tone for the event: Move forward, but remember where you
came from.

"I consider myself both an Armenian and an American," said
Bagdasarian, 15. "I want everyone to know that I’m not only an
American who came to live here, but also that I have Armenian roots.

"It’s important to me, because my family is from Armenia," she
continued, "and when all those people died during the genocide, we’re
very proud they sacrificed everything so that we could have a better
life."

The Sunday festivities were just a commemoration of the secession of
Armenia from the crumbling Soviet Union, which had controlled the
proud little nation since 1920. Perhaps more importantly, it was a
celebration of 3,000 years of rich culture and history marked by a
tragedy that galvanized the Armenian national character.

"We survived, and now – thank God – we have our homeland, even a
small one, and we try to protect it," said Marina Bagdasarova,
principal of the Armenian School of Brooklyn, which is affiliated
with the St. Gregory parish.

The Rev. Mardiros Chevian, dean of St. Vartan Cathedral, Eastern
Armenian Diocese, who officiated the formal part of the event, said
that the Armenian Church has always been the true backbone of the
Armenian nation. Chevian noted that it has provided a safe harbor for
the worshipers to come together in fellowship and prayer, and it
remains at the heart of the Armenian diaspora in New York.

"During the Soviet period, when Armenia was not able to reach out as
much as it can now, [it was] the church that maintained the Armenian
identity outside of Armenia," added Chevian.

Bagdasarova said that for the past several years, civic leaders have
been striving to build an Armenian community center that would
provide an additional venue to pass on the language and traditions of
the old country to the next generation before it is too late.
However, as it turns out, in such endeavors, size does matter.

"Considering the fact that we are a relatively small community here,
much smaller than others, we clearly receive far less attention from
the city and county governments," lamented Bagdasarova.

In the meantime, students of the Armenian School perform in local
Jewish centers and nursing homes, and at fund-raisers and festivals,
introducing people to their heritage through music and dance. Some of
their regular gigs include the annual Russian Heritage Week and
charity concerts in Brooklyn’s Millennium Theater, and the Shorefront
YM-YWHA on Brighton Beach.

Bagdasarova explained that it is no coincidence that Armenians and
Jews are so close: In the past century, the two nations were united
by the horrors of genocide and repeated pogroms that confined them
but failed to break their spirit.

Armenia was the first nation in the world to officially adopt
Christianity as its religion in A.D. 301. Its people were repeatedly
persecuted by their Muslim neighbors, and dispersed throughout the
world. Not until 1991 did Armenia regain its long-lost independence.

"Armenians take great pride in their millennia of history," said
Bagdasarova. "We are fortunate to be living in a country where you
can take independence, its inevitability, and the rights that it
promises, for granted."

GRAPHIC: MARC A. HERMANN Entertaining Armenian locals at St. Edmund’s
Church celebration are dancers Armine Arushonova (l.) and Ellen
Ohanyan.

Liberated territores as compensation

Lragir, Armenia
Nov 23 2006

LIBERATED TERRITORIES AS COMPENSATION

The territories liberated during the Karabakh war, the return of
which is negotiated, should be viewed as a compensation for the
genocide, stated November 23 the leader of the Ramkavar Party
Harutiun Arakelyan. He stated at the Friday Club that their political
party is the only party which considers that a genocide of Armenians
took place in Azerbaijan.

`We think these territories should be kept as a compensation for the
Genocide. And we have stated for a number of times to Vardan Oskanyan
that they shelled our cities Goris and Kapan. We did not shell their
Kirovabad, Baku, Sumgait. Armenia suffered losses, the economy was
ruined, there was a blockade. In other words, we are not using this
trump card,’ says Harutiun Arakelyan.

According to him, `Armenia is playing the game set by the
Azerbaijanis, opposing territorial integrity to the rights of
nations.’

`We think that we must put forward the question of the Genocide and
these territories as a compensation for the Genocide,’ says the
leader of the Ramkavar Party.

"There Are All Prerequisites For Establishing Protectorate Over His

"THERE ARE ALL PREREQUISITES FOR ESTABLISHING PROTECTORATE OVER HISTORICAL ARMENIAN LANDS IN THE TERRITORY OF TURKEY": ARMENIAN PRESS DIGEST

Regnum, Russia
Nov 23 2006

The CIS is 15 years old

Speaker of the Armenian Parliament Tigran Torossyan and Speaker of
the Federation Council of Russia Sergey Mironov met in St. Petersburg
on Nov 16, in the framework of the 27th plenary session of the CIS
Inter-parliamentary Assembly. The press service of the Armenian
Parliament has informed REGNUM that Torossyan and Mironov discussed
the questions concerning the work of the CIS IP, the meeting of the
Caucasian Four and the forthcoming visit of Torossyan to Moscow. The
speakers of the parliaments of Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Russia
(the Caucasian Four) met in St. Petersburg the same day.

The CIS is an active and successful organization, the speaker
of the Armenian Parliament Tigran Torossyan said during the 27th
plenary session of the CIS Inter-parliamentary Assembly. "After the
collapse of the USSR, the post-Soviet republics faced a very difficult
situation and were forced to create new state and inter-state systems,
to establish new economic ties, to develop democracy, to solve serious
problem," Torossyan said. And the CIS proved to be very useful as it
helped them to effectively legislate and to solve the post-Soviet
problems. "So, we can say that the CIS is an active and successful
organization," Torossyan said.

He said that the CIS IP has become so strong that it can already be
a good arena for the CIS countries to discuss their problems. "For
this purpose, we should develop new mechanisms and new opportunities,"
Torossyan said. He pointed out the role of the CIS IP in the life of
the CIS, in drafting national legislation, overcoming confrontations,
establishing peace in the region. Torossyan said that the CIS IP has
good prospects for deepening its role and wished it success in its
further activities. (ARKA).

Elections in the US and the "Armenian Cause"

"During the last elections the Hay Dat (Armenian Cause) Committee of
America supported 198 candidates: 18 for the Senate, the rest for the
Congress. Almost 93% of them have been elected. The basic argument
for Hay Dat was a candidate’s position on number of crucial issues: if
he supports the recognition of the Armenian Genocide, the protection
of Nagorno-Karabakh’s right to self-determination, the provision of
US financial assistance to Armenia and NK, etc.," says Kiro Manoyan,
"Armenian Cause" officer of the ARFD Bureau (in the program of the
ARF Dashnaktsutiun the "Armenian Cause" is a complex of measures for
attaining the recognition of the Armenian Genocide and compensation
for the relevant damage and for returning the territories historically
populated by Armenians – REGNUM)

Manoyan says that Hay Dat hopes that the Democrats they have supported
will justify their expectations (concerning the recognition of the
Armenian Genocide). True, formerly too the Democrats were in the Senate
and the Congress, but now the situation is quite different: "This
time some Democrats not only spoke and promised but also acted. In
two years the Democrats and the Republicans will run in presidential
elections and neither of them would like the well-organized Armenian
community of America to act against them."

Meanwhile, Hayots Ashkharh daily reports the co-chairs of the Armenian
Caucus, congressmen Frank Pallone and Joe Knollenberg to say that,
together with their colleagues Adam Schiff and George Radanovich,
they will draft and submit to the new Congress a resolution for the
recognition of the Armenian Genocide. They hope that the resolution
will be adopted to once and for all confirm the historical truth
about the crime committed by Ottoman Turkey against Armenians in
1915-1923. The congressmen point out that the recognition of this
horrible fact will be the first step towards preventing such crimes
in the future and will give sense to the phrase "never again." Pallone
and Knollenberg are glad that 90% of the Armenian Caucus members have
been reelected.

Armenian Ex FM Alexander Arzoumanyan has commented on the statement
of Manoyan that after the parliamentary elections in the US Hay Dat
asked the US Senate to appoint somebody else but Richard Hoagland
as US Ambassador to Armenia and that ARF Dashnaktsutiun is against
the candidacy of Hoagland because he does not pronounce the word
"genocide." Hayk daily reports Arzoumanyan as saying: "It’s strange
that a 116-year-old party has focused its whole potential on this
problem while there are plenty of other unresolved problems in the
country." At the same time, Arzoumanyan notes that even Kiro Manoyan
as US Ambassador would hardly recognize the Armenian Genocide.

The Armenian Genocide topic is in no way a taboo in the American
press. One of the editors of Associated Press says that AP always calls
spade a spade. It has always said that the Armenian Genocide did take
place, while the US administration keeps denying this fact and just
says that there were tragic events during the WWI. AP has never put
this term in quotes. Most American politicians link this term with
US-Turkish relations. Most of them give priority to Turkey’s entry
into the EU and therefore keep silence about the Armenian Genocide. One
electoral technologist says that the Democrats will hardly adopt a law
on the Armenian Genocide. "The Armenian Genocide took place long ago
on some other planet, and ordinary Americans don’t care for it. They
care much more for the problem of abortions and the war in Iraq –
exactly in this sequence."

Will Turkey file a claim?

Turkey is drafting new initiatives in the context of the correspondence
between Turkish Prime Minister Recep Erdogan and Armenian President
Robert Kocharyan, Turkish FM Abdullah Gul said in the Turkish National
Assembly. Referring to Zaman daily (Turkey), ArmInfo news agency
reports Gul as saying that Turkey is going to advance new initiatives
concerning Erdogan’s proposal to set up a joint Armenian-Turkish
historical commission for studying the events of 1915. Gul notes that
Turkish and foreign experts are already studying this issue.

The claims of Armenians and the influence of this issue on Turkey’s
relations with other countries are one of the key problems of
Ankara in the coming decade, Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah
Gul said, while speaking with Turkish MPs about the Armenian
Genocide. Gul took interest in the proposal by the MP from the
opposition National-Democratic Party, former diplomat Sukru Alakdag
for preventing the recognition of the Armenian Genocide. Alakdag
demanded that Ankara address the Hague Court: "Turkey should say
in the court that it is ready to investigate the events of 1915 in
line with the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime of Genocide. If the Armenians reject this proposal, this will
prove Turkey’s legal and moral rights and will substantially curb the
attempts to manipulate this problem for political purposes." Gul noted
that the Turkish authorities give much importance to the opinion of
the experienced diplomat and assured that they will do their best for
"the triumph of the truth": "We are thinking about addressing the
Hague Court and are consulting not only our own but also foreign
lawyers." (Respublika Armenii).

The idea of Turkey’s addressing international courts, particularly,
the Hague Court, is not new. Its author is the retired Turkish
diplomat Gunduz Aktan, who was Turkish Ambassador to different
European structures for a long time, the director of the Institute
for Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia
Ruben Safrastyan says in an interview to PanARMENIAN.Net. At that time,
Turkey had two scenarios: "They were going either to continue denying
the Armenian Genocide or to address the Hague Court in hope that the
Armenians will not be able to prove that the events of 1915 were a
genocide. The General Staff chose to continue the policy of denial,"
says Safrastyan. At the same time, he reminds PanARMENIAN.net that
Aktan is one of the toughest Turkish politicians and, when a member
to the Armenian-Turkish Reconciliation Commission, he always spoke
against the Armenia Genocide.

Following the proposal of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Erdogan,
Yeni Safak daily (Turkey) suggests that the Turkish authorities
should first examine their own archives. Noyan Tapan reports the
daily to say that there are a number of documents proving that the
events 1915 were not a genocide but just a deportation. "But, on the
other hand, there are hundreds of thousands (let’s not say million)
of lost ordinary people who did not take part in wars or revolts,
and nobody says anything about documents concerning those people. By
such one-sided documents we will not convince anybody of anything,"
says the daily. "If we can’t open the archives that may contain such
documents, if we prefer opening only convenient archives, we can’t
be convincing in the matter; but that’s exactly what we are doing,"
says the daily.

Reanimation of the Treaty of Sevres?

The former ambassador of Armenia to Canada Ara Papyan believes that
there are all prerequisites for establishing legal protectorate over
historical Armenian lands in the territory of Turkey. He says that
Armenia should address the UN courts. "Our country should seek to
attain the acknowledgement of the Treaty of Sevres as this is the
only document signed by the Armenian authorities at the time when
Armenia was a subject of the international law," says Papyan. "If the
international community recognizes Armenia’s legal protectorate over a
part of the territory of present-day Turkey, Armenia will get access
to the transit routes running via its historical lands and will also
be able to sue British Petroleum for its failure to coordinate with
the Armenian Government the construction of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan
oil pipeline," says Papyan. (ArmInfo).

"Ara Papyan’s approach is quite realistic," says the "Armenian Cause"
officer of the ARFD Bureau Kiro Manoyan. "Article 89 of the Treaty of
Sevres empowered US President Woodrow Wilson to draw a border between
Armenia and Turkey and he gave Armenia a territory of 160,000 sq km,"
says Manoyan.

Armenia-EU

Two events took place in Brussels on Nov 14 and one of them may
become historic, says Novoye Vremya daily, meaning the EU-Armenia
New Neighborhood Policy Action Plan. "The singing of the Action
Plan means new quality of relations with the EU. It is opening up
good opportunities for integration into the EU," says Armenian FM
Vardan Oskanyan. Meanwhile, the daily notes that the EU has its
own priorities: human rights, democracy, supremacy of law – this is
the "price" the Caucasian states have to pay for the New European
Neighborhood.

EU High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy
Javier Solana says that to the new neighbors the EU will apply
the same mechanisms as it applied to candidate-states. If the
signatory-governments fail to comply with the agreements, the
cooperation with them will be minimized and, vice versa, if they show
commitment to reform their states and societies, they will enjoy
growing cooperation and support. Solana says that the EU prefers
dealing with the region as a whole. The EU wants the South Caucasian
states to cooperate with each other. The EU wants to cooperate with
the region as a whole, which means that the regional conflicts must be
resolved. "We want to see joint progress… And I very much hope that
we will catalyze this process for the sake of peace…" says Solana.

PanArmenian.Net reports EU Special Representative in the South
Caucasus Peter Semneby to say that the European Neighborhood Policy
provides for financial assistance, but Armenia and Azerbaijan should
use the money for reforms in order to become more European. The EU
will closely follow the forthcoming parliamentary and presidential
elections in Armenia – it will be an acid-test for the country.

Some political figures and experts say that the EU-Armenia Action Plan
signed in Brussels may not only fail to give any profit to Armenia
but may even pose a threat to it, says Lragir daily. MP Shavarsh
Kocharyan says that after the USSR collapse Armenia was expected to
be the fourth post-Soviet republic after the Baltic states to become
EU member. "However, in the past 15 years Armenia has gone very far
from the European standards," says Kocharyan. He noted that, today,
Armenia should have been an EU candidate, at least. On the other
hand, the country still has a chance for effective democratization
and for becoming the locomotive of Euro-integration in the South
Caucasus. Unless it goes this way, it will get into total isolation,
says Kocharyan.

Expert Armen Manvelyan says that that EU-Armenia Action Plan is just
a lever of influence for Europe. He says that "the only difference
between Bolshevik Russia and democratic Europe is their levers
of influence, while their goal is common – to have a controllable
Armenia." Manvelyan believes that blind imitation of the European
values may throw Armenia back at the bottom of the ladder.

American political expert Richard Kirakossian says that the EU’s entry
into the South Caucasus serves the interests of the US. Of course,
there is a rivalry between the US and the EU but, on the other hand,
for the US, the EU in the region is a desirable counterbalance
to Russia. Kirakossian says that Armenia is facing the threat of
isolation. Today, Georgia is moving into the EU the quickest of all,
while Azerbaijan may be interesting for the EU in terms of its energy
potential. This all can put Armenia into a total isolation unless the
country starts doing something about its internal situation rather
continues catering for external forces.

If the elections in Armenia fail to comply with the international
standards, the EU may decide to strengthen its relations with Georgia
and Azerbaijan only, leaving Armenia behind, American political expert
Richard Kirakossian said during a press-conference on Nov 18.

REGNUM reports him to say that gross violations during the elections
may result in the stoppage of the Millennium Challenge program and
general disappointment in Armenia. In fact, the international community
has set higher standards for Armenia and will be more intolerant
to electoral fraud there than in some other countries. If Armenia
conducts unfair elections, it will lose one more chance, Kirakossian
said. Asked if Armenia may hope that, if democratic, it will be
admitted into the EU irrespective of its neighbors, Kirakossian said
that the key obstacle in this matter is Armenia’s excessive dependence
on Russia. Kirakossian does not insist that Armenia should turn 100%
towards the EU, but it should be more self-sufficient and should stop
imitating relations with Russia or the EU.

The Economist (UK) notes that despite war, economic collapse and
devastating earthquake, Armenia seems to be overcoming its problems.

However, this is a limited process: after definite progress in the
late 90s, the reforms in Armenia stalled. The famous Armenian brandy
exclusive, the country’s export is very insignificant. Armenia
heavily relies on foreign aid and transfers from the gigantic
Diaspora. Because of migration, the country’s population is much
smaller than officially stated 2.9 million. As if rivaling with
his patrons in the Kremlin, President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan
curbs mass media and rigs elections. Corruption is thriving. You
will hardly find any politicians in Armenia who would not like to
replace Kocharyan after 2008 and you find it even harder to find
anybody believing that the elections 2008 will be fair. Just like
Ilham Aliyev, who has inherited his power from his father, Kocharyan
is promising reforms in order to calm down the United States, and
no surprise that most Armenians have become so cynical in the past
years that they no longer expect anything more than that from their
authorities, says the Economist. (Radio Liberty Armenia)

Georgia’s Armenian And Azeri Minorities

GEORGIA’S ARMENIAN AND AZERI MINORITIES

Source: Crisis Group
=4517&rss=1
Reuters, UK
Nov 22 2006

Tbilisi/Brussels, 22 November 2006: The Georgian government must take
significant steps to avoid conflict in the country’s ethnic Armenian
and Azeri areas.

Georgia’s Armenian and Azeri Minorities,* the latest report from
the International Crisis Group, examines the grievances of these two
communities. While there is no risk of the situation becoming Ossetian-
or Abkhaz-like threats to Georgia’s territorial integrity, tensions
are evident in the regions of Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kvemo-Kartli,
where the two predominantly live. There have been demonstrations,
alleged police brutality and killings during the past two years.

Georgia has made little progress towards integrating these minorities,
who constitute over 12 per cent of the population.

Armenians and Azeris are underrepresented in all spheres of public
life, especially government, and a lack of dialogue between them and
Tbilisi adds to perceptions of discrimination and alienation. This
is aggravated by economic problems, including high unemployment and
decaying infrastructure.

"Tbilisi needs to do much more to build confidence and to encourage
minorities to address their problems through state structures rather
than in the street", says Sabine Freizer, Crisis Group’s Caucasus
Project Director.

While the government denies there is any inequality, many minorities
claim they are treated as second-class citizens. Feeling betrayed by
the Abkhaz and Ossetians, who declared independent states on Georgian
territory, Tbilisi has a deeply rooted, if unfounded, fear that others
may do the same. More sensitive and effective minority policies would
dampen such demands and might even help build trust with the Abkhaz
and Ossetians.

Some steps have been taken to improve the lives of minorities. With
donor support, Georgia has invested in road and infrastructure
rehabilitation in minority regions and created a ministry for civic
integration, established a public administration institute to train
minorities and ratified the Framework Convention for the Protection
of National Minorities.

None of this is likely to appease minorities’ political grievances
without policies that increase inclusion and participation.

Implementation of local government reform after the 2006 elections
provides a new platform for minorities to affect decision making
through municipal bodies. More consultation by Tbilisi when drafting
legislation can also help.

The government needs to establish a comprehensive education system
to teach Georgian as a second language to minorities, but while a
new generation is educated, minorities should not be discriminated
against, especially in hiring for state jobs. The state should also
implement its international commitments, particularly allowing use
of minority languages for government business in municipalities with
large numbers of minority citizens, as is standard throughout Europe.

"Only by acting on both tracks will Georgia succeed in reducing
tensions and increasing minority integration", says Nicholas Whyte,
Crisis Group’s Europe Program Director.

Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635 Kimberly
Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601 To contact Crisis Group media
please click here *Read the full Crisis Group report on our website:

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Georgia is a multinational state, building democratic institutions
and forging a civic identity. However, it has made little progress
towards integrating Armenian and Azeri minorities, who constitute over
12 per cent of the population. Tensions are evident in the regions
of Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kvemo-Kartli, where the two predominantly
live and which have seen demonstrations, alleged police brutality
and killings during the past two years. While there is no risk of
these situations becoming Ossetian or Abkhaz-like threats to the
state’s territorial integrity, Tbilisi needs to pay more attention
to minority rights, including use of second languages, if it is to
avoid further conflict.

Some steps have been taken to improve the lives of minorities. With
donor support, Georgia has invested in road and infrastructure
rehabilitation in minority regions; created a ministry for civic
integration; established a public administration institute to train
minorities; and ratified the Framework Convention for the Protection
of National Minorities. But overall the priority has been to assert
national unity over minority protection.

Azeris and Armenians are underrepresented in all spheres of public
life, especially government. The problem is especially acute for the
Azeris in Kvemo-Kartli, where Georgians hold all important positions.

Ethnic minorities’ political participation and representation – a key
to more effective integration – is disturbingly low. Lack of dialogue
between Tbilisi and minorities adds to perceptions of discrimination
and alienation.

The minorities’ biggest problem is inability to speak the state
language. Since the Rose Revolution, the government has been enforcing
laws obliging minorities to communicate in Georgian with local
officials, even to acquire official documents, submit complaints or
receive services. State jobs and professional licences are contingent
on knowing Georgian and passing new qualification exams. Language
instruction in schools is inadequate, and fewer minorities are
attending higher education institutions.

The administration of President Saakashvili is undertaking ambitious
local government reforms. A new law on self-governance was passed in
2005 and elections for new municipalities were held in October 2006.

Yet, power remains largely with regional and Tbilisi-based officials.

Minorities are unconvinced decentralisation will give them greater
decision-making influence. Armenians especially want to take their
own decisions on such issues as education and culture. Unless
decentralisation allows this, they will continue to demand autonomy
for Samtskhe-Javakheti. (Azeri activists in Kvemo-Kartli prioritise
greater representation in local government rather than autonomy.)

Minorities have been emigrating to Armenia and Azerbaijan. However,
Yerevan and Baku do not publicly advocate on behalf of their
respective minorities. Their priority is good relations with Tbilisi
and short-term stability. Armenians are mobilising politically more
than Azeris but both minorities have organised recent protests which
have on occasion turned violent. Tbilisi needs to do more to encourage
minorities to address their problems through state structures rather
than in the street.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To the Georgian Government:

To develop and implement more effective overall minorities policy

1. Complete work on the National Civic Integration Strategy and Action
Plan and allocate funds in the 2007 state budget to implement them.

2. Increase funding and capacities for the Ministry for Civic
Integration and appoint a senior, respected official as presidential
adviser on civic integration issues.

3. Ratify the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages
and the European Outline Convention on Transfrontier Co-operation
between Territorial Communities or Authorities.

4. Take affirmative action to encourage minorities’ representation
in central and regional government.

5. Fund public defender’s offices in Marneuli and Akhalkalaki.

6. Consult with councils (sakrebulos) in municipalities with over 20
per cent minorities on issues sensitive for minorities and include
their representatives in the National Council on Civic Integration
and Tolerance.

7. Consult with the Council of National Minorities when drafting new
laws affecting minorities.

8. Continue investigation into land distribution in Kvemo-Kartli and
expropriate and redistribute land obtained illegally to local farmers.

9. Make evening news TV broadcasts available in local languages in
Kvemo-Kartli and Samtskhe-Javakheti.

To secure minorities’ rights in public administration and education

10. Introduce legislation allowing Azeris and Armenians, in
municipalities where they exceed 20 per cent of the population, to use
their native language to communicate with administrative authorities,
submit complaints, acquire civil documents and certificates, benefit
from public services and conduct municipal business and sakrebulo
meetings.

11. Amend all laws on civil service testing so that where minorities
are over 20 per cent of the population, officials may be eligible
to serve without knowing the state language at least for an interim
period of ten to fifteen years.

12. Amend the 2005 Law on General Education to emphasise bilingual
education in minority areas and ensure that core social science
subjects are taught in Azeri and Armenian (in parallel with Georgian).

13. Strengthen Georgian as a second language (GSL) teacher training,
development of GSL teaching materials and opportunities for minorities
to learn GSL in primary and secondary schools.

14. Improve access to higher education by amending rules to allow
minority students to take national entrance examinations in Russian,
Armenian or Azeri and provide intensive GSL study to students who do
not pass Georgian language exams.

15. Transform the Zurab Zhvania School of Public Administration into
a two-year civic administration academy targeting minorities and
offering intensive GSL training; set quotas so that at least 50 per
cent of new entrants in the Akhalkalaki branch of the Tbilisi State
University and the Marneuli branch of the Ilya Chavchavadze State
University are minorities; and accept Armenian government support to
improve the Akhalkalaki branch of the Tbilisi State University.

16. Create joint commissions with Azerbaijan and Armenia to develop
history textbooks for Georgian schools.

To improve minorities’ access to the judicial system and participation
in local government

17. Strengthen public services at the municipal level.

18. Allow judicial proceedings in Azeri or Armenian in municipalities
with over 20 per cent minorities.

19. Translate into Armenian and Azeri and disseminate all new
legislation.

20. Revise electoral boundaries to ensure equal representation in
municipal councils and equality of suffrage.

21. Remove legal and administrative barriers to registration of
political parties on a regional or ethnic basis and decrease the
threshold for a party’s representation in the parliament to 5 per
cent nationally.

22. Distribute information, manuals for precinct election commissions
(PECs), voter lists, ballots and protocols certifying results in
bilingual form in municipalities with over 20 per cent minorities.

Tbilisi/Brussels, 22 November 2006

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