Turkey recalls ambassador to U.S.

Turkey recalls ambassador to U.S.

The government’s move in response to the genocide bill approved by a
House panel may foreshadow more forceful measures.

By Paul Richter
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer

October 12, 2007

WASHINGTON – Turkey recalled its ambassador to Washington on Thursday
and denounced as "unacceptable" a congressional panel’s vote declaring
the early 20th century slaughter of Armenians by Ottoman Turks a
genocide.

Even as the Bush administration scrambled to try to stem the
diplomatic fallout, Turkish President Abdullah Gul castigated the
House Foreign Affairs Committee on Thursday for its 27-21 vote, saying
the decision "has no validity and is not worthy of the respect of the
Turkish people."

The withdrawal of Ambassador Nabi Sensoy, coming only hours after the
committee vote Wednesday, was a clear signal of Turkish disapproval
and is widely expected to be followed by retaliatory steps after weeks
of threats that House action would have serious consequences.

Turkey is likely to calibrate its response, Turkish officials and
independent analysts said. The government in Ankara could start with
relatively mild moves and ratchet them up if the full House votes to
adopt the nonbinding resolution later this year, as is expected. One
early step may be for the Turkish parliament to authorize its military
to cross into Iraq in pursuit of Kurdish extremists. Turkish Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said he will request that
authorization, which could come next week.

The Turkish Foreign Ministry summoned U.S. Ambassador Ross Wilson to
express the government’s displeasure, and the head of Turkey’s navy
canceled a planned trip to Washington.

The Turkish military is set to cut back some routine contacts with
U.S. military officials, analysts said. More serious steps may include
reducing U.S. military access to crucial air and ground conduits
through Turkey into the war theaters in Iraq and Afghanistan. Turkey
also may decide to recall some of its approximately 1,000 troops in
Afghanistan and could bow out of U.S.-led efforts to counter Iran’s
nuclear program.

Rep. Mike Pence (R-Ind.), who voted against the resolution, called the
ambassador’s recall "ominous but predictable" and warned that it
"could foreshadow more serious diplomatic consequences."

But House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) predicted that the
U.S.-Turkish resolution would remain strong. She said she expected the
resolution to be brought to a House vote before the current session
adjourns Nov. 16.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice called Gul and Erdogan to try to
calm the diplomatic uproar.

The congressional debate stirs deep emotions in modern Turkey, as it
does among Armenian Americans, who have spearheaded the drive for the
resolution. Several Turkish television and radio stations covered the
U.S. debate for days before the committee vote.

As many as 1.5 million Armenians were killed by Turks beginning in
1915 as part of a campaign to drive them from eastern Turkey. Turks
acknowledge that hundreds of thousands of Armenians died, but contend
that it was not a systematic government effort but the result of World
War I and the disorder that came with the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire.

The genocide resolution has amplified the unhappiness of Turks, who
already were upset over the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 and what
they see as the Americans’ unwillingness to rein in the main Turkish
Kurd militant group, the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, which has
launched cross-border attacks from U.S.-controlled northern Iraq.
Turks have been especially angry in the last two weeks as deadly PKK
attacks have escalated. Many Turkish political leaders have given up
on hopes that the U.S. might restrain the PKK.

This week’s announcement of the resignation of retired Gen. Joseph W.
Ralston, an American envoy charged with working with Turkish
authorities to counter the PKK, was seen by Turks as more proof of the
ineffectiveness of U.S. diplomacy.

Mark Parris, U.S. ambassador to Turkey during the Clinton
administration, said a Turkish official warned him after the vote:
"We’re going to start reacting. You’ll see."

Bulent Aliriza, director of the Turkey Project at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington, said Turkish anger
at the genocide resolution combined with the escalation of PKK attacks
had "severely reduced" U.S. leverage against Turkish intervention in
northern Iraq.

Turkish disapproval of U.S. policies was prevalent before the
congressional committee vote. In a poll this year by the Pew Research
Center, only 9% of Turks viewed the U.S. favorably.

Even Milliyet, among the most pro-American newspapers in Turkey, ran a
front-page editorial Thursday calling for retaliation, noted Soner
Cagaptay, director of the Turkey program at the Washington Institute
for Near East Policy. "That tells you how serious these sentiments
are," Cagaptay said.

[email protected]

Special correspondent Yesim Borg in Istanbul, Turkey, and Times staff
writer Richard Simon in Washington contributed to this report.

Source: g-genocide12oct12,1,4039385.story?ctrack=1&cse t=true

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-f

The genocide vote: Now is not the time

The genocide vote: Now is not the time

A congresswoman explains her decision to oppose the Armenian genocide
bill she co-sponsored.

By Jane Harman

October 12, 2007

As one whose own family was decimated by the Holocaust, I respond very
personally to charges that I would deny the existence of savage acts
of inhumanity against a group of people because of ethnic, religious
or racial differences — be they Jews, Darfurians, Rwandans or
Armenians.

Yet that’s exactly what I was accused of last week after I sent a
letter to Rep. Tom Lantos, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, urging him to withdrawHR 106, which I had co-sponsored
earlier in the year. Some Armenian Americans, whose passion I
appreciate, have misinterpreted my determination that the time is not
right to vote on such a resolution as "denial" of the Armenian
genocide. Nothing could be further from the truth.

No question: The debate raging in Washington over the Armenian
genocide resolution is personal. Similar resolutions have passed the
House twice — in 1975 and 1984 — and we are poised to pass another
before Thanksgiving. Whether it will be brought to a vote in the
Senate remains unclear.

I originally co-sponsored the resolution because I was convinced that
the terrible crime against the Armenian people should be recognized
and condemned. But after a visit in February to Turkey, where I met
with Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Armenian Orthodox
patriarch and colleagues of murdered Turkish Armenian journalist Hrant
Dink, I became convinced that passing this resolution again at this
time would isolate and embarrass a courageous and moderate Islamic
government in perhaps the most volatile region in the world.

So I agree with eight former secretaries of State — including Los
Angeles’ own Warren Christopher — who said that passing the
resolution "could endanger our national security interests in the
region, including our troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, and damage
efforts to promote reconciliation between Turkey and Armenia."

Timing matters. I asked a leader in California’s Armenian American
community just days ago why the resolution was being pushed now. "They
didn’t ask me," he said. It wasn’t his call, and he probably would not
have pushed it.

So what is the endgame? I would hope that, regardless of the outcome
of the vote, Turkey and Armenia will work toward reconciliation and
normalization of relations.

About 70,000 Armenians live in Turkey, and Turkey continues to admit
more. Yet Article 301 of Turkey’s Constitution prohibits insulting
"Turkishness" — a disturbing provision that has been used to punish
Armenians in Turkey who insist the genocide took place. Surely an act
of reconciliation would be to embrace the Armenian population in
Turkey and repeal Article 301.

Further, Turkey and Armenia have held recent talks about normalizing
relations. They share mutual interests in trade, especially in the
energy sector. Now is a good time to engage.

And, of course, there is the need for stability in the region. Turkey
shares a border with Iraq, and the need for its continued restraint
with the Kurds and for its leadership in promoting stability and
resolving the Israel-Palestine issue is obvious. Armenia can help.

In a democracy, groups have the right to protest, and surely I respect
the right of California’s large Armenian community (and the L.A.
Times’ editorial board) to disagree with my position on the timing of
yet a third congressional vote on the genocide. But once that vote
occurs, that fabulously talented community can usefully channel its
passion and energy into productive next steps toward reconciliation.

Condemning horror is important. But moving through the anger and
psychic hurt to positive action is true emancipation.

Jane Harman (D-Venice) represents California’s 36th Congressional District.

Source: la-oe-harman12oct12,1,6368819.story?ctrack=3&c set=true

http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/

Stamp Collecting Exhibit Opens

STAMP COLLECTING EXHIBIT OPENS

Panorama.am
21:24 09/10/2007

Today at the "Tsiadel" business center the "Armenia 2007"
stamp collecting ceremony took place. It was dedicated to the
15th anniversary of the first stamps produced in independent
Armenia. Thirty-two members of the stamp collecting society presented
their 36 collections. Gold, silver, and bronze medals were granted
to the winners. Society president Hovik Musayelyan said that their
purpose was to revive past traditions in stamp making and to take
part in progressive methods in stamp making. Transportation and
Communication Minister Andranik Manukyan said the exhibit would give
a boost to the advancement of stamp collecting in Armenia.

In the words of Musayelyan, several events were foreseen during the
"Hay Post" exhibit, dedicated to Armenian historical events.

NGO Activists Slam "Regression In Free Speech"

NGO ACTIVISTS SLAM ‘REGRESSION IN FREE SPEECH’
By Karine Kalantarian

Radio Liberty, Czech Rep.
Oct 10 2007

Armenia’s three leading human rights groups on Wednesday voiced their
concerns over Armenia rolling back free speech and claimed ‘lack of
human rights protection’ in the country.

"Freedom of speech is the main locomotive of rights and liberties,"
Armenia Helsinki Committee Chairman Avetik Ishkhanian said, adding
that Armenia has in fact shown regress in terms of freedom of speech
in the past five years.

"I think the year 2002 when A1 Plus television was taken off the air
was a watershed, after which all television companies have been under
tight scrutiny," Ishkhanian said. "I think that we have registered
regress in many spheres related to human rights and democracy."

According to Ishkhanian, in the latest three-color map published by
Freedom House, Armenia is painted in purple, meaning that the country
lacks freedom of speech.

Amalia Kostanian, who heads the Armenian affiliate of Transparency
International, a Berlin-based international anti-graft watchdog,
warned that Armenia is only a step away from slipping back into
complete authoritarianism.

"It is already several years that Armenia has been considered a
semi-consolidated authoritarian regime in terms of its government,
political and civil freedoms. It means that we are a step away from
an outright authoritarian regime," she said.

Artur Sakunts, head of the Vanadzor-based regional branch of the
Armenian Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly, voiced concern over poor crime
detection in the Armenian military.

"Crimes committed in the army cannot be detected as long as [Armenia’s]
armed forces are outside control and constitute the main guarantee
for the regime to retain its political and economic power," he charged.

The activists say they aired these and other concerns related to the
human rights situation in Armenia during their recent meeting with
the visiting Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights Thomas
Hammarberg. The Council of Europe official has been on a five-day
fact-finding mission to Armenia since Sunday to assess a broad spectrum
of issues related to human rights, in particular the country’s judicial
system and corruption risks in it, as well as freedom of speech,
trafficking, the rights of vulnerable social and economic groups,
etc. He is due to report on the human rights situation in Armenia to
the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers early next year.

ANKARA: Turkey Advised To Weigh Response To Expected Passage Of Arme

TURKEY ADVISED TO WEIGH RESPONSE TO EXPECTED PASSAGE OF ARMENIAN BILL IN USA

Zaman, Turkey
Oct 8 2007

Column by Ali H. Aslan in Washington: "The Armenian Resolution on
the Horizon of the Evening of No Return"

What was feared has come about. The famous Armenian "genocide"
resolution, which was a bomb just waiting to explode, will be
discussed on Wednesday in the Foreign Affairs Committee of House of
Representatives. We are now on the horizon of the evening from which
there will be no return.

Because the forces that have taken this bill to this point – I
am referring to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Democratic Majority
Leader Steny Hoyer – are without a doubt going to take it to a higher
level. (The Democrats hold a majority both on the Committee and in
the Congress.) Thereafter, it will be put onto the schedule of the
full House whenever Madame Pelosi desires. Indeed, of the 435 members,
226 have already registered their support. Consequently, for the bill
to come to the full House will mean its passage.

It is being said that the meeting in New York City of Turkish and
Armenian Foreign Ministers Ali Babacan and Vartan Oskanian went well.

The contacts are being continued through intermediaries. But from
now on it will, in my opinion, be difficult for the Armenians, and
especially the diaspora, to apply the brakes. Prime Minister [Recep
Tayyip] Erdogan called [US President George W.] Bush, but the hands of
the White House, which has no sanctioning power over the Democrats,
are largely tied. I asked an American government official, who is
largely occupied these days with thwarting the resolution: "In your
view, will it pass this time?" The response, delivered with sadness,
was "I think that it will pass."

The fundamental concern of the Bush administration is that, if this
bill passes, the Turkish public, making no distinction between the US
Congress and the Bush administration, will extend its anger to all
Americans, and call for retaliation. Assistant Secretary of State
Dan Fried said on Thursday that "the Turkish reaction will be quite
harsh." He pointed out how "dependent" the United States is on logistic
support for Iraq conducted via Turkey. I asked a State Department
official how they viewed the possibility of Turkey’s closing Incirlik
Airbase to the Americans. He replied by saying only "I hope that the
status of Incirlik does not change." But he knows as well that there
will be great public pressure on the Erdogan government in this regard.

Washington’s margin for initiatives that would mollify Turkey is
also limited. For instance, I asked one official with whom I spoke
whether the likelihood of a substantial operation against the PKK in
Northern Iraq would increase. The answer was that "these two issues
are not related to one another." These developments will pretty well
reinforce the nature of the United States as a "threat" in the eyes
of the Turkish nation, whose anger has already reached a peak due to
the Iraq War and PKK attacks.

The political dogfight in Washington between Democrats and Republicans
also shows itself in the Armenian resolution. The Bush administration
has been backed into a corner with the resolution. And I am certain
that Madame Pelosi and her colleagues are taking pleasure in this. They
are not even paying attention to their own country’s leading names
in foreign policy, let alone Turkey and the Turkish government. The
warning letters by eight former US Secretaries of State, from both
parties, and three former Secretaries of Defence, have been ignored.

The point that things have now reached should not be ascribed to
weakness on the part of the AKP [Justice and Development Party]
government, or of the current Embassy in Washington. The price is
being paid for years of neglect and lack of foresight. And solidarity
of the Westerners just adds to it. The Turkish American community has
no influence in terms of lobbying. You can only get so far with paid
lobbying companies. Turkey is currently working with the Livingston
Group, which is close to the Republicans, as well as with DLA Piper,
which is close to the Democrats. Better performance had been expected
in the Democratic-dominated Congress from the firm of Dick Gephardt,
in particular, who was formerly a Democratic leader. But there is
no concrete result to be seen. If the resolution passes, I suspect
that both lobbying firms will be bidden farewell. The current
constellation of forces also renders ineffective the visit of the
Turkish parliamentary delegation that is coming to Washington to lobby
this week. Indeed, the delegation, planned to consist of six people,
has fallen to three.

The American Congress will certainly deserve a reaction. In my
view, the reaction should be conveyed not in a way that will be
reflected with large headlines in the American media, but with more
intelligent methods, and should be focused on precise goals. The
reason is simple. If Incirlik were to be closed down, for instance,
we would end up having made publicity ourselves for the Armenian
genocide thesis to the broad American masses, whose attentions are
focused on the news from Iraq.

It should more be the Democrats that feel the price of ignoring Turkey.

On the other hand, it also makes no sense to get irreconcilably at
odds with a party that seems likely to govern the fate of the United
States in the near future.

Indeed, it is not worth it to burn our bridges entirely with the United
States over a political resolution that in any event has no official
or legally binding nature. Given our geography and our interests,
we are obliged to engage with the United States, and to take it into
account. Otherwise, we would fall into the game of the hostile lobbies
to prevent Turkey from becoming a regional and global player.

If properly exploited, the passage of the resolution could even
provide Turkey with certain advantages. Ankara’s bargaining strength
with Washington could increase, and it could get easier for it to say
‘no’ to certain American demands that do not suit its purposes. First
of all, the United States must get out of its head the unconditional
opening of the Armenian border, which it is still insisting upon. The
resolution will in particular give impetus to Turkey’s tendency to
depart from the US/Israeli line in policies involving Iran, Iraq,
Syria, and Palestine, and will provide a new excuse.

There is not always victory in foreign policy. It would be useless,
after losing the game in the American Congress, to give way to
incitement and throw things out onto the field. Because he who arises
in anger sits back down at a loss. [Turkish proverb] The league still
continues. The important thing is to learn from one’s losses, and
even to know how to turn them to one’s advantage over the long term.

And this means playing the foreign policy game with intelligence,
patience, and good sportsmanship.

MP Believes Armenia And Azerbaijan Should Expand Contacts

MP BELIEVES ARMENIA AND AZERBAIJAN SHOULD EXPAND CONTACTS

Mediamax Agency
Oct 9 2007
Armenia

Yerevan, 9 October: The Secretary of the Heritage parliamentary
faction, the member of Armenian delegation to the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) organization,
Stepan Safaryan, stated today about the need to expand contacts with
the Azerbaijani side in various spheres.

Stepan Safaryan attended a meeting of the cultural, educational and
social affairs committee of the assembly on 3-4 October in Baku. He
delivered a report "Improvement of living standards in the BSEC
member countries".

The Armenian MP noted the high level of reception on the part of
Azerbaijani colleagues, saying that the host ensured full security
of the Armenian delegation.

Safaryan said that the participants in the meeting did not touch upon
the Karabakh conflict and also refrained from making any anti-Armenian
statements. However, the opposition MP criticized the Armenian
parliament saying that his trip was organized at the lowest level.

Stepan Safaryan said he believes that Armenia and Azerbaijan must
expand contacts in all spheres and "make efforts to make up for the
things missed during the last 15 years ".

ANKARA: Turkish Defence Minister Sends Letters To US Counterpart, Fi

TURKISH DEFENCE MINISTER SENDS LETTERS TO US COUNTERPART, FIRMS ON ARMENIAN BILL

Anatolia News Agency, Turkey
Oct 8 2007

"DEFENCE MINISTER GONUL SENDS LETTER TO HIS AMERICAN COUNTERPART" –
AA headline

ANKARA (A.A) 08.10.2007 – Turkish National Defence Minister Vecdi
Gonul sent a letter to US Secretary of Defence Robert Gates on
Monday. The letter is about a draft bill, backing Armenian theses on
1915 incidents.

The bill is to be debated at a committee at the House of
Representatives, the lower chamber of the US Congress.

In his letter, Gonul emphasized that the bill risks to jeopardize
Turkish-US relations. He said that it can have negative impact on
relations, if adopted.

"It will be difficult to keep reactions of Turkish public under
control in such a case," he noted.

Gonul added that adoption of the bill will not serve interests of
Turkish and US peoples.

On the other hand, the ministry sent letters to US defence industry
firms – that carry out joint projects with Turkey. In these letters,
the National Defence Ministry asked the US firms to lobby against
the bill.

BAKU: KLO Calls On Azerbaijan To Stop Peaceful Negotiations With Arm

KARABAKH LIBERATION ORGANIZATION CALLS ON AZERBAIJAN TO STOP PEACEFUL NEGOTIATIONS WITH ARMENIA

TREND News Agency, Azerbaijan
Oct 8 2007

Azerbaijan, Baku / Òrend corr S. Ilhamgizi / The meeting of the Supreme
Assembly of the Karabakh Liberation Organization (KLO) decided to
call on Azerbaijan to stop peaceful negotiations with Armenia, KLO
said to Trend on 8 October.

KLO says the negotiations implemented in format of OSCE Minsk Group
do not correspond with Azerbaijan’s national interests. Therefore
Azerbaijan should reject the negotiations. The attempts to liven
up ‘public democracy’ directly serve the interests of Armenia, an
aggressor country, and Azerbaijani authorities, any organization or
person should be prevented from participation in the process.

LKO Supreme Assembly adopted an appeal intended for public and
political organizations, human rights activists and international
organizations. The appeal condemns not reacting to violence with
respect to KLO members from the authorities. It stresses that the
authorities only orally support human rights, but virtually they
prefer their group and grant interests.

The conflict between the two countries of the South Caucasus began
in 1988 due to Armenian territorial claims against Azerbaijan. Since
1992, Armenian Armed Forces have occupied 20% of Azerbaijan including
the Nagorno-Karabakh region and its seven surrounding districts. In
1994, Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a ceasefire agreement at which
time the active hostilities ended. The Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk
Group (Russia, France, and the US) are currently holding peaceful
negotiations.

The Karabakh Organization Committee (KLO) was founded in Baku on
28 January 2000 with the aim of conducting a public struggle for
the liberation of Nagorno-Karabakh from the Armenian occupants. The
organization, headed by Akif Nagi, a candidate in historical sciences,
unites over 10,000 people, including outstanding representatives of
intelligentsia, refugees and internally displaced people, youths,
former veterans, senior ranking officers in reserve, as well as
different social segments of the population.

–Boundary_(ID_5oAOucwW5j4XGjQb3d/N4g )–

Yale Genocide Center: a hidden humanities gem

The Yale Herald, CT
Oct 5 2007

Yale Genocide Center: a hidden humanities gem

BY NICHOLAS KEMPER AND CAIO CAMARGO

COURTESY PULITZERCENTER.ORG
The GSP establishes missions in overseas countries in hopes of
unearthing documents concerning genocide.

t first glance, there’s nothing exceptional about it – a modest office
in the corner of Luce Hall. But when Benedict Kiernan, Whitney
Griswold Professor of History, digs out the files – literally thousands
of photocopied pages of Khmer propaganda, records, and diaries – the
place suddenly comes to life. Many undergraduates may not even know
it exists, but Yale’s Genocide Studies Program is instrumental in the
study and analysis of atrocities worldwide. In the case of the Khmer
Rouge in Cambodia, Kiernan, the program’s director, has made
significant contributions to the field. `In 1996, our Cambodian
mission discovered over 100,000 pages of secret police files,’ said
Kiernan. The files included lists of names produced during torture
sessions with execution orders at the bottom signed by Pol Pot.

According to Kiernan, the Yale Genocide Studies Program is a
`research and policy oriented program’ that documents the mass murder
of civilians and tries to prevent recurrences. Affiliates of the
project have produced ten books and 35 working papers since the
Program’s inception. Kiernan himself released a new book last Friday,
Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from
Sparta to Darfur, which incorporated research done using the
Program’s funds.

The organization was founded in 1994 as the `Center for Cambodian
Genocide Studies,’ but Professor Ben Kiernan expanded its mission and
changed its name in 1998. The Program does not have any full time
staff – in this way, it is a kind of extracurricular activity for
faculty and graduate students – but it does count historians,
sociologists, a professor of psychiatry, and `people from comparative
literature, from English, from human rights programs, from genocide
studies programs in the Northeast, [and] political science’ amongst
its members, said Kiernan. Beyond faculty, myriad graduate students
from multiple Yale professional schools, Europe, and South America,
whose research focuses on topics ranging from Native Americans to the
Armenian Massacre, associate themselves with the project. The
Genocide Studies Program also convenes in a weekly seminar in which a
wide range of speakers comment on varied genocide-related topics.
Interestingly, it is also affiliated with The Yale Institute for
Biospheric Studies, Yale’s principal environmental research
organization, which is interested in correlations between genocide
and the environment. In fact, no other Yale research institute has so
global a list of affiliates.

To Kiernan, genocide must be considered in both the short and long
term. In the long term, it’s a familiar list: war, poverty, political
and economic destabilization. In the short term, the individual
decisions and goals of political groups, as well as blind
hatred – usually directed against an ethnic group – tend to unleash the
pent-up forces of economic and societal deprivation. Kiernan firmly
ruled out popularly-held beliefs about religious, political, or
ideological tendencies as the roots of genocide: `Every movement has
its bad apples.’

Kiernan makes it clear that the Program’s research has helped the
academic community realize that no single policy will stop genocide.
The prospective killers must be persuaded that the costs of their
crimes outweigh the perceived benefits. Sometimes, such as in Rwanda
and Kosovo, killers are beyond reason – a common ailment amongst the
typical mass-murderer – and military force is necessary to put and end
to the atrocities. However, Kiernan was careful to mention that such
action should only be a last resort, for often military force can
spawn more problems than it solves. For instance, American military
intervention in Cambodia in the ’60s is believed to have been
instrumental in propelling the Khmer Rouge to power. The Khmer Rouge,
of course, went on to kill somewhere between one and three million
Cambodians. Thus, more focused and precise measures, such as economic
sanctions, become a preferable alternative if there are signs that
the perpetrators value money over life. Finally, prosecution through
criminal proceedings `makes new information available and deters
future perpetrators,’ explains Kiernan.

Despite the many political debates surrounding genocide today, the
Program’s fellows do not lobby or advocate specific policies in
conjunction with their research. The Program approaches genocide as
an historical, sociological, political, and scientific problem;
policymaking implications are rarely considered. As for improving
public knowledge about past atrocities not always understood as
genocide, the GSP puts out myriad publications and has established
missions in countries overseas with the goal of unearthing documents
related to genocide. For instance, the GSP mission in Cambodia not
only collected, translated, and published secret police documents,
but was also set up in such a way that it now stands alone as an
independent institution.

Such fostering of permanent growth in genocide studies may be the
Program’s greatest contribution. According to Laura Saldivia, LAW
’10, a Law School doctoral student who was once a fellow for the GSP,
the Program has helped `to bring together a remarkable diversity of
scholars that has helped to entrench the discussion within the
scholarly community’ about an issue that was, until the mid-1990s,
practically ignored in academia. Such an accomplishment is, without
doubt, rare in any field.

At first glance, there’s nothing exceptional about it – a modest office
in the corner of Luce Hall. But when Benedict Kiernan, Whitney
Griswold Professor of History, digs out the files – literally thousands
of photocopied pages of Khmer propaganda, records, and diaries – the
place suddenly comes to life. Many undergraduates may not even know
it exists, but Yale’s Genocide Studies Program is instrumental in the
study and analysis of atrocities worldwide. In the case of the Khmer
Rouge in Cambodia, Kiernan, the program’s director, has made
significant contributions to the field. `In 1996, our Cambodian
mission discovered over 100,000 pages of secret police files,’ said
Kiernan. The files included lists of names produced during torture
sessions with execution orders at the bottom signed by Pol Pot.

According to Kiernan, the Yale Genocide Studies Program is a
`research and policy oriented program’ that documents the mass murder
of civilians and tries to prevent recurrences. Affiliates of the
project have produced ten books and 35 working papers since the
Program’s inception. Kiernan himself released a new book last Friday,
Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from
Sparta to Darfur, which incorporated research done using the
Program’s funds.

The organization was founded in 1994 as the `Center for Cambodian
Genocide Studies,’ but Professor Ben Kiernan expanded its mission and
changed its name in 1998. The Program does not have any full time
staff – in this way, it is a kind of extracurricular activity for
faculty and graduate students – but it does count historians,
sociologists, a professor of psychiatry, and `people from comparative
literature, from English, from human rights programs, from genocide
studies programs in the Northeast, [and] political science’ amongst
its members, said Kiernan. Beyond faculty, myriad graduate students
from multiple Yale professional schools, Europe, and South America,
whose research focuses on topics ranging from Native Americans to the
Armenian Massacre, associate themselves with the project. The
Genocide Studies Program also convenes in a weekly seminar in which a
wide range of speakers comment on varied genocide-related topics.
Interestingly, it is also affiliated with The Yale Institute for
Biospheric Studies, Yale’s principal environmental research
organization, which is interested in correlations between genocide
and the environment. In fact, no other Yale research institute has so
global a list of affiliates.

To Kiernan, genocide must be considered in both the short and long
term. In the long term, it’s a familiar list: war, poverty, political
and economic destabilization. In the short term, the individual
decisions and goals of political groups, as well as blind
hatred – usually directed against an ethnic group – tend to unleash the
pent-up forces of economic and societal deprivation. Kiernan firmly
ruled out popularly-held beliefs about religious, political, or
ideological tendencies as the roots of genocide: `Every movement has
its bad apples.’

Kiernan makes it clear that the Program’s research has helped the
academic community realize that no single policy will stop genocide.
The prospective killers must be persuaded that the costs of their
crimes outweigh the perceived benefits. Sometimes, such as in Rwanda
and Kosovo, killers are beyond reason – a common ailment amongst the
typical mass-murderer – and military force is necessary to put and end
to the atrocities. However, Kiernan was careful to mention that such
action should only be a last resort, for often military force can
spawn more problems than it solves. For instance, American military
intervention in Cambodia in the ’60s is believed to have been
instrumental in propelling the Khmer Rouge to power. The Khmer Rouge,
of course, went on to kill somewhere between one and three million
Cambodians. Thus, more focused and precise measures, such as economic
sanctions, become a preferable alternative if there are signs that
the perpetrators value money over life. Finally, prosecution through
criminal proceedings `makes new information available and deters
future perpetrators,’ explains Kiernan.

Despite the many political debates surrounding genocide today, the
Program’s fellows do not lobby or advocate specific policies in
conjunction with their research. The Program approaches genocide as
an historical, sociological, political, and scientific problem;
policymaking implications are rarely considered. As for improving
public knowledge about past atrocities not always understood as
genocide, the GSP puts out myriad publications and has established
missions in countries overseas with the goal of unearthing documents
related to genocide. For instance, the GSP mission in Cambodia not
only collected, translated, and published secret police documents,
but was also set up in such a way that it now stands alone as an
independent institution.

Such fostering of permanent growth in genocide studies may be the
Program’s greatest contribution. According to Laura Saldivia, LAW
’10, a Law School doctoral student who was once a fellow for the GSP,
the Program has helped `to bring together a remarkable diversity of
scholars that has helped to entrench the discussion within the
scholarly community’ about an issue that was, until the mid-1990s,
practically ignored in academia. Such an accomplishment is, without
doubt, rare in any field.

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http://www.yaleherald.com/article.php?Arti

Azerbaijan Newspaper Editor Trial Starts

AZERBAIJAN NEWSPAPER EDITOR TRIAL STARTS

Hemscott, UK
Oct 5 2007

BAKU, Azerbaijan (AP) – An imprisoned Azerbaijani newspaper editor
accused of terrorism-related offenses called the allegations
politically motivated as his trial opened Friday in Baku.

The case against Eynulla Fatullayev is the latest in a series of
prosecutions of independent media figures in the oil-rich Caspian
Sea nation that have raised concerns in the West.

Fatullayev founded the Russian-language weekly Real Azerbaijan and
the Azeri-language daily Everyday Azerbaijan. He was found guilty and
sentenced to 2 1/2 years in prison earlier this year for disseminating
false information about an attack during the country’s six-year war
with Armenia over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

In May, prosecutors filed new charges of making a terrorist threat
and inciting inter-ethnic conflict after an article was published in
Real Azerbaijan that criticized President Ilham Aliev for policies
supporting the United States.

The article, written under a pseudonym, also listed strategic sites
in Azerbaijan that could be attacked by Iran if Azerbaijan were to
support Washington in the event of military action against Iran.

At the Court for Grave Crimes Friday, Fatullayev called the charges
‘a political order."I am not waiting for any justice from this
court. I don’t know who I have terrorized — the government of Iran
or Azerbaijan?’ he said.

Last year, a court gave Fatullayev a two-year suspended sentence for
libeling a top law enforcement official.

Aliev, who took over from his father in a 2003 election denounced
by opponents as a sham, has faced persistent criticism over the
heavy-handed treatment of independent media and opposition parties.