Author: Vardapetian Ophelia

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
March 12 2009

What message should Obama deliver in Turkey?

by Emre Uslu & Önder Aytaç*

When US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced that President
Barack Obama would visit Turkey, most Turkish political observers were
caught by surprise.

However, conventional wisdom suggests that the possibility of Obama’s
visit to Turkey was in fact always there. In one of Emre Uslu’s
earlier analyses about the Obama administration’s approach to Turkey,
which appeared in The Jamestown Foundation’s Eurasia Daily Monitor,
the following facts were underlined:

"With Barack Obama, almost everyone, from the prime minister down to
the man in the street, is ready to open a new chapter in Turkish-US
relations. They do, however, have some concerns as well. They want to
know how he will handle the Armenian claims of genocide and whether he
will continue to support Turkish efforts to curb Kurdish separatist
terror activities. Given the fact that Obama’s inaugural messages were
warmly welcomed in a Muslim country like Turkey, where
anti-Americanism was on the rise, it would perhaps be a wise step for
Obama to visit Turkey in his early days in office to reinforce his
positive position toward the Muslim world." (Eurasia Daily Monitor,
Jan. 21)

Since not only Turks but most people in the Muslim world will be
closely watching what Obama says in Turkey, it is critical for Obama
to come to Turkey with a message that grasps the hearts and minds of
the Muslim world. Unlike many political observers who think that vital
American interests in the Muslim world deeply contradict the values of
Muslim societies and that lead to anti-Americanism in this region, I
believe that there is a medium in which Obama could deliver a message
that could address the basic needs of Muslim societies in this part of
the world, while at the same time helping America maintain its vital
interests.

One way to deliver such a message is to draw a parallel between the
foundation of the United States, which is not based on ethnic or
religious exclusionism or any ideology but principles that value human
rights, freedom of religion, freedom of expression and democratic
values, and the foundation of Islam, which advocates human dignity,
does not permit killing, allows women to participate in activities in
society and other things that complement Islam. Drawing a parallel
between the values that lie at the foundation of the US and the
foundation of Islam will easily grasp the hearts and minds of the
majority in the Muslim world.

One of the problems of the Middle East is that tyrants of the region
have long been manipulating their own people to maintain power. More
importantly, ethical principles and the understanding of human dignity
in this part of the world are very closely associated with Islam. In
other words, there is almost no "secular ethic" in this part of the
world. Because the society’s ethical principles are so closely
associated with Islam, any opposition group that emerges in this part
of the world, in one way or another, has to refer to Islamic values
because they are part of the social genes. Thus, the Obama
administration should understand why successful opposition groups use
Islamic references in their stance against the tyrants of the Middle
East.

Second, Obama should realize that democracy in this part of the world
is still vulnerable and that leaders, including military and civilian
leaders, could easily manipulate it. Also, the lack of institutions, a
civil society and interconnectedness with the democratic world slowed
down the process of a flourishing democracy in this region. Thus,
instead of putting too much emphasis on bringing democracy to the
region (the Bush administration made this mistake), Obama should
underline the issue of promoting civil society and institutions that
reinforce the democratic culture as well as the reform process in the
region.

Related to this, the Obama administration should know that one of the
reasons the Bush administration lost the support of Turks in general
and some circles in particular is because such circles in Turkey that
do not want the current government in power used their traditional
ties in the US, which include military and diplomatic connections (a
general went to Washington and stated that there was a possibility of
a military coup in Turkey), to topple the democratically elected
government and received the support of at least the former vice
president.

The Obama administration should be aware of the fact that ideas in
Turkish and Middle Eastern societies are not developed in "public
spheres" and then circulated by the mainstream media; rather, ideas
are developed in "community valleys" (religious networks, liberal
intellectual circles, Alevi communities, neo-nationalist circles and
Kemalist plazas) and circulated by word of mouth and by media
outlets. Whenever one or more ideas come from an alternative
"community valley" and undermines the dominant idea, a "clash of
ideas" occurs. These days, Turkey is witnessing such a trend and the
dominant idea, which was empowered by the powerful state bureaucracy,
was undermined by an alternative idea(s) that was promoted by
religious networks, Alevi communities and liberal intellectual
circles, making Turkey a "zone of confrontation" between the idea of
supporting "democracy" and the idea of supporting a "hypocrisy" that
has long claimed to be supportive of democratic values but, upon
losing power, tried everything to bring the old regime back.

Knowing that such is the fabric of this society, Obama should come
with a message that encourages nothing but democracy in which every
idea should be discussed freely and without fear of powerful security
institutions and the government in power.

All in all, Obama should understand the fabric of this society, where
ideas are developed by "clique" circles that have a great deal of
influence. Targeting those segments of society in his message is very
critical for the US if he wishes to reduce anti-Americanism in
Turkey. Once Obama gains the confidence of those "community valleys,"
or "cliques," deep state-run clandestine public campaigns meant to
increase anti-Americanism and harm the current government in the eyes
of its most critical ally will not work forever. This will not only
normalize US-Turkish relations but also normalize Turkish democracy.

*Emre Uslu is an analyst working with The Jamestown Foundation, a
Washington-based think tank. Önder Aytaç is an associate professor at
Gazi University’s department of communications and works with the
Security Studies Institute in Ankara.

12 March 2009, Thursday

Flour, sugar prices stabilize in Armenian markets: anti-monopoly
commission

YEREVAN, March 10. /ARKA/. Flour and sugar prices have stabilized in
Armenia, the RA State Commission for the Protection of Economic
Competition (SCPEC) reports.

The flour and sugar prices have reduced to their former notch.

For example, the first-quality flour is being sold at 7,800 drams per
50kg, while a 50 kg sack of prime-quality flour costs 8,820 drams.

In retail outlets, sugar is sold at 245 drams per kg, whereas in peak
periods the product’s price reached 270 drams for kg.

SCPEC has filed administrative lawsuits against local traders that
unreasonably increased prices of medicines, household appliances,
vegetable oil and butter. The commission is now monitoring other
markets as well.

On March 3, the Central Bank of Armenia (CBA) officially announced
retrieval of the floating currency exchange rate. According to CBA
experts, the average weighed Armenian dram/U.S. dollar exchange rate
mat range from 360 drams and 380 drams per $1.

Concerned about possible price hikes, people rushed to groceries and
supermarkets to buy up staples, creating a feverish demand for butter,
vegetable oil, sugar and other goods.

Making use of the situation, some traders increased staples prices in
local markets. After a scrutiny, SCPEC filed lawsuits against traders
of vegetable, butter, household appliances and medicines. `0–

An evening with pamuk by sunil sethi
business standard
8th march 2009

Mumbai: Two foreign women hover in animated excitement at the entrance
to the busy restaurant and hurry over to the table with looks that
say, `How did he get here before us?’ They are Turkish, and have just
spotted the best-known, certainly the most widely read writer Turkey
has produced, the country’s first and only Nobel prize winner. Orhan
Pamuk is charmed but not surprised; India has long been on his radar,
a fascination he shares with many of his compatriots.

It is his second visit, and he has lingered awhile in Goa, soaking up
the landscape, looking at old churches, and reconsidering the
development of the miniaturists’ art in the 16th and 17th
centuries-the subject of his most famous novel, My Name Is Red
(2000). `It is from the Portuguese in Goa that Indian miniature
painters learnt perspective. And when the demand for miniatures dried
up in Turkey it is to Akbar’s court, where it flourished, that Turkish
artists migrated.’

My Name Is Red is much more than a disquisition on the meanings of
art=80’a reflection on orthodoxy versus innovation, authenticity
versus falsification-and it aptly sums up the life of a writer who
originally

wanted to be a painter but fulfilled his quest in words and
actions. Pamuk, who is 57 this year, is an easily approachable man,
expansive, quick-witted, allusive and argumentative. Asked in Mumbai
if his thinly-veiled, and often plainly candid, portraits of his
family ever got him into trouble, he cheerfully replied, `And talking
about them at press conferences gets me into more trouble.’

Orhan Pamuk, the quintessential liberal, born into the educated
cosmopolitan bourgeoisie of Istanbul, a city at the cusp of Europe and
Asia, beset by the ghosts of the Ottoman empire and the reforms of
Atatürk, is a man

engaged in the battle between modernity and tradition, between
pro-Europe secularists and diehard nationalists. For his frank,
free-thinking opinion he has been targeted by both sides, not to speak
of Islamic fundamentalists who loathe him the most.

Three years ago, in an interview to a Swiss newspaper, Pamuk brought
up the injustices of the past and present-a million Armenians killed
in the closing decade of the Ottoman empire and 30,000 Kurds by modern
Turkish forces-and all hell broke loose.

Criminal charges were brought against him under a clause of the penal
code that orders imprisonment for insulting and denigrating the
Turkish republic. In the outcry that erupted at home and abroad, Pamuk
stood his ground:

`I repeat, I said loud and clear that one million Armenians and 30,000
Kurds were killed in Turkey.’ Support from intellectuals worldwide, in
defence of freedom of speech, prevented Pamuk from going to jail. But
his friend, journalist Hrant Dink, of Armenian descent, was imprisoned
and later shot dead.

Pamuk realises that his fame as a writer is a buffer against direct
attack (`They don’t use that law against authors, they use it against
political activists and fundamentalists’) but he is gripped by the
ambiguities of history, identity and memory. It is painfully clear in
the brutal conflicts of the most overtly political of his novels, Snow
(2004). But the quest to evoke the past, in the melancholy-drenched
Arabic word huzun, is as painfully prevalent in his non-fiction homage
to his city Istanbul, perhaps the most widely read of his books. What
starts as a memoir of family life, becomes by stages, a study of
Istanbul’s buildings, its seasons and history, brought to life through
the characters who inhabit it as much as through the eyes of foreign
visitors.

But Orhan Pamuk’s new novel, The Museum of Innocence, a runaway
success in his own country and out in an English translation later
this year,

sounds like none of his other works. It is a love story, he says,
about a love between two people as obsessive as a person’s love for
beautiful objects in a museum. Like the multiple narrators of My Name
Is Red, who are animate and inanimate, Pamuk’s art is an ongoing
reflection of life viewed through a succession of mirrors.

John Deere agricultural machinery to be available to Armenian farmers

9

YEREVAN, MARCH 6, NOYAN TAPAN. Under the distributorship agreement
signed between John Deere International and CARD AgroService CJSC on
March 6, CARD AgroService will sell and service John Deere machinery in
Armenia. According to a press release of the US Embassy in Armenia, the
partnership with John Deere will enable CARD AgroService to introduce
top quality agricultural machinery to Armenia, thus increasing its
involvement in provision of high quality equipment and supplies.

In her remarks, the US Ambassador to Armenia Marie L. Jovanovitch noted
that John Deere is one of the largest and most respected companies in
the world in the agricultural machinery sector. This means that the
world’s top quality, hi-tech agricultural machinery is now available
for Armenian farmers and agribusinesses.

Deere & Company, founded in 1837 (collectively called John Deere), is a
U.S.-based corporation that does business with 47,400 employees, with
manufacturing operations in approximately 70 factories in 14 countries
around the world.

BLOOMBERG: OTHER COUNTRIES SHOULD FOLLOW ARMENIA’S EXPERIENCE OF TRANSITION TO FLOATING RATE

ARKA
March 6, 2009

YEREVAN, March 6. /ARKA/. Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan should
abandon their currency management regimes and move toward a free
float like nearby Armenia to protect their economies against the
global credit crisis, Commerzbank AG and UBS AG said on Thursday,
as Bloomberg reports.

"Armenia has done better than all the others by moving straight to a
free float," said Michael Ganske, head of emerging-markets research
in London at Commerzbank.

"It gives them the flexibility to adjust to new economic scenarios. In
the current global environment it’s very, very hard to maintain an
overvalued currency."

The Central Bank of Armenia decided Tuesday to reduce its intervention
in foreign exchange market and to return to a floating exchange
rate regime.

The Central Bank’s experts expect exchange rate to range from AMD
360 to 380 per dollar in 2009.

STUDENTS PLAN ‘EMPTY BOWL’ BENEFIT

BusinessNorth.com
March 6 2009

ASHLAND, Wis.- The 2009 Empty Bowl Dinner, sponsored by the Northland
College Ceramics Program and organized by the Moonbeam Consortium and
Art League, will be hosted at St. Andrews Episcopal Church on Saturday,
March 14 beginning at 4 p.m. This year, admission will be $15 or $10
with a non-perishable food item. The cost covers bread and a hearty
soup served in a unique, hand-made bowl that can be taken home at the
end of the evening. All the bowls at the event will have 100% lead-free
glazes and will be safe to use in dishwashers and microwaves. Funds
and food raised by the event will go to local food pantries.

Over the past several years Northland’s Empty Bowl events have raised
a combined total of over $10,000 for the hungry both locally and
globally. In previous years the fee was simply $10, but organizers are
hoping that the patron’s generosity will match their own ambitions to
raise more than $3,000 in addition to the non-perishables for charity.

"This is exemplary of the spirit of volunteerism and social conviction
that the Northland students feel towards the Ashland community,"
says Associate Professor of Art Viken Peltekian. "I’d particularly
like to thank the students who have made and donated the bowls, the
Daily Bread for their generosity and St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church
for being such a gracious host for this worthwhile event."

Following the success of the 2008 dinner, this year’s event will again
feature a silent auction of ceramic pieces such as serving bowls and
vases as well as works of art in other media, the proceeds of which
will go to the same charities. Northland students will also perform
live bluegrass and marimba music and a speaker will talk about the
local hungry and effective ways to help them.

"Empty Bowl is a great event because it is organized by Northland
College students, but encompasses the community," says Sarah Bhimani,
a writing major at Northland who is focused on soup production
for the event. "We rely on local business generosity in order to
buy ingredients; student time in making bowls, soup, and bread;
local artist skills for the silent auction; and local musicians
for entertainment. The event becomes much more about the people and
community that we are helping, which is the whole point."

Northland College and its Sigurd Olson Environmental Institute are
located in Ashland, Wis., near the shores of Lake Superior. The
College has been recognized as one of the top colleges in the nation
for science and mathematics, as a model environmental campus for
the Lake Superior Basin, and as one of Wisconsin’s true liberal arts
colleges. Founded in 1892, Northland now enrolls 700 students from
41 states, Puerto Rico, Canada, Sweden, the Czech Republic, Kenya,
Honduras, Trinidad and Tobago. For more information about Northland
College and its Institute, visit our website at

SERGE SARGSYAN TRIES TO SET UP A NEW "POLITBURO"
James Hakobyan

Lragir.am
12:30:32 – 06/03/2009

A lot of people wonder why the government decided to change the acting
Mayor of Yerevan and appoint to this position another person who is
the government’s candidate for Mayor a few moths before the election
of Mayor. It is really interesting, why the government did not wait
until the day of the election and only then appointed Gagik Beglaryan
Mayor of Yerevan. Why it was necessary to appoint him earlier than
May 31 when election of Mayor, or rather of Elder Council, is held and
the first number of the winner party will be elected Mayor. Perhaps,
there can be only two more or less logic explanations.

It is clear that the government decided to nominate Gagik Beglaryan
and two months before the election appoints him Mayor of Yerevan which
means that the mayoralty is important to the government in other words,
Gagik Beglaryan’s election is important. Consequently, his appointment
to this position should be viewed in the framework of the electoral
process. Of course, this is not "bicycle invention". However, it is
interesting why it was necessary to appoint Beglaryan Mayor in case he
could be appointed through elections. Sure, now his appointment is of
no problem to the government except that another staff of president
adviser’s was created for Yervand Zakharyan. However, do we20deal
now with government’s or at least Beglaryan’s impatience or there is
another more serious problem.

Probably, there is and I guess the two versions concerned with this
appointment can be determined by this big problem. And the problem is
probably connected with the elections. Perhaps, the government thinks
that it will be very difficult to hold a "traditional" election on May
31 especially considering that the Armenian National Congress (HAK)
decided to run init. Of course, mayor election is not a presidential or
even a parliamentary election but it is not a district head election
either. The economic crisis has a tangible significance too which
seems to diminish the factor of efficiency of electoral bribes as
the demand will increase both in terms of number and price and the
possibilities for it will naturally decrease. Use of force will surely
be inevitable but the government will difficultly find its explanations
for the international society on which Armenia’s financial dependence
increased let alone the presence of political monitoring.

In this case, Gagik Beglaryan assuming office may be calculated to make
such steps which will persuade the residents of Yerevan that he is a
good Mayor and is worth being elected. In other words, in upcoming two
months Gagik Beglaryan should turn Yerevan into New-Vasuky in order to
have an opportunity to be elected through fair election or at least =0
D with minimal breaches lessening government’s problems. The problem
is whether this version is feasible.

The other reason is connected to the mayoral election too. Gagik
Beglaryan’s appointment proves that after the presidential elections
of the last year the Armenian government is still unformed, the
pyramid lacks vitality and does not possess the keys of making serious
decisions which causes inner distrust and right this distrust is the
reason for Gagik Beglaryan’s appointment. In fact, it may mean that
just for now or maybe always, intentionally or not the system works
with the principle "a bird in the hand".

PRIME MINISTER RULES OUT ARMENIA CHANGING NATIONAL CURRENCY

ARKA
March 5, 2009

YEREVAN, March 5. /ARKA/. Armenia will not change its national
currency, RA Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan said, commenting on the
country’s possible entry to the ruble zone.

"This is illogical and practically impossible," the premier told
local media on Wednesday.

Sargsyan previously stated that Armenia and Russia had never discussed
the country’s entry to the ruble zone. Instead, he said Armenia would
prefer making settlements with Russia in rubles, not dollars.

"This results in diversification of our internal assets and foreign
currency transactions, as well as reduces our dependence on external
shocks that we import by means of dollar transactions," Sargsyan said.

ADVOCATES FILE ANOTHER MOTION

A1+
[05:28 pm] 04 March, 2009

Under a recent structural reform of the Armenian judiciary approved
by the parliament, the Criminal Procedure Code and other specialised
tribunals have been disbanded and replaced by general courts of
first instance. The change took effect on March 1 and meant that the
so-called "case of the seven" would be taken up by the court of first
instance of Yerevan’s Kentron and Nork-Marash districts.

Despite that, the Criminal Court of Shengavit district continued the
trial on Wednesday, March 4.

The judge in the case, Mnatsakan Martirosyan came forth with
clarifications about the amendments to Criminal Procedure Code under
which defendants can be removed from the courtroom in case they
demonstrate disrespect for the Court.

The Judge’s statement aroused protest among the defendants. Jailed
former foreign minister Alexander Arzumanyan began enumerating the
contradictions in the Code caused by the amendments.

Arzumanyan noted that this conflicted with Article 23 of the Code
which states that the presence of all parties to an ongoing court
case is mandatory. Thus he declared that the court must abide to
Article 23 since contradictory changes introduced complicate rather
than ameliorate matters.It appeared that Judge Martirosyan was unable
to clarify the apparent contradiction in the Code.

You ignore the Code. We suggest fixing all contradictions and
applying to the National Assembly. Upon the Prosecutor’s request the
National Assembly introduced amendments to the Code but I see numerous
contradictions. Our illiterate MPs have exposed the Court to danger,"
said .

Another defendant, parliament deputy Miasnik Malkhasyan said:
"Probably you are short of time and cannot study the amendments. You
have been transferred to another court and we advise you to seize
the opportunity and tender a resignation."

After the defendants’ speeches the advocates motioned for the Judge’s
resignation. The motion was supported by the relatives of the March
1 victims.

Koryun Piloyan, the chief trial prosecutor, backed the judge and
accused the oppositionists and their lawyers of deliberately dragging
out the proceedings.

Judge Martirosyan called a two hour recess to examine and pass sentence
on the motion made by Advocate Simonyan.

After the recess the Judge went ahead with the trial and removed
defendants Shant Harutyunyan and Alexandre Arzumanyan for intervening
with the court hearing and showing disrespect for the Judge. Before
that, Harutyunyan had announced that in case something happens to
his family the Russian services are to be blamed.

The Judge’s decision was followed by the defendants’ calls for the
Judge’s recusal. Ignoring their protests, Jadge Martirosyan made a
decision to adjourn the trial till March 9.

Parlamentarische Gruppe Schweiz-Armenien

Groupe parlementaire Suisse-Arménie

Gruppo parlamentare Svizzera-Armenia

Parlamentarische Gruppe Schweiz-Armenien, Postfach 497, CH – 3000 Bern

14
Kontaktperson: Sarkis Shahinian, Generalsekretär; Mobile: 076 399 16
25
Mailto: [email protected]
dex.php?id=3Dsaa_pg

Die Armenische Frage
im Zuge des Demokratisierungsprozesses in der Türkei

Die Armenische Frage ist für die Identitätsbestimmung der heutigen

Türkei, für ihre Vergangenheitsbewältigung und für die Entwicklung der
Achtung der Menschenrechte in diesem Land massgebend geworden. Darum
soll die Schweizer Regierung ihrer Rolle treu bleiben und die
Ereignisse von 1915 als Völkermord qualifizieren, wie dies der
Nationalrat bereits 2003 getan hat.

Heutzutage in der Türkei über den Völkermord an den Armeniern zu
sprechen, heisst, sich nicht nur strafbar zu machen, sondern man kann
es sogar mit dem eigenen Leben bezahlen. Dies beweist die Ermordung
des türkischen Journalisten armenischer Abstammung, Hrant Dink. Mit
seiner Arbeit auf Informations- und Überzeugungsniveau hatte er sich
innerhalb weniger Jahren bei vielen Intellektuellen in der Türkei
Respekt verschafft. Die Witwe des Journalisten, Rakel Dink, und
Fethiye Cetin, Rechtsanwältin und Referenzpersönlichkeit der
Menschenrechte in der Türkei, sind in diesen Tagen in der Schweiz, um
diesbezüglich zu informieren. Sie wurden für eine Anhörung über die
Situation in der Türkei von den beiden parlamentarischen Gruppen
«Menschenrechte» und «Schweiz-Armenien» eingeladen. An der
vorangegangenen Medienkonferenz waren Ständerätin Anne Seydoux-
Christe (CVP/JU), Ko-Präsidentin der Parlamentarischen Gruppe
Menschenrechte, und die Nationalräte Ueli Leuenberger (Präsident der
Grünen der Schweiz) sowie Dominique de Buman (Vizepräsident der CVP
Schweiz) zugegen. Letztere beide sind Ko- Präsidenten der
Parlamentarischen Gruppe Schweiz-Armenien.

Die Anerkennung des Völkermordes an den Armeniern durch Ankara ist für
die Reputation der Türkei in der Welt unentbehrlich und geht deutlich
über die rein politische Bedeutung hinaus. Die Schweiz, als Freund,
spielt in diesem Verfahren eine wichtige Rolle, indem sie die Türkei
auf diesem Weg begleitet. Der Bund ist daher berufen, diesen
Völkermord definitiv zu anerkennen. Es geht zuerst um ihre eigene
Glaubwürdigkeit in ihrem internationalen Engagement im Rahmen der
UNO-Konvention zur Bestrafung und Verhütung des Völkermorddeliktes und
zweitens geht es darum, die Bindung der Schweiz an die Werte der
Menschenrechte zu unterstreichen.

Seit der Ermordung von Hrant Dink ist die Vergangenheits-Wahrnehmung
und -Bewältigung in der Türkei auch in Bezug auf den Völkermord an den
Armeniern deutlich gestiegen. Das zeigen intellektuelle Bewegungen
innerhalb der türkischen Zivilgesellschaft. Dabei spielten die
Aktivitäten des ermordeten Journalisten Hrant Dink eine wegweisende
Rolle. Eine im letzten Herbst in der Türkei lancierte
On-line-Petition, sich beim Armenischen Volk für den Medz Yeghern
(armenisch für Grosse Katastrophe, Völkermord von 1915) zu
entschuldigen, erntete binnen weniger Wochen mehr als 30’000
Unterschriften. Und die vor kurzem getroffene Entscheidung des
Erziehungsministeriums, den negationistischen Dokumentarfilm «Sari
Gelin» an den Mittelschulen der Türkei vorzuführen, stiess in der
Zivilgesellschaft auf heftige Proteste.

Es steht noch offen, welche Kreise und Personen die Ermordung von
Hrant Dink befahlen und organisierten. Ferner stellt sich die Frage,
inwieweit das Phänomen «Ergenekon» («Tiefer Staat»;
Terrororganisation) in diesem Mord impliziert und wie ernst die Gefahr
ist, die «Ergenekon» für den türkischen Staat und für die
Meinungsäusserungsfreiheit in der Türkei darstellt.

Für weitere Informationen: Sarkis Shahinian, Generalsekretär der
Parlamentarische Gruppe Schweiz-Armenien, Tel. 076 399 16 25,
[email protected],

Anhänge:

Fact sheets
1. Hrant Dinks Ziel und die Ergebnisse
2. Die Rollen, die Frau Dink und Frau Çetin heute zukommen
3. Der Status des Prozesses über die Ermordung von Hrant Dink
4. Die Einbeziehung der Causa «Ergenekon» im Rahmen der Organisation
und
Durchführung der Ermordung von Hrant Dink
5. Internationale Stiftung Hrant Dink