Spies and Storytellers in the Wild West of Old Palestine

Spies and Storytellers in the Wild West of Old Palestine

FORWARD (Founded in 1897 / Published Weekly in New York)
May 27, 2005

By Hillel Halkin and Alan Mintz

In “A Strange Death: A Story Originating in Espionage, Betrayal, and
Vengeance in a Village in Old Palestine” (Public Affairs), author and
translator Hillel Halkin tells the story of the famed Nili spy ring,
larger-than-life figures who spied on behalf of the British against the
Ottomans during World War I. The book, which is told from the point of
view of an American Jew who settles with his wife in Zichron in 1970 and
begins to investigate traces of the passions and scandals left behind by
the Nili events, unfolds within two time frames: the past 30 years,
during which Halkin tries to piece together the true story from
survivors and their children, and the tense years of the war when the
fragile Jewish settlement in Palestine was squeezed between the armies
of the great powers. On a visit to New York, Halkin recently spoke about
the writing in the book with Alan Mintz, a professor of Hebrew
literature at the Jewish Theological Seminary.

Alan Mintz: Your book is signed Zichron Ya’akov-Jerusalem-Zichron
Ya’akov, 1974-2004. It’s unusual not only that a book is written over
such a long period of time, but also that the writing alternates between
two locations. Could you please explain?

Hillel Halkin: My wife and I bought land in Zichron in 1970, soon after
moving from New York to Jerusalem, and spent three years building a
house there. We moved into it in 1973, right after the Yom Kippur War,
and in 1977 we rented it out and moved back to Jerusalem. We didn’t
think we’d return to the house – but in 1979, we did.

The initial contract for the book was signed in 1974, and the actual
writing began three years later. There are many reasons why the book
took so long, but perhaps at bottom I was unconsciously waiting for its
main characters, all elderly or middle-aged people when I began writing,
to die. It’s a book, much of it set in the Palestine of the Turkish
period and the British Mandate, about real people, using their real
names, and I never felt quite comfortable about them reading or knowing
what I had written. Whether it’s a coincidence or not, the last of the
book’s major characters to die was a woman who passed away several
months before I wrote the last page.

In your depiction of it, Palestine reminded me of the Wild West and
other stories about frontiers where natives and settlers mixed both
bonds of friendship and competition in some kind of viability. The
pattern of interaction between Arabs and Jews in the years before the
Balfour Declaration seems very distant from what we know now.

It is. It’s possible to think of the early years of Zionist settlement,
the First Aliyah years between 1882 and the outbreak of World War I in
1914, as pointing to a path ultimately not taken in Arab-Jewish
relations in Palestine.

In terms of our thinking about colonialism, your book presents a complex
picture. The Zichronites are colonists in relation to the local Arabs,
but then in fact they were subjects first of the Ottomans and then the
British, and at the same time dependent on the Jewish Baron de
Rothschild in France. How do you understand their conception of
themselves in this world of colonialism?

Zichron was founded as a Jewish colony along with four other
agricultural Zionist settlements, the first of their kind, in 1882, on
land purchased by Rumanian Jews from an absentee Arab landlord who
evicted the local peasants from it. The word “colonist” was not anything
to be ashamed of in the late 19th century. The major nations of Europe
were then colonizing much of the world, and for a Jew from Ploes¸ti or
Focs¸any, who did not enjoy a high status where he came from, it was
flattering to be associated with Europe in this way. The settlers of
Zichron were thus people who, on the one hand, definitely felt
themselves superior to the Arabs among whom they were placed. They
thought of themselves as modern Europeans and bearers of progress. Yet
on the other hand, they were dirt poor in the first years and had no
illusions of grandeur. Their approach to the Arab world was very
pragmatic. The Arabs were for them the people they had to live with and
get to know. Some of the m, like the chief character in my book, Yanko
Epstein, developed a deep love for Arab life.

For a “suspense” story, “A Strange Death” has a peculiar structure. You
dispatch the espionage and romance plots in the early pages of the book,
and only then does the book begin to unfold. What is the real story you
are trying to tell?

The Nili spy ring was the single most dramatic – and traumatic – event
in the history of Zichron. A lot has been written about it, but as I
began reading about it back in the mid-1970s, I came across two
mysteries that were to form the main thread of my book. The first was an
account that I found of what happened when the Nili spies were arrested
by the Turks in 1917. Several of the spies came from the village, and
those arrested in it were brutally interrogated by the Turks on the
spot. In this account it was related that one of the apprehended spies
was taunted and assaulted by four local Jewish women who fell on him
like Furies and cheered the Turkish soldiers as he was being marched
through the streets of the town. The eerie nature of this scene
fascinated me. Yet it also puzzled me because I knew that the Jews of
Palestine during World War I were not pro-Turkish; on the contrary, they
thought of the British army, then at the southern gates of Palestine, as
their s alvation from a corrupt and despotic regime that was bleeding
the country for its war effort. I wanted to find out why these women
acted as they did.

The second mystery had to do with one of the four – who, in this same
account, was said to have died a “strange death” not long after these
events took place. What was so strange about it? The more I asked the
old-timers in town who remembered her – she died in 1921 – the less
strange it seemed to have been, until one day Epstein’s curious reaction
to a question of mine led me to suspect that she had been murdered as an
act of revenge for informing on the Nili to the Turks and that he alone
knew of it. My attempt to find out the truth about this forms the main
“plot” of the book, though it’s one on which other material is hung.

The romantic figure of Yanko Epstein, the mounted night watchman who
protects the village’s fields from Arab thieves and marauders, is your
chief character. Some of the book’s most vivid color comes from your
retelling of the stories he tells you in the course of your
acquaintance. Yet in the end it turns out that many of these stories,
which at first you take at face value, are fabrications.

When I first set out to write “A Strange Death,” I thought of it as a
straightforward investigation: I was going to find out what had “really”
happened and tell the reader. But not only did what “really” happened
prove elusive, I began to see that it didn’t matter that much. The real
story wasn’t about whether a woman had been murdered; it was about my
cat-and-mouse relationship with Epstein, in which it wasn’t always clear
who was the cat and who was the mouse.

What made Epstein so fascinating a figure was that he was both the
greatest single source of information about the town’s past and the
least reliable. He didn’t invent his stories from whole cloth. He stole
them from other people they had happened to and reworked and retold them
with himself as their hero – and his versions were always better because
he was a natural storyteller and they weren’t.

It was only in finishing the last draft of “A Strange Death” that it
struck me that I had been doing the same thing. I, too, was reworking
stories told to me in order to make them better. I was even reworking
Epstein’s re-workings. He and I were both rivals and accomplices.

But I was morally queasy about this aspect of it. I was using people’s
real names and telling their real stories, and yet I was often changing
the words they had spoken to me, moving things around for dramatic
purposes. When I would tell friends about this queasiness, their
response was generally: Then why don’t you just write it as fiction? I
didn’t because, on a simple level, it was important for me to preserve
real identities because I cared very much about the people I was writing
about and wanted to honor them and perpetuate their memories. But beyond
that, the conflict between telling the truth and telling a story turned
out in part to be what the book was about. If I had given up either of
these things, the book would have lost its momentum. The tension between
them was like a coiled spring that both kept holding it back and driving
it forward.

As someone who has, over time, become a true man of Zichron and not
simply a latecomer, how do you view the changes in the town over this
period?

When we first moved to Zichron, it was a still a small farming village
and a very ingrown one; you could only be a true Zichronite if you were
fourth generation. Over the last 15 or 20 years, it’s gradually become a
rather chi-chi commuter town. Today the population is far more
sophisticated. Many of the inhabitants are academics and professionals
who work in Haifa and Tel Aviv, and the town has not only been
physically spruced up and looks much better, it has a more interesting
and varied population. If we were raising our children there now, they
would have friends they didn’t have then. But I miss the old town all
the same. It had a romance for me that’s gone today.

http://www.forward.com/articles/3219

A tale of three books

The Evening Standard (Palmerston North, New Zealand)
May 24, 2005, Tuesday

A tale of three books

by HAWES Peter

A New Zealand citizen, dearly beloved by several other New
Zealanders, is incarcerated in a toiletless yurt somewhere on the
Silk Road and living, one assumes, in a state of some perturbation.

HIS name is Gareth Morgan, a business consultant and rider of large
motorcycles — one of which drove him into the central Asian region
that is presently his prison.

Coincidentally, his plight came to public notice at the same time as
we learnt of outraged Muslims stampeding round dusty medinas,
slaughtering anyone who looked likely to have supported the new Bush
initiative of throwing Korans down the bog to wreak distress and
dismay amidst the surviving suicide bombers in Guantanamo Bay.

And these two stories reminded me of a story of my own, which I may
call The Tale of Three Books — an apt title, given that it involves
the three groups who make up the people of the book — to whit, the
Christians, Jews and Muslims of the world. All of whom are loosely
identical and distinguished only by their searing hatred of each
other.

They have all absorbed and regurgitated, in their own terms, the
Egyptian myth of Horus, a bloke who keeps dying on behalf of the
human race and being divinely recycled back into existence.

And all have defended — with humourless intensity — their own
version of the story. (It gives me the willies sometimes to think
that as a religious sceptic I am an Infidel, a Heretic and an
Unbeliever all at once. . . plus thinking the original Horus yarn is
a load of old bollocks as well. Oh the omniscience of atheism — how
many times can an individual go to hell?)

Anyway, the first of the three books in my story is The Satanic
Verses by Salman Rushdie, which I purchased at Foyles bookshop,
Tottenham Court Road, London, just days before it was fatwa’d by the
Ayatollah Khomeini.

A fatwa is, of course, an Islamic sentence of death on behalf of a
loving God.

You may, for example, be fatwa’d for saying that fatwas on behalf of
loving Gods are oxymoronic, but as neither Khomeini nor the loving
God have a bloody clue what oxymoron means, they won’t see the irony.

Rushdie had said something along these lines in his verses and a
cordial invitation had been extended to all true Muslim believers to
murder him on sight.

The second book was The Passion of the Christ, the novelisation of an
ardent fantasy dreamed by the king of the Jews while he hung about on
the cross.

It was by a Greek chap named Kasanstakis, and I bought it at Athens
airport to read on a flight I was making to Turkey.

Which was a serious tactical error, because I was still reading it as
I queued up at Istanbul customs — where I learned that Kasanstakis
was an impassioned critic of Turkey’s Armenian policy (which was to
murder them on sight).

I learned this from a Turkish customs official who snatched the book
from me, bellowed that Turkey had never had such a policy, and that I
would suffer the fate of the average Armenian in the street if the
book was ever seen on my person in Turkey again.

Which he then handed back to me; presumably in the hope I would be
murdered on sight by the first Turk who saw me reading a book saying
Armenians were murdered on sight.

So, there’s two of the books in this story. Which is true, by the
way.

The third came into my possession thus: I had booked into a decent
hotel in Istanbul for one night — just long enough to give me time
to check out the much cheaper dives that I would frequent from then
on in.

During my sojourn in this reasonable hotel, I found a Gideon Koran.

Yep, believe it or not folks, the Gideon Society not only do Bibles,
but a very nice line in mutely green-covered, rice-papered Korans
too.

There it was, in the top drawer, next to the phone book.

So, I pinched it, to show people like you how kind and
multi-denominational the Gideons are.

Thus it was in my rucksack, along with the other two books, when I
arrived in a town called Goreme, in Cappadocia.

This region used to be called Asia Minor in the days of St Paul —
who, incidentally, brought Christ’s mum over with him and set her up
in a house just down the road from Santa Claus in Ephesus. (Check it
out.)

The best description of Goreme is probably wild western, with
facilities akin to those Gareth Morgan is currently experiencing.

My hotel-thing had no sheets, water, booze, towels, women, lights or.
. . toilet paper!

But don’t forget, I had three books.

Which one did I use?

That’s between God, Jehovah, Allah — and me.

BAKU: Iran Azerbaijan talk militaries

Baku Sun, Azerbaijan
May 23 2005

BAKU: Iran Azerbaijan talk militaries

TEHRAN – Iran’s President Mohammad Khatami offered assuring words to
Azerbaijan’s Defense Minister Safar Abiyev during his official visit
this weekend to Iran, saying Azerbaijan need not fear a powerful
Iran, according to Iranian news agencies.

In an apparent reference to mushrooming U.S. military bases in the
former Soviet republics, Khatami was quoted as describing the
presence of foreign troops as `a threat to the security and peace of
regional countries and an affront to them.’

`Through coexistence and non-interference in each other’s affairs and
maintaining mutual respect, we should complement our defense
capabilities and protect security and peace in the region,’ he added.

In January, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev paid an official visit
to Iran at part of the two countries’ efforts to warm up diplomatic
relations.

Khatami touched on `historical relations’ between Iran and
Azerbaijan, hoping ties would bolster `in line with the principle of
maintaining security and tranquility in the region.’

`Tehran-Baku relations can serve as a suitable example for other
countries given their ideological, political and international
commonalties,’ he said.

Later in the week, Azeri media reported Abiyev dismissed reports that
NATO troops might be stationed in Azerbaijan to safeguard the
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan main export pipeline. The defense minister was
quoted as saying Azerbaijan was an independent country pursuing its
own free policies.

Last month during a brief stop in Azerbaijan as part of a fast moving
tour of Iraq and Afghanistan U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld
met with Abiyev and addressed Azeri peacekeepers in Iraq and the
current pace of settlement talks regarding the Karabakh conflict.

While brief, the trip generated huge interest among Azerbaijani
media, with some reports calling the visit `shrouded in secrecy.’
Local analysts blamed the suspicion on recent international
speculation that the United States seeks to establish a major
military presence in Azerbaijan.

The U.S. Embassy on Azerbaijan has since dismissed the rumors.

Back in Iran, Abiyev also oversaw the signing of military
co-operation agreement in Iran, in addition to discussions over
issues pertaining to the Caspian Sea.

BAKU: Talks on return of Azeri occupied regions begin

Talks on return of Azeri occupied regions begin

Baku, May 20, AssA-Irada

Azerbaijan and Armenia have started discussing terms of the return of
the seven occupied Azerbaijani regions around Upper Garabagh. This
has become possible following the talks between the Azerbaijani and
Armenian Presidents Ilham Aliyev and Robert Kocharian on the sidelines
of the Council of Europe summit in Warsaw, Deputy Foreign Minister
Araz Azimov said.

“Substantial discussions were held on ways of settling the
conflict and Yerevan stated its readiness to hold the ‘most serious’
discussions. With the return of seven occupied regions, Baku, on its
end, will guarantee security to Armenian population of Upper Garabagh
on both national and international levels. We will also ensure the
co-existence of Azerbaijanis with Armenians.”

The Deputy Foreign Minister said the parties fully clarified
their positions at the Warsaw meeting, terming this as an important
achievement at this stage. The parties decided to continue the talks
on the level of foreign ministers. “If necessary, the working groups
may join the dialogue as well”, Azimov said.

The meeting of ministers will be held soon after the visit by the
co-chairs of the mediating OSCE Minsk Group, he added.*

Second Storehouse For Spent Nuclear Fuel To Be Build At ANPS

SECOND STOREHOUSE FOR SPENT NUCLEAR FUEL TO BE BUILD AT ANPS

YEREVAN, MAY 18, NOYAN TAPAN. At the May 17 special session, RA
National Assembly discussed in the first reading the draft law on
construction of a spent nuclear fuel storehouse at the Armenian
Nuclear Power Station (ANPS) cjsc. The draft law was submitted by
the government and proposes building a storehouse for spent nuclear
fuel to be kept there for a period of 50 years in dry conditions. The
storehouse capacity was determined, taking into account that ANPS
will operate until late 2016 and about 90 heat-eliminating cassettes
will be changed annually. It is going to be the second storehouse
and about 10 mln euros is needed for its construction. According to
RA Minister of Energy Armen Movsisian, previously the spent nuclear
fuel was transported to Russia but closed roads and the high cost
of transportation created a necessity to build a local storehouse,
so “there is no political implication in this.” To recap, the first
storehouse was put into operation in 2000 and is designed for storing
616 cassettes of spent nuclear fuel by the dry method. The French
government allocated about 6 mln USD for its construction.

To sign or not to sign

TO SIGN OR NOT TO SIGN

A1plus

| 21:29:34 | 17-05-2005 | Politics | COE SUMMIT |

Why do some people say that the Council of Europe has lost its
efficiency? Presently we are working with a big social group”, Polish
President Alexander Kwasniewski, chairman of the CoE Third Summit,
stated at the final press conference.

In his words, the Warsaw Declaration will concretize the division of
activities between the Council of Europe, OSCE and the European Union.

“Why the CoE pay such great attention to Russia? Aren’t there more
urgent issues?’ one of the journalists asked. In response Secretary
General listed the countries at CoE’s focus, pointing out to the
South Caucasus. He also informed that are currently focused the
parliamentary elections in Azerbaijan to be held in 6 months.

Three declaration – on Combating Terror, Combating Terror Financing
and Combating Trafficking were submitted to the summit. To note,
10 out of 46 countries signed these declarations.

The summit press center did not report whether Armenia has signed
the declarations or not. The list of the countries that have signed
the declaration has not been issued either.

ANKARA: Turkish premier says no plan to meet Armenian president

Turkish premier says no plan to meet Armenian president

Anatolia news agency
16 May 05

Warsaw/Ankara, 16 May: Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan
said late on Sunday [15 May] that he had no appointment with Armenian
President Robert Kocharyan.

Erdogan, who is currently in Polish capital of Warsaw to attend the
summit of Council of Europe (COE) heads of state and government,
met Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, who earlier met Kocharyan on
the margin of this summit.

Regarding the Nagornyy Karabakh dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan,
Erdogan said: “We are carefully monitoring steps for resolution of this
problem. We hope that problems would be overcome as soon as possible,
and peace would be settled in our region.”

Asked if he would take a step for resolution of Nagornyy Karabakh
dispute by meeting Kocharyan, Erdogan said: “We don’t have a scheduled
meeting.”

On the other hand, Aliyev said that two countries (Turkey and
Azerbaijan) would continue to support each other.

Asked if he saw any milder attitude from Armenia for solution of this
dispute, Aliyev said: “This matter has been discussed for years,
and so we have decided not to talk on this matter before we make a
real progress. I hope negotiations will bear positive result and our
problems will be solved.” [Passage omitted]

Genocide…

Genocide…

By Ahmet Altan
May 9, 2005

Transl ated by the Zoryan Institute

I would like to ask a very simple, ordinary question.

Would you wish to be an Armenian in 1915?

No, you wouldn’t.

Because now you know you would have been killed.

Please stop arguing about the number of murdered or the denials or the
attempts to replace pain with statistics.

No one is denying that Armenians were murdered, right?

It may be 300,000, or 500,000, or 1.5 million.

I don’t know which number is the truth, or whether anyone knows the true
number accurately.

What I do know is the existence of the death and pain beyond these
numbers.

I am also aware how we forget that we are talking about human beings
when we are passionately debating the numbers.

Those numbers cannot describe the murdered babies, women, the elderly,
the teenage boys and girls.

If we leave the numbers aside, and if we allow ourselves to hear the
story of only one of these murders, I am sure that even those of us who
get enraged when they hear the words “Armenian Genocide” will feel the
pain, will have tears in their eyes.

Because they will realize that we are talking about human beings.

When we hear about a baby pulled from a mother’s hands to be dashed on
the rocks, or a youth shot to death beside a hill, or an old woman
throttled by her slender neck, even the hard-hearted among us will be
ashamed to say, “Yes, but these people killed the Turks.”

Most of these people did not kill anyone.

These people became the innocent victims of a crazed government powered
by murder, pitiless but also totally incompetent in governing.

This bloody insanity was a barbarism, not something for us to take pride
in or be part of.

This was a slaughter that we should be ashamed of, and, if possible,
something that we can sympathize with and share the pain.

I understand that the word “genocide” has a damningly critical meaning,
based on the relentless insistence of the Armenians’ “Accept the
Genocide” argument, or the Turks’ “No, it was not a genocide”
counterargument, even though the Turks accept the death of hundreds of
thousands of Armenians.

And yet, this word is not that important for me, even though it has
significance in politics and diplomacy.

What is more important for me is the fact that many innocent people were
killed so barbarically.

When I see the shadow of this bloody event on the present world, I see a
greater injustice done to the Armenians.

Our crime today is not to allow the present Armenians even to grieve for
their cruelly killed relatives and parents.

Which Armenian living in Turkey today can openly grieve and commemorate
a murdered grandmother, grandfather or uncle?

I have nothing in common with the terrible sin of the past Ittihadists,
but the sin of not allowing grief for the dead belongs to all of us
today.

Do you really want to commit this sin?

Is there anyone among us who would not shed tears for a family attacked
at home in the middle of the night, or for a little girl left all alone
in the desert during the nightmare called “deportation,” or for a
white-bearded grandfather shot?

Whether you call it genocide or not, hundreds of thousands of human
beings were murdered.

Hundreds of thousands of lives snuffed out.

The fact that some Armenian gangs murdered some Turks cannot be an
excuse to mask the truth that hundreds of thousands of Armenians were
murdered.

A human being of conscience is capable of grieving for the Armenians, as
well as the Turks, as well as the Kurds.

We all should.

Babies died; women and old people died.

They died in pain, tormented, terrified.

Is it really so important what religion or race these murdered people
had?

Even in these terrifying times there were Turks who risked their lives
trying to rescue Armenian children.

We are the children of these rescuers, as well as the children of the
murderers.

Instead of justifying and arguing on behalf of the murderers, why don’t
we praise and defend the rescuers’ compassion, honesty, and courage?

There are no more victims left to be rescued today, but there is a
grief, a pain, to be shared and supported.

What’s the use of a bloody, warmongering dance around a deep pain?

Forget the numbers, forget the Armenians, forget the Turks, just think
of the babies, teenagers, and old people with necks broken, bellies
slashed, bodies mutilated. Think about these people, one by one.

If nothing moves in you when you hear a baby wail as her mother is
murdered, I have nothing to say to you.

Then add my name to the list of “traitors.”

Because I am ready to share the grief and pain with the Armenians.

Because I still believe there is something yet to be rescued from all
these meaningless and pitiless arguments, and that something is called
“humanity.”

* * * * The Original in Turkish * * * *

Soykirim…

Çok basit ve siradan bir soru sormak istiyorum.

1915 yilinda bir Ermeni olmak ister miydiniz?

Istemezdiniz.

Çünkü öldürüleceginizi biliyorsunuz simdi.

Öldürülenlerin kaç kisi oldugunu iddialarla ve inkarlarla tartisip,
yasanan bütün acilari rakamlara indirgemeyi bir yana birakin.

Ermenilerin öldürüldügünü reddeden kimse yok, degil mi?

Üç yüz bin kisi, bes yüz bin kisi, bir milyon kisi ya da bir buçuk
milyon kisi.

Rakamlarin hangisinin tam gerçegi gösterdigini bilmiyorum, kesin
rakami bilen biri var mi ondan da emin degilim.

Bildigim, bu rakamlarin arkasinda insanlarin, ölümlerin ve acilarin
oldugu.

Rakamlari sehvetle tartisirken aslinda insanlardan bahsetmekte
oldugumuzu unuttugumuzun farkindayim yalnizca.

O rakamlar öldürülen bebekleri, kadinlari, yaslilari, delikanlilari,
genç kizlari anlatmiyor bize.

Eger bu büyük rakamlari bir kenara birakip öldürülen insanlardan
yalnizca bir tanesini n hikayesinin bize anlatilmasina izin versek,
bugün “Ermeni soykirimi” lafini duyunca öfkeden çildiranlarin bile
içlerinin aciyacagina, gözlerinin yasaracagina eminim.

Çünkü o zaman insanlardan söz edilmekte oldugunu farkedecekler.

Annesinin kucagindan kopartilip taslara çarpilarak öldürülen bir
bebegi, bir dagin yamacinda kursuna dizilen delikanliyi, ince boynu
sikilarak bogulan bir yasli kadini bize anlattiklarinda “onlar da
Türkleri öldürmüslerdi” demekten en tas kalplilerimiz bile utanir.

Onlarin çogu kimseyi öldürmemisti.

Iktidarlarini cinayetlere yaslamis, insafsiz oldugu kadar beceriksiz
bir yönetimin tutuldugu bir cinnetin kurbani oldular onlar.

Bu kanli cinnet ne övünebilecegimiz ne paylasabilecegimiz bir
vahset.

Bu, utanacagimiz ve mümkünse acisini paylasacagimiz bir katliam.

Ermenilerin, atalarinin yasadigi dramlari bile neredeyse bir kenara
birakarak “soykirim oldugunu kabul edin” diye tutturmalarindan,
Türklerin de yüz binlerce insanin ölümünü kabul ederken bile “hayir,
asla soykirim degildi” diye diretmesinden bu “soykirim” sözcügünün
lanetli bir önemi oldugunu seziyorum.

Ama gene de, bu sözcük politikada ve diplomaside nasil bir önem
tasirsa tasisin benim için büyük bir önem tasimiyor.

Masum insanlarin vahsice öldürülmüs oldugu gerçegi, bu gerçegin
adindan daha önemli benim için.

Bu büyük dramin günümüze düsen gölgesine baktigimda ise Ermenilere
yapilan bir baska büyük haksizligi görüyorum.

Yakinlarini zalimce cinayetlere kurban vermis olanlarin bugün bu aci
için yas tutmalarina izin vermemek bizim suçumuz.

Bugün Türkiye’de hangi Ermeni öldürülen büyükannesi, dedesi, amcasi
için açikça yas tutabilir?

Ittihatçilarin isledigi korkunç günahla bir ortakligim yok ama yas
tutmalarina bile izin verilmemesinin günahi bugün hepimize ait.

Bu günahi islemek istiyor musunuz gerçekten?

Aranizda bir geceyarisi evi basilan bir ailenin öldürülmesine,
annesini kaybeden küçük bir çocugun tehcir denilen o mahserde
yapayalniz kalmasina, ak sakalli bir Ermeni dedesinin vurulmasina göz
yasi dökmeyecek kimse var mi?

Adina ister soykirim deyin ister demeyin, yüz binlerce insan
öldürüldü.

Yüz binlerce hayat söndü.

Ermeni çetelerin de Türkleri öldürmüs olmasi Ermenilerin öldürülmüs
oldugu gerçegini gözlerden saklayacak bir mazeret olmamali bence.

Insan vicdani öldürülen herkes için, Ermeniler için, Türkler için,
Kürtler için yas tutabilir.

Bana sorarsaniz tutmalidir da.

Bebekler öldü, kadinlar, yaslilar öldü.

Aci çekerek, aglayarak, dehsete düserek öldüler.

Öldürülenlerin irklari ve dinleri gerçekten o kadar önemli mi sizin
için? O korkunç zamanlarda bile Ermeni çocuklarini kurtarmaya
çalisan, bunun için kendi hayatini tehlikeye atan Türkler vardi.

Biz, öldürenlerin çocuklari oldugumuz kadar kurtarmaya çalisanlarin
da çocuklariyiz.

Öldürenlerin vahsetine sahip çikmak yerine kurtaranlarin merhametine,
dürüstlügüne, cesaretine neden sahip çikmayalim?

Bugün kurtarilacak kurbanlar yok ama kurtarilacak, sahip çikilacak,
desteklenecek bir yas var.

Agir bir yasin çevresinde kanli bir totem dansina dalmanin nasil bir
yarari olacagini düsünüyorsunuz?

Rakamlari unutun, Ermenileri unutun, Türkleri unutun, boyunlari
kirilan, karinlari desilen, vücutlari parçalanan bebekleri, gençleri,
kadinlari yaslilari düsünün yalnizca.

Bütün o insanlari tek tek düsünün.

Içinizde en küçük bir kipirti bile olmuyorsa, annesi öldürülürken
aglayan bir bebegi düsündügünüzde gözünüzde bir dirhem gözyasi
belirmiyorsa, size söylenecek bir sözüm yok.

O zaman benim adimi “hainlerin” arasina yazin.

Çünkü ben öldürülen onca insanin yasini Ermenilerle birlikte tutmaya
hazirim.

Bütün bu acimasiz ve anlamsiz tartismalarin ortasinda hala
kurtarilacak bir sey olduguna ve ona da “insanlik” dendigine
inaniyorum çünkü.

9 Mayis 2005, Pazartesi

http://www.gazetem.net/ahmetaltan.asp

Peace garden

Bellefontaine Examiner, OH
May 11 2005

Peace garden

West Liberty-Salem students, from the left, Shae Blake, Rachel
Holmes and Marcel Niklaus plant a variety of roses, perennials and
annuals in the school’s new international peace garden in conjunction
with another school in Gyumri, Armenia. The program is a service
learning project involving 19 family and consumer science students
taught by Judy Conrad. More than $300 in donations came from the West
Liberty community, along with a grant from the National Garden
Association to help create the theme garden. (Examiner photo by Doug
Loehr)

ANKARA: Head of Parliament: Turkey will be an EU member in 10 years

The New Anatolian, Turkey
May 10 2005

Head of Turkish Parliament Arinc: Turkey will be an EU member in 10
years

The New Anatolian / Ankara

Parliament Speaker Bulent Arinc, in Australia on an official visit at
the invitation of the Australian Senate, met yesterday with
representatives of the Western Thrace Turkish Association on his
first stop, Melbourne.
Arinc asked Turks in Australia to integrate into the country and
learn the language and the laws of the land.

Arinc stated that Turkey has made a great many changes to its
Constitution and legislation in the course of the EU harmonization
period. He also declared that Turkey’s EU membership will be possible
eight to 10 years after the start of the accession negotiations.

‘Genocide’ decisions derail foreign visits

Asked about the so-called genocide claims of the Armenians, Arinc
denied said that such a thing ever happened. He explained that the
Armenians started killing Turks so the Ottoman administration decided
to make them emigrate which was when some of them died.

Arinc criticized the Parliaments of countries which have recently
recognized the so-called Armenian “genocide” and announced that was
why he cancelled his visits to Poland and Russia. “Turkey is staying
where it is and it’s becoming powerful; we feel sorry for those
who’ve acknowledged the claims,’ Arinc said. `We will not remain
silent on the issue, and we will find a solution to the problem.
We’re not guilty of such a crime. Those who committed the crime
should look at themselves. We’re innocent. The Turkish Parliament
will take the necessary steps.’

He referred to the European national parliaments that have enacted
laws against people who reject the “genocide” claims and added that
this is a huge obstacle to freedom of expression.

While dealing with requests from members of the association, Arinc
said that they represent Turkey in Australia, and that to become
integrated into Australian society they should learn the country’s
language, laws, customs, and traditions

Debate with Bumin

Asked about his debate with Constitutional Court Chief Justice
Mustafa Bumin, he emphasized that the legislative body represents
national sovereignty.

`If someone brings up the subject of the authority of the Parliament,
I will respond to them,’ Arinc said. `I have no intention of sharing
national sovereignty rights with anyone.’

He also said that defending the honor of the Parliament is the duty
of all of its members.

While in Australia, Arinc also visited the Jirrahlinga Koala and
Wildlife Sanctuary. Arinc and his wife Munevver were given a short
talk by founder Tehree Gordon and saw animals indigenous to Australia
such as wombats, wallabies, kangaroos, and koala bears. They named a
baby koala “Ayse.” At the end of the tour, Arinc gave Gordon a
special medal from the Turkish Parliament.

Visit to Turkish school

Arinc also visited Isik College and Victoria Provincial Parliament
during his trip. The school’s Principal Harun Yuksel gave Arinc and
his delegation a talk and a tour of the establishment.

He also went to the Provincial Parliament and met with the speaker,
the Hon. Judy Maddigan, and president of the Legislative Council, the
Hon. Monica Gould.

Arinc was accompanied by ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party
Edirne Deputy Ali Ayag and Yalova Deputy Sukru Onder, and main
opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) Mugla Deputy Cumhur Yaka.