Armenian Deputies To Visit Germany

ARMENIAN DEPUTIES TO VISIT GERMANY

Panorama.am
16:18 10/11/2008

On November 9-14 the Deputies of Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan visit
Germany by the invitation of Technical Cooperation German Company. The
Chairmen of Legal Affairs Committees of Armenia and Azerbaijan and the
Chairman of Foreign Relations Committee of Georgia and the Assistant
Chairman of Legal Affairs will also leave for Germany.

Lawyer Hrayr Tovmasyan says that the mission of the visit to Germany
is getting introduced to German Parliamentarian system and to exchange
opinions on Legal Reforms in South Caucasus. The Deputies will be
introduced to the problems and working methods of Bundesrat and
Bundestag of Germany and the role of President’s Administration in
legislative affairs.

Yerevan Welcomes Outcomes Of Karabakh Meeting In Moscow

YEREVAN WELCOMES OUTCOMES OF KARABAKH MEETING IN MOSCOW

Interfax
Nov 5 2008
Russia

The Armenian Foreign Ministry welcomes the outcomes of a meeting
dealing with the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between
the presidents of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia in Moscow on
November 2.

"We believe this meeting will significantly stimulate the
further negotiating process, because it was pointed out that the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict needs to be resolved in a political way
within the OSCE Minsk Group and on the basis of the Madrid proposals,"
spokesman for the Armenian Foreign Ministry Tigran Balayan told
Armenian media on Tuesday.

"We welcome the Russian president’s initiative and consider it
important for opening a new phase in making the negotiations more
active," Balayan said.

The Armenian, Azeri, and Russian presidents had signed a declaration
on settling the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in Moscow on Sunday.

The document says that the parties "will work to improve the situation
in the South Caucasus and ensure stability and security in the region
through a political settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict based
on principles and standards of international law," the document reads.

The presidents agreed that "a peaceful settlement should be
complemented by legally binding international guarantees of all of
its aspects and stages."

Released On Bail Of 4 Million Drams

RELEASED ON BAIL OF 4 MILLION DRAMS

A1+
[03:20 pm] 07 November, 2008

The Criminal Court of Yerevan City has met the petition of the director
of "Pizza de Roma" Gevorg Safaryan and the cashier Anush Ghavalyan
and released them on bail considering that Gevorg Safaryan has partly
compensated for the damage inflicted on the state. Besides, the
defendants have serious health problems and need urgent hospital care.

Under the court decision Gevorg Safaryan is to pay 3.5 million drams,
and Anush Ghavalyan 500 thousand drams, reports the press secretary
of the Court of Cassation of Armenia.

Remind that the director of "Pizza de Roma" Gevorg Safaryan was
charged under Article 205 of the RoA Criminal Code /evasion of taxes
and obligatory payments/ and the cashier Anush Ghavalyan – under
Articles 38 and 205 /complicity in crime/.

Armenian Defense Chief Visits Romania

ARMENIAN DEFENCE CHIEF VISITS ROMANIA

AgerPres News Agency
Nov 3 2008
Rumania

Bucharest, 3 November: DefenSe Ministers from Romania and Armenia
have signed, on Monday, in Bucharest, a Bilateral Cooperation Plan
on 2009, the Ministry of Defense (MAp) informs in a release remitted
to AGERPRES on Monday. According to the quoted source, the document
was signed at the end of a meeting between the Romanian Minister of
Defence Teodor Melescanu and his Armenian counterpart Seyran Ohanyan
who started on Monday a two-day visit to Romania.

Within the official talks, held at the Ministry of Defence, the
two officials have discussed about the Romanian-Armenian military
cooperation, identifying new cooperation fields, according to
MAp. The two ministers have approached topics related to the reform
of relations between NATO and the partner states, to security in the
enlarged Black Sea region, as well as to the participation in the
fight against terrorism.

The Armenian dignitary’s agenda also includes meetings at Romania’s
Presidency and the Parliament, meetings and debates at ‘Carol I’
National Defence University in Bucharest, as well as at the Air Forces
Academy in Brasov.

Better Late Than Never: Modern Turkey Remembers Its Past

BETTER LATE THAN NEVER: MODERN TURKEY REMEMBERS ITS PAST
by Leyla Neyzi

Monthly Review
.html
Nov 3 2008
VA

Esra Ozyurek, ed. The Politics of Public Memory in Turkey. Syracuse:
Syracuse University Press, 2006. x + 225 pp. $24.95 (cloth), ISBN
978-0-8156-3131-6.

The Politics of Public Memory in Turkey, edited by Esra Ozyurek, an
associate professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University
of California San Diego, has its origins in a book in Turkish edited
by Ozyurek in 2001. Another related book, Nostalgia for the Modern:
State Secularism and Everyday Politics in Turkey, based on Ozyurek’s
dissertation, was published in 2006. Taken together, these books
make an important contribution to the previously scant literature
on memory in Turkey. Until the 1980s, there was little interest in
the public sphere in history and memory in Turkey, where history
was understood to stand for national/official history, and personal
and communal memory, in so far as they diverged from history with a
capital H, were relegated to the relative safety of the home or were
even silenced therein.1 Rejecting the Ottoman past, despite the fact
that most of its cadres emerged from among the Committee of Union
and Progress that turned everyday life in

Anatolia into tragedy during World War I, the new Turkish Republic
focused on the future in its attempts to achieve modernity.2 The
interdisciplinary literature on memory was only recently discovered
by young critical scholars studying abroad in the last decades. This
coincided with a slow but gradual democratization of Turkish society
and the beginnings of a debate on history and memory in the public
sphere.3

Eighty-five years after the founding of the Turkish Republic, the
legacy of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (1881-1938), the hero of the Turkish
War of Independence and the country’s first president, is beginning to
be discussed in the public sphere in a highly emotional debate. As a
result, a number of recent historical events and issues have come out
of the closet. These include intercommunal violence between Turks and
Armenians, the transfer of the Armenian population from Anatolia by the
Ottoman state in 1915 (tehcir), and the ensuing mass destruction of the
Armenian population; the Greco-Turkish War, followed by intercommunal
violence and the forced exchange of populations in 1923; the process of
construction of Turkish national identity, secularization, and state
administration of the Islamic religion; and the status, treatment,
and experience of minorities under the Turkish Republic (Kurds, Alevis,
Armenians, Greek-Orthodox, Jews, Assyrians, and Yezidis, among others),
including Kurdish uprisings, transfer of populations and violence, the
separate conscription and unequal taxation of non-Muslims during World
War II, attacks on non-Muslims instigated by the state in Edirne in
the 1930s and in Istanbul in 1955, and the forced expulsion of Greeks
in 1964. Most recently, the conflict between the Kurdistan Workers’
Party (PKK) and the Turkish army since the 1980s led to large-scale
forced transfer of populations and an exponential rise in violence,
including the disappearance and deaths of civilians, guerillas, and
military personnel.4 Unfortunately, the superficial and manipulative
use of these issues in international politics and the global media
only solidify the defensive attitude of representatives of the Turkish
state, making it more difficult to institutionalize democracy and open
channels of communication among diverse groups within society. It is
in the current context of categorical black-and-white thinking and
a highly polarized debate concerning identity that there is greater
need than ever for nuanced academic analyses of history and memory
in Turkey.

Ozyurek’s recent work contextualizes current debates in Turkey
within the wider literature on the subject. In her brief editor’s
introduction to Politics of Public Memory in Turkey, Ozyurek refers,
in particular, to the modernist vision of Kemalism, which is being
debated four generations later. Kemalism refers to the ideology of
Ataturk, the cult leader of modern Turkey. According to this vision,
Turkey would be a modern republic, which necessitated the creation
of a new national identity and a distinct rupture with the Ottoman
Empire. Confirming that the peoples of Turkey are finally remembering
their history, she suggests that the past is used by individuals
and groups in the present to express their identities and further
their diverse cultural and political projects. An important aspect of
memory discussed by Ozyurek is commodification through the heritage
and nostalgia industries, as in the case of the marketing of symbols
of the past and of the city of Istanbul itself since the 1990s.

Politics of Public Memory in Turkey consists of seven essays, four
of which were included in an earlier form in the book edited by
Ozyurek in 2001 (essays by Aslı Gur, Nazlı Okten, Cihan Tugal, and
Aslı Igsız). In a new contribution for this volume, Kimberly Hart
suggests, in "Weaving Modernity, Commercializing Carpets: Collective
Memory and Contested Tradition in Orselli Village," that rug-weaving
villagers in Turkey embrace modernity and national identity while
producing commodities, which, ironically, represent "tradition"
for the urban middle class. Hart argues that the people of Turkey,
at least in the rural West, culturally embrace a practical present-
and future-oriented vision, supporting through their agency the rapid
socioeconomic transformation of the country.

Gur’s article, "Stories in Three Dimensions: Narratives of the Nation
and the Anatolian Civilizations Museum," is based on a study that
asked whether official representations of the past in the Anatolian
Civilizations Museum in Ankara were meaningful to ordinary people. Gur
argues that while the Turkish state used archaeology to represent
official history in the museum, the degree to which patrons of the
museum identified with this narrative varied by class (specifically,
education and urban/rural status). The focus on representation in
museums is important: since 1990, another indicator of the new interest
in the past has been the establishment of a number of privately funded
museums. Of particular importance for the present would be a study
that compares the representational strategies of privately funded
museums with those of the older, state-funded museums.

Another look at archaeology is found in Ayfer Bartu Candan’s
contribution, "Remembering a Nine-Thousand-Year-Old Site: Presenting
Catalhöyuk." Analyzing the way the heritage site Catalhöyuk in
central Anatolia is represented by the Turkish state, archaeologists,
villagers, New Age groups, artists, and producers of artifacts for
tourism, Candan suggests that it is the unequal power relations among
these diverse groups that influence the persuasiveness of different
narratives of the site in the present.

In "An Endless Death and an Eternal Mourning: November 10 in Turkey,"
Okten focuses on the commemoration of the death of Ataturk since
November 10, 1938. Based on interviews with citizens who remember
him, she argues that the sacralization of Ataturk and continual
mourning have made it difficult for Turkish society to freely debate
the past. While Okten suggests that middle-class citizens have
largely internalized official narratives about Ataturk, the possible
discontinuities and contradictions within life story narratives of
elites, changes in these narratives over time, and comparison of
these narratives with those of other groups in society may raise new
questions about the remembering/commemoration of Ataturk in Turkey.

In "Public Memory as Political Battleground: Islamist Subversions of
Republican Nostalgia," Ozyurek shows how the Islamist media differently
represents the 1920s in line with their contemporary vision and
political aim of providing an alternative — though equally homogeneous
and dominant — narrative to that of the secularist narrative. In
addition to showing different readings of the same past, this essay
suggests that despite their seeming polarization, the secularist
and Islamist elites resemble one another in their refusal to accept
alternative visions of society, including alternative histories of
the nation.

In "Memories of Violence: The 1915 Massacres and the Construction
of Armenian Identity," Tugal uses Armenian memoirs to comment on
the construction of Armenian history and identity by the Armenian
diaspora. Tugal suggests that autobiographies contain internal
contradictions not found in nationalist narratives, which point to
the complex relations of Anatolian Armenians and Turks who shared
everyday life and a history in their homeland for generations before
nationalism and international intervention led to unprecedented
violence. Underscoring the difference between history and memory,
Tugal argues that sense memory may represent the irrationality and
meaningless of violence.

In "Polyphony and Geographic Kinship in Anatolia: Framing the
Turkish-Greek Compulsory Population Exchange," Igsız focuses on
the recent nostalgia about the forced population exchange between
Greece and Turkey in 1923. Focusing on such cultural products as books
and music, she argues that it is the shared spatial identity between
Turks and Greeks that is emphasized by those attempting to surpass the
polarization based on national identity. Like Ozyurek, Igsız reminds
us that the study of memory must also treat nostalgia, heritage,
and the commodification of memory by the culture industry. What
is particularly ironic in the Turkish case is that these products
for sale in the capitalist marketplace may be simultaneously deemed
"dangerous," resulting in various forms of censorship, where the
distribution of particular products may be prohibited and their
producers taken to court and sentenced.

The most important contribution of this volume is that it introduces
contemporary debates on history and memory in Turkey and the voices
of a new generation of critical young scholars to an international
audience. While recent historical events and issues in the late
Ottoman and early republican period have been treated by historians and
political scientists, the view from memory studies is significant. The
book touches on some of the main events and issues currently debated
in Turkey, including the history and memory of 1915, the legacy of
Ataturk, including modernity and secularism, and the representation of
history through cultural means, such as archaeology, museums, books,
and music. However, in its focus on representation, the book gives
short shrift to individual and communal experience as expressed in
oral history narratives. While the essays contribute to understanding
the Turkish context, Tugal’s study is the only one that uses the
Turkish case to make a theoretical contribution to the literature
on memory. Given that earlier work which focused on the opposition
between history and memory is giving way to an appreciation of their
interpenetration in a new interdisciplinary field, Tugal’s distinction
between history and memory may not be terribly useful. However, his
focus on the contradictions in autobiographical narratives and on
sense memory complicates an era and event that have been excessively
politicized and oversimplified in the literature.

It is unfortunate that the book lacks a conclusion; it would have been
useful to discuss future directions for memory work in Turkey at a
time when the field is rapidly expanding. Nevertheless, Politics of
Public Memory in Turkey is a pioneering work that opens the way for
new interdisciplinary and comparative research on Turkey that will
contribute to the theoretical and methodological literature on memory.

Notes

1 For an example of such silences, see Leyla Neyzi, "Remembering to
Forget: Sabbateanism, National Identity and Subjectivity in Turkey,"
Comparative Studies in Society and History 44, no. 1 (January 2002):
137-158.

2 Sibel Bozdogan and ReÅ~_at Kasaba, eds., Rethinking Modernity and
National Identity in Turkey (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1997).

3 See the recent special issue on memory in New Perspectives in Turkey
34 (Spring 2006).

4 See Hans-Lukas Kieser, ed., Turkey beyond Nationalism: Towards
Post-Nationalist Identities (London: I. B. Tauris, 2006).

Leyla Neyzi is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Arts and Social
Sciences at Sabancı University in Istanbul. This review was first
published on H-Memory (October 2008) under a Creative Commons 3.0
US License.

–Boundary_(ID_jhgpWftoRNsOC00nfidfUQ)–

http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/neyzi031108

President Advisor: Iran Suffered The Least From Economic Turmoil

PRESIDENT ADVISOR: IRAN SUFFERED THE LEAST FROM ECONOMIC TURMOIL

Iranian Students News Agency (ISNA)
Nov 4 2008
Iran

TEHRAN, Nov. 04 (ISNA)-Iran as a secure country has suffered the
least from the world’s economic turmoil, said President’s senior
advisor Mojtaba Samare Hashemi Tuesday in a meeting with his Armenian
counterpart in Tehran.

He then called for the two countries further partnership in different
domains considering current global situation.

Iran’s officials are politically resolute to promote ties with Yerevan,
he added, Iran and Armenia are neighbors and enjoy many potentials
to aid their further cooperation.

Representative Of Karabakh Separatists: "The Destiny Of Armenian Peo

REPRESENTATIVE OF KARABAKH SEPARATISTS: "THE DESTINY OF ARMENIAN PEOPLE BOTH IN ARMENIA AND KARABAKH DEPENDS ON THE TERRITORY OF THE KELBAJAR REGION"

Today.Az
litics/48692.html
Nov 3 2008
Azerbaijan

"We can not cede our lands only in exchange for promises or opening of
roads, as a road may be blocked while the territory can not be returned
if we cede it", said David Babayan, chief of central department of
information of "the presidential administration" of the so-called
Nagorno Karabakh Republic.

The representative of the separatist regime said there are territories
which determine the face of the Armenian people both in Armenia and
in Nagorno Karabakh. Under these territories he implied Kelbajar.

"85% of water reserves of "NKR" originate from here and there are two
points Arpa and Vorotan which save the Sevan lake from drought. Sevan
means 80% of water reserves of Armenia, therefore, if the enemy
takes any action from this territory, the whole Armenian people will
be in a difficult state and implications will be hard to predict",
said Babayan.

"We understand that we need compromises but they should be in
limited categories, while territories in exchange for promises is
not admissible for us", added he.

The representative of the Karabakh separatists considers that "along
with it, Karabakh also has territories, which are under Azerbaijani
control and we should speak of them during negotiations".

"If we take even an insignificant incorrect approach in the Karabakh
conflict, implications will be unpredictable, while war is not
profitable for anyone, as no party knows how it will end and who will
be the winner", said Babayan.

http://www.today.az/news/po

Asst Sec of State for Pub Affairs McCormack holds regular briefing

CQ Transcriptions
October 29, 2008 Wednesday

ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS SEAN MCCORMACK HOLDS
STATE DEPARTMENT REGULAR NEWS BRIEFING

[parts omitted]

QUESTION: Moscow has launched an initiative to try to solve the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The two presidents of Armenia and
Azerbaijan agreed to meet next week in Moscow.

QUESTION: Do you see (inaudible) Russian initiative?

MCCORMACK: Yes, we do. We — we have been working on this issue for
quite some time. I think, a lot of you guys have catalogued those
efforts over the years. And working through the OSCE and the MENS (ph)
Group.

But, I guess, to bottom line — bottom line it for you, we’re pleased
by this initiative that Moscow is undertaking and we hope that the
initiative succeeds. We are monitoring it — monitoring it very
closely.

Serzh Sargsyan To Meet With His French Counterpart

SERZH SARGSYAN TO MEET WITH HIS FRENCH COUNTERPART

A1+
[06:03 pm] 31 October, 2008

On November 2 Serzh Sargsyan will leave for Moscow, where he is
expected to meet with the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Russia.

Then Serzh Sargsyan will leave Moscow for Paris to meet with his French
counterpart Nicolas Sarkozy, the President of the French Senate Gerard
Larcher and famous singer and public figure Charles Aznavour.

Serzh Sargsyan will leave Paris for Brussels, where he will have
meetings with the Prime Minister of Belgium, the Presidents of
Senate and the National Assembly. Serzh Sargsyan will have meetings
with the President of the European Commission Jose Manuel Barroso,
the Secretary General of the Council of Europe Javier Solana, NATO’s
Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, President of the European
Parliament Hans-Gert Pottering. The President will have a working
dinner with EC Commissioner for External Relations and European
Neighborhood Policy, Benita Ferrero-Waldner.

Serzh Sargsyan will meet the EU Commissioners for Justice, Trade and
Transport. The Armenian President will meet representatives of the
local Armenian community.

Before leaving for Moscow, Serzh Sargsyan today had a working dinner
with diplomatic representatives of EU member states accredited in
Armenia. A whole framework of issues of Armenia-EU relations was
discussed.

BAKU: Meeting Of Armenian, Russian, Azerbaijani Presidents In Moscow

MEETING OF ARMENIAN, RUSSIAN, AZERBAIJANI PRESIDENTS IN MOSCOW CAN ACCELERATE NAGORNO-KARABAKH TALKS: ARMENIAN FOREIGN MINISTER

Trend News Agency
Oct 30 2008
Azerbaijan

Initiative by the Russian President Dmitry Medvedev to hold trilateral
meeting of Armenian, Russian and Azerbaijani Presidents in Moscow
can serve as an incentive for accelerating talks on the resolution
of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Novosti Armenia quoted Armenian Foreign
Minister Edward Nalbandyan as saying.

"Armenian attaches great importance and welcomes Russian President’s
initiative that can give a push to negotiations. We are hopeful
that the meeting will open new opportunities to accelerate talks
which will lead to the solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict,"
he told press conference on 30 October.

Presidents of Armenia, Russia and Azerbaijan Serj Sarkisyan, Dmitry
Medvedev and Ilham Aliyev will meet in Moscow on 2 November. The
meeting was initiated by the Russian President Dmitry Medvedev during
his visit to Yerevan on 20-21 October.

Armenian Foreign Minister said he will leave for Moscow tomorrow
where preparatory meeting of Armenian, Russian and Azerbaijani foreign
ministers will be held prior to the meeting of Presidents.

Nalbandyan said foreign ministers will meet with OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairmen on 1 November. The presidents will meet a day after. "The
talks are held within OSCE Minsk Group and with the support of
co-chairmen," he said.