Film: An Oscar Nomination for International Feature Contender ‘Amerikatsi’ Would Change Armenia

IndieWire
Jan 11 2024
Writer/director Michael A. Goorjian's shortlisted Oscar contender from Armenia is helping to usher a new wave of productions into the country, thanks to a significant tax incentive.

Armenia has been submitting films for the Best International Feature Film Oscar here and there since 2001, but never has the West Asian country been nominated. This year, that could change with Michael A. Goorjian‘s hopeful fable of Soviet Armenia, “Amerikatsi.” For the first time, Armenia’s Oscar committee got their film on the shortlist of 15, thanks to a groundswell of support that started at the Woodstock Film Festival last year, and with the trumpeting of Canadian-Armenian filmmaker Atom Egoyan.

Many multi-hyphenates star in films they directed in service of getting the movie made at all. For actor and writer/director Goorjian, the Bay Area-born artist whose father was Armenian and whose paternal grandparents survived the Armenian genocide in World War I, it only made sense to play Charlie Bakhchinyan himself. In “Amerikatsi,” Charlie is an Armenian-American who repatriates to his homeland in 1948, when Armenia was in thrall to Soviet Communism. Returning to his native country, Charlie is swiftly arrested under the Kafkaesque charge of wearing a tie, and from his tiny prison cell window, watches an Armenian couple, Tigran and Sona, who begin to invite him into their lives from across the way.

Looking at the films Armenia typically submits to the Oscars, they tend to revolve around the Armenian genocide in one way or another (see 2022’s animated documentary “Aurora’s Sunrise”). With “Amerikatsi,” Goorjian sought to make a film decidedly not about that horrible slice of history, and it’s buoyed by a classical score from the Armenian Philharmonic, as much a persistent character in this deceptively light drama as the melting pot of people in it (the cast is comprised of Armenians and Russians alike).

The film’s milestone as the first picture with a serious foot forward in the International Feature race was matched by another, as Armenia since September now offers a 40 percent tax credit for productions to shoot in the country. IndieWire spoke with Goorjian about the making of the film and how an Oscar nomination would literally change Armenia and its global position in filmmaking and culture. “Amerikatsi” is now screening for Academy members and had a limited U.S. release in the fall from Variance Films. Voting for Oscar nominations closes on Tuesday, January 16.

This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.


IndieWire: “Amerikatsi” marks the first time Armenia has been seriously considered for an Oscar nomination. What made the difference this time?

Michael A. Goorjian: Going into even making the film, I always thought it would be a great opportunity for Armenia because there haven’t been many films that have come out of the country, and so I’ve always looked towards the possibility of at least having it be Armenia’s submission. We really tried our best to make a film that was more universal in theme. It’s about a lot of Armenian history and Armenian culture, but I wanted to make a film that you didn’t have to be Armenian to appreciate.

Armenian films don’t have a large audience in the U.S., possibly because they often revolve around the genocide and audiences are wary of getting what they think might be a history lesson.

That’s something we fought against in promoting the film. The genocide is an incredibly important subject matter, but Armenian culture has been overshadowed by it. As an Armenian trying to drag my non-Armenian friends to see a film about a genocide is not easy. I wanted to make something that was not about the genocide but also pushing in the opposite direction in making something that was just enjoyable to watch.

Armenia has been submitting films for the Best International Feature Film Oscar here and there since 2001, but never has the West Asian country been nominated. This year, that could change with Michael A. Goorjian‘s hopeful fable of Soviet Armenia, “Amerikatsi.” For the first time, Armenia’s Oscar committee got their film on the shortlist of 15, thanks to a groundswell of support that started at the Woodstock Film Festival last year, and with the trumpeting of Canadian-Armenian filmmaker Atom Egoyan.

Many multi-hyphenates star in films they directed in service of getting the movie made at all. For actor and writer/director Goorjian, the Bay Area-born artist whose father was Armenian and whose paternal grandparents survived the Armenian genocide in World War I, it only made sense to play Charlie Bakhchinyan himself. In “Amerikatsi,” Charlie is an Armenian-American who repatriates to his homeland in 1948, when Armenia was in thrall to Soviet Communism. Returning to his native country, Charlie is swiftly arrested under the Kafkaesque charge of wearing a tie, and from his tiny prison cell window, watches an Armenian couple, Tigran and Sona, who begin to invite him into their lives from across the way.

Looking at the films Armenia typically submits to the Oscars, they tend to revolve around the Armenian genocide in one way or another (see 2022’s animated documentary “Aurora’s Sunrise”). With “Amerikatsi,” Goorjian sought to make a film decidedly not about that horrible slice of history, and it’s buoyed by a classical score from the Armenian Philharmonic, as much a persistent character in this deceptively light drama as the melting pot of people in it (the cast is comprised of Armenians and Russians alike).

The film’s milestone as the first picture with a serious foot forward in the International Feature race was matched by another, as Armenia since September now offers a 40 percent tax credit for productions to shoot in the country. IndieWire spoke with Goorjian about the making of the film and how an Oscar nomination would literally change Armenia and its global position in filmmaking and culture. “Amerikatsi” is now screening for Academy members and had a limited U.S. release in the fall from Variance Films. Voting for Oscar nominations closes on Tuesday, January 16.

This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.


IndieWire: “Amerikatsi” marks the first time Armenia has been seriously considered for an Oscar nomination. What made the difference this time?

Michael A. Goorjian: Going into even making the film, I always thought it would be a great opportunity for Armenia because there haven’t been many films that have come out of the country, and so I’ve always looked towards the possibility of at least having it be Armenia’s submission. We really tried our best to make a film that was more universal in theme. It’s about a lot of Armenian history and Armenian culture, but I wanted to make a film that you didn’t have to be Armenian to appreciate.

Armenian films don’t have a large audience in the U.S., possibly because they often revolve around the genocide and audiences are wary of getting what they think might be a history lesson.

That’s something we fought against in promoting the film. The genocide is an incredibly important subject matter, but Armenian culture has been overshadowed by it. As an Armenian trying to drag my non-Armenian friends to see a film about a genocide is not easy. I wanted to make something that was not about the genocide but also pushing in the opposite direction in making something that was just enjoyable to watch.

If the movie gets an Oscar nomination, what would that mean for Armenia?

In my view, if France gets nominated, if England gets nominated, it’s great for the country, but if Armenia was to get a nomination, I can’t think of another way that myself as an artist can actually make a positive impact on the country. It would be huge, to be honest, because a lot of what Armenia suffers from, most people don’t know what Armenia is, or where it is, or that it exists, and that’s part of what the country has struggled from, being unknown. As a filmmaker, I really wanted to do my best to help elevate the awareness of the country. A nomination would make a huge impact in terms of helping develop the film industry there, for people to see it as a viable place to shoot films, the talent that exists there. Not that this is a showcase, but I’ve already had filmmakers ask me about the score.

For many Westerners, their knowledge of Armenia stops after the Soviet takeover and is limited, probably, in recent years to the recently ceased territorial conflict with Azerbaijan.

I’ve had a difficult time getting films made in the U.S. Armenia was an opportunity to get to make a truly independent film where you can explore and try things. Not just for me, but for other filmmakers to see that possibility [is critical]. It’s a business for sure, and people want to make money, but as an art form, it’s a way to kind of explore and try things and find new voices. Seeing Armenia as an opportunity, as a place where independent film can get made, I think that’s an important thing for me.

Did you always intend to play the lead?

I went through a period at the beginning of trying to get more name actors to play the role. Raising funds is often based on your attachments. But I gained the trust of the people who helped put the film together, which included the Armenian government and the Ministry of Culture.

How did you assemble the rest of the cast? Some of your actors actually ended up joining the military in the conflict with Azerbaijan after filming.

The majority of the cast is based in Armenia or Armenians from the homeland. The actor who played Tigran [Hovik Keuchkerian], he’s probably the only other, he’s a Spanish Armenian actor who was on a show called “Money Heist” and is pretty well known in Spain. And then the two Russian actors essentially I went with the two Russian actors are very similar to their roles. Nelli Uvarova [who plays Sona] is well known in Russia, but she’s also half-Armenian, much like the character that she plays. Basically, she told me her mom is exactly who her character was, but they’re well-known actors in Russia, but also because of the conflict there, they’ve fled. They’re unfortunately not able to be in where they grew up. They’ve fled the country. So it’s an international cast. Armenia is interesting in that the majority of Armenians don’t live in the country.

Did you direct in English, or speak Armenian and Russian with your actors and crew?

I don’t speak Russian. I speak a little bit of Armenian, but there are many Armenian dialects, and there are two major dialects, eastern and western, so what they speak in Armenia is quite different from what they speak in the U.S. or Europe. I mostly directed in English with translators, but we shot the film in 2020. We shot in March in 2020, at the beginning of the pandemic, so that was kind of crazy. I ended up being stuck in Armenia for seven months. By the time I left, I understood a lot more eastern Armenian than when I arrived.

We began shooting in March, and we were about a week into shooting and we had to shut down like the rest of the world. We spent probably at least two months in quarantine, and then because of the travel bans, the actor who played Tigran had to go back to Spain, the Russians went back, I stayed in Armenia, but over the next five, six months, we were able to continue shooting pieces of the film. Once we finished, the war broke out between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and members of our cast and crew went in fought in that war. For an American director, that’s pretty wild to experience.

Tell me more about this government-supported tax credit now available for filmmakers who shoot in Armenia, and your film’s relationship to it.

[Armenia is] a post-Soviet country that recently went through a revolution that really more westernized the government. After leaving the Soviet Union … it’s the most democratic country around. As a filmmaker and the company that I worked with over there, we’re trying to do our best to show them the importance of filmmaking and how it can help a country and help their people. There have been other co-productions in the past 10 years or so, but mostly with Europe. The attempt was to both prove to the country itself what’s possible, but then also showcase for other filmmakers what’s possible.

With the film and the success of the film at festivals, and now with being shortlisted, I think it’s helped the government of Armenia see the importance and the value of film in terms of helping a small country. So that’s what people of the production company that I worked with in Armenia helped sort of spearhead, the idea of creating this tax incentive, which many other countries have. And Armenia, despite the fact that there’ve been issues with Azerbaijan, and mostly because of the war in Russia and Ukraine, there’s been an influx of a lot of business coming into Armenia. So the economy there has skyrocketed. There’s a lot of tech in Armenia now. It’s thriving, and there’s so much going on there, and film just fits into it. And so that’s the idea behind the tax incentive — to help entice other filmmakers and other production companies to come there and film in Armenia.

https://www.indiewire.com/features/interviews/amerikatsi-michael-goorjian-oscar-armenia-1234942381/

Without ‘Zangezur Corridor’ Azerbaijan Will Not Open Border with Armenia, Aliyev Says

President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan was interviewed by reporters in Baku on Jan. 10


President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan on Wednesday said that without a land corridor connecting his country to Nakhichevan, he will not authorize the opening of any border with Armenia, a condition of the peace treaty, as well as the November 9, 2020 agreement.

Speaking to local reporters on Wednesday, Aliyev doubled down on Baku’s insistence to carve out the so-called corridor, warning that if Yerevan does not comply with his demands, Armenia will remain land locked.

“Otherwise, Armenia will remain an eternal deadlock, and if the route (Zangezur) I mentioned is not opened, we are not going to open our border with Armenia anywhere else. So they will do themselves more harm than good,” Aliyev emphasized.

“People and goods should pass from Azerbaijan to Azerbaijan without any checks,” Aliyev added.

Yerevan has opposed the creation of such a corridor, a move supported by Iran, whose foreign ministry reiterated Tehran’s opposition to border changes in the region, in response to Ankara’s insistence that such a “corridor” be opened.

Aliyev pointed to a clause of the November 9, 2020 agreement that calls for the opening of transport links — railway and roads — between Armenia and Azerbaijan, claiming that this provision of the document mandates the opening of the so-called “corridor.”

He called the adoption of the document “our great political success,” saying that Azerbaijan’s occupation of Shushi during the 2020 War paved the way for Baku to insist on these preconditions.

“If Shusha [Shushi] had not been liberated from occupation, we would not have been able to achieve the inclusion of these conditions in the statement,” said Aliyev. 

“That is, our victory. The fact that we were strong, allowed us to include in it [Nov. 9, 2020 document] even those conditions that were not related to this issue, in particular those related to the Zangezur corridor,” Aliyev outlined.

The Azerbaijani president’s remarks come at a time when Baku has stepped up its insistence to include the “corridor” concept within the text of a proposed peace treaty. This position was also recently echoed by Turkish officials.

Aliyev’s top advisor, Hikmet Hajiyev, told Reuters last week that the “corridor” was a “main point” of the peace agreement. This followed remarks by Turkey’s defense minister, who said the road to Nakhichevan must open by 2029, prompting Tehran to reiterate its opposition to the plan.

In his responses to questions from reporters, Aliyev also brought up his claims that eight Azerbaijani villages are currently “under Armenia’s occupation,” saying that Baku is backpedaling in its most recent proposal for a peace treaty.

“This issue was discussed during my contacts with the prime minister of Armenia, including the last conversation in St. Petersburg. I raised this issue, and this issue is also on the agenda of commissions dealing with delimitation. I should also inform you that the next meeting of the commissions is scheduled for this month, and this issue is on the agenda,” Aliyev noted.

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan on Wednesday echoed remarks by Armenia’s National Security chief Armen Grigoryan, who told Armenia’s Public Television about the recent proposals by Azerbaijan regarding the peace treaty.

Yerevan has also insisted that international mediators act as guarantors for the peace treaty, a notion categorically rejected by Aliyev on Wednesday.

“This is a peace treaty to be signed between two sovereign states. We don’t need any guarantors here, and if it is going to be signed in a bilateral format, it should be signed. If someone wants to help, we don’t mind that either. However, this help should not be mandatory,” Aliyev added.

The Azerbaijani leader also took the opportunity to issue threats and warnings not only to Armenia, but also the international community, saying they underestimated his drive to advance his agenda.

“I openly told both the leadership of Armenia and international actors that I can press a button at any time and carry out this operation in one minute, and they would not be able to do anything,” Aliyev said, referring to Azerbaijan’s attack on Artsakh in September which resulted in the forced exodus of the Armenian population there.

“The course of these events showed — and I believe that this should serve as a lesson not only for Armenia, but also for those who stand behind it — that it is impossible to speak to us in the language of threats or behave arrogantly,” Aliyev warned, taking particular aim at France, which Baku has said is advancing a one-sided, pro-Armenia, policy.

He said negative attitudes toward Azerbaijan — from traditional targets — will not abate, saying that by providing military assistance to Armenia, France is aiming to put “constant” pressure on Azerbaijan.

“These are efforts to prevent us from living comfortably and, unfortunately, France is still in the forefront. France is the country that arms Armenia, gives them support, trains their soldiers and prepares them for another war. When I said that France’s policy is causing tensions in the Caucasus, this is exactly what I meant,” Aliyev emphasized.

Armenpress: The Christmas gift from the Galaxy Group of Companies is the restoration of a song extricated by Khrimian Hayrik

 21:40, 6 January 2024

YEREVAN, JANUARY 6, ARMENPRESS. "Morning Star, the doors of the Church are open"… With these lines, this unique piece of folklore penned by the Catholicos of All Armenians, Khrimian Hayrik (Father), in 1885, starts. It speaks about the faith and diligence of the Armenian people. In the 1970s, ethnographer and honored artist Hayrik Muradyan recorded it for the archive. Armenians inside the Iron Curtain of the Soviet Union heard this song for the first time – thrilling, simple, and pure.In these challenging times of identity and faith, this work of symbolic significance brought together creative specialists, artists, and musicologists. They dedicated three months to breathe life into the simple and straightforward idea of the "Galaxy" founders – to reinforce and rediscover the profound essence of the Christmas holiday for every Armenian family.

"We believe in the power of Armenian people's work and diligence. We want our people to be united, believe, and rely on their own strength. This piece holds an important message. It illustrates our collective way of life: working and creating with faith, prayer, and kindness. We earnestly wish for the message and lyrics of this song to resonate in every Armenian household on Christmas," stated Artyom Khachatryan, Co-Founder  and Co-Chairman Galaxy Group of Companies.

A professional communication group was tasked with selecting the song and narrating its story. The creative challenge was clear: find and bring forth a simple song stemming from the heart of the people, one that is positive and depicts the lifestyle of the Armenian people from their own perspectives. The communication company "AxelMondrian and Partners" managed the creative process of the project, while the renowned "Katil" band handled the artistic development of the song.

"This is Armenia's first and unique project of its kind, providing an academic sound and musical structure to an ethnic folk song. We had numerous melodic songs under consideration, but the selection halted at the patriarch's work. We sincerely hope for its appreciation and for people to offer their interpretations of this song," shared Grigor Davtyan, co-founder of the "Katil" band.

The song's performance involved students of the art school named after Saryan, led by Grigor Harutyunyan. Sevada Hambarchyan, the vocalist of the "Katil" band, performed vocals with the choir, overseen by Grigor Kartashyan handling the instrumentation. The music was recorded for public release under an open license, allowing anyone to use and personalize it. The video series was set amidst the snow-white Armenian mountains, ensuring shots devoid of unnecessary distractions, focusing solely on the song's magical verses. The creative team promises further developments on the project and encourages playing "Bari Luso" in every Armenian household, fostering faith and unity.

**
Galaxy Group of Companies stands as a top conglomerate in Armenia, consistently integrating educational, cultural, historical heritage, as well as content creation projects in Armenian within its annual social responsibility programs. Since 1999, the company has engaged in around a hundred diverse collaborations and published various materials and books. The group's founders are Gurgen Khachatryan, Artyom Khachatryan, and Aram Khachatryan. It encompasses 15 brands, including the telecommunications operator "Ucom" the shopping and entertainment complex "Yerevan Mall," the French cafe "PAUL," and the hotel "Courtyard by Marriott." among others.

Katil is an Armenian indie folk band established in 2017, and recognized for its contemporary adaptations of numerous ethnic songs. Comprising five members, the group has performed notable events such as a solo concert at the Public Radio studio and participated in the Independence Day concert at Zvartnots Cathedral alongside the RA Opera Orchestra. In 2020, they launched their inaugural CD, "Akner."

AxelMondrian & Partners is an accredited communications firm affiliated with the European network, specializing in Reputation Management, Public Relations, Branding, Marketing Communication, Data Analysis, and associated domains. With a track record of executing innovative projects in Armenia, the company introduces novel solutions and fresh perspectives to the market.

From Scratch: The Forced Displacement and New Lives of Artsakh Refugees

Note: On January 1, 2024, the Republic of Artsakh was officially dissolved per the decree signed by Artsakh President Samvel Shahramanyan on September 28, 2023, following Azerbaijan’s full throttle military assault that resulted in the fall of Artsakh and the ethnic cleansing of its Armenian population. According to the decree, all Artsakh state institutions have been dissolved, and the republic has ceased to exist. Siranush Sargsyan’s report highlights the ongoing humanitarian crisis arising from the genocide carried out by Azerbaijan against Artsakh and the profound needs of the forcibly displaced Armenians of Artsakh.

One year ago, the depopulation of Artsakh began with a blockade imposed by Azerbaijan on December 13, 2022. It was completed on September 19, 2023, when Azerbaijan launched a military assault on Artsakh to seize the territory and forcibly displace its population. In the past year, the people of Artsakh have endured a nine-month siege, a two-day war, forced displacement and the loss of their homeland. Now 100,000 Armenians from Artsakh are living as refugees in Armenia.

The stories of displaced families are all unique, yet they share a common harsh reality. Families grapple with a spectrum of challenges—social, psychological, economic and cultural—and carry stories of survival and strength amid the uncertainties of their circumstances far away from their homes. Armenian municipalities, diaspora Armenians and international organizations have been working together to address the immediate needs of the displaced, including food, hygiene and household items. But the problems are diverse and difficult, especially the issues of finding affordable apartments for rent, providing necessary household appliances and furniture and securing employment.

Lilit Sargsyan, a single mother from Askeran, Artsakh, with her six-year-old daughter and parents now call Khachpar village in the Masis municipality of Armenia their home. Unable to afford rent, Sargsyan, with the help of friends, acquired a makeshift cabin, or a domik. Her father is working hard to renovate the cabin, hoping to shield the family from the winter cold. Her grandmother’s old carpet, the most precious thing she brought with her from Artsakh, makes the home a bit warmer.

Lilit Sargsyan in front of the makeshift house (or domik), which she bought with the help of friends and will become her new house

Currently teaching at Khachpar Secondary School, Sargsyan regards her teaching years in Artsakh as the most meaningful and cherished period of her life.

Sargsyan has experienced four wars in her lifetime. She says the most challenging was the recent two-day war in September. Facing a military attack after nine months of blockade, the family had no access to hiding places, food or transportation. Organizing care for her disabled daughter during the siege was especially tough. She could not take her daughter to the rehabilitation center twice a week like she used to due to the lack of fuel. She did not know how to explain the daily struggle for food to her daughter.

“Everyday after 6 o’clock was the hardest moment for me. Although I missed my daughter during the day, I didn’t want to go home, because I had nothing to give her,” Sargsyan said. “When there was nothing, she ate spaghetti, which until the blockade I used to cook a lot for her with oil and salt. But I couldn’t buy it. Then a friend of mine gave me three kilograms of real white flour, which was a miracle for me at that time. I tried to make spaghetti with salt, water and flour, and it worked. She loved eating it. There was no oil, so I added lard, but she didn’t understand and ate it with pleasure.” 

Until her domik is repaired, Lilit Sargsyan is staying with her daughter and parents in Khachpar in her aunt’s house

In Khachpar, Sargsyan’s family found a warm welcome. “Perhaps it’s because many here are refugees from Azerbaijan due to the 1990s Artsakh War and those who settled after the 2020 war. They understand us better,” she reflected. However, challenges persist. The Armenian government has issued a temporary protection status to forcibly displaced people from Artsakh. Like most families, Sargsyan is still waiting to receive documents confirming their status and cannot access child benefits, while her parents cannot receive their pension.

“We just don’t feel safe living with Azerbaijanis. Talking about security is absurd, especially if we aren’t going to have an army or any other way to defend ourselves.”

According to the decision adopted by the Armenian government, people forcibly displaced from Artsakh have been granted the status of temporary protection, rather than citizenship or refugee status. Only after receiving a document confirming this status along with temporary registration can forcibly displaced people receive their pensions or child benefits.

Tens of thousands of forcibly displaced people are still waiting to receive the document confirming their temporary protection status and have not received their pensions for three months. They are also unable to benefit from a number of state subsidy programs and benefits due to the lack of timely registration.

While residing in Artsakh, residents had used passports of the Republic of Armenia. It is insulting and incomprehensible to Sargsyan, and many other displaced people from Artsakh, why she should now choose between giving up her passport in exchange for another one or being considered a refugee in her own homeland.

Sargsyan yearns to return to Artsakh yet struggles to envision coexistence with Azerbaijanis. “We just don’t feel safe living with Azerbaijanis. Talking about security is absurd, especially if we aren’t going to have an army or any other way to defend ourselves,” she said. Asked what she would bring with her from Artsakh to Armenia if given the chance, she said, “Perhaps our pineapple and pomegranate crops have turned into bird feed or rotted.” She would bring saplings from those trees and open the window of their house to prevent mold.

According to the deputy mayor of Masis, Khoren Aroyan, in the first days of the mass displacement, about 12,000 people from Artsakh settled in the town of Masis and neighboring villages. Some of them have since moved to other regions of Armenia, and about 8,500 displaced people remain. 

After the Baku and Sumgait pogroms against Armenians during the first Artsakh War, many people with roots in Artsakh fled to Masis. After the 2020 war, many people from Artsakh once again sought refuge in Masis among their relatives and friends.

Sarushen is one of many villages in Artsakh that was fired on by Azerbaijani forces throughout the blockade, restricting agricultural work and garden cultivation. When the war started on September 19, Ivan Harutyunyan from Sarushen could only save his family members, leaving behind everything else he cherished. 

Ivan Harutyunyan and Alina Harutyunyan both live in the corridor of a non-functioning library, which serves as both a kitchen and a living room

“We left our lands, our livestock and our ancestors’ graves,” Harutyunyan said with a heavy heart. “We had no choice but to abandon everything and escape through the forests.” His journey of forced displacement from the Artsakh capital Stepanakert, lasting almost three days, led him to the town of Goris in southern Armenia and then to Masis.

“I regret losing the four tractors I used not only for our gardens and arable lands but also for the entire village. We can rebuild houses, but how do we work without equipment?” Harutyunyan said. 

Today, he shares a room in a former, dilapidated library building with several families, including those of his three brothers, totaling 31 people. Despite efforts by the municipal administration to provide beds and essentials, living conditions are challenging. Families share a single toilet-bathroom, and there is no kitchen. The struggle for normalcy persists, a common thread in the lives of the displaced.

Alina Harutyunyan, a mother of four children, was displaced from the village of Harutyunagomer in the Martakert region of Artsakh. Her family was involved in pig breeding, poultry farming and cultivating buckwheat. When Azerbaijan attacked, she had to leave behind the unfinished corn harvest and embark on a migration journey with her family.

They found temporary refuge in a room of the same library where Ivan Harutyunyan and his family are staying. Since there is no kitchen, Harutyunyan and other displaced women cook dinner on a small gas stove in the hallway.

Harutyunyan was only able to bring essential documents with her. With the assistance of the community administration and diaspora Armenians, her family has received beds and a small refrigerator, which are still insufficient to meet the needs of the families sharing the tight space.

Alina Harutyunyan in her makeshift kitchen

Harutyunyan hopes that, with continued support from benefactors, she can secure a refrigerator, dishes, household items, a television and computer for her two children, who are in school. “We all get together in the evenings and try to watch something on my daughter’s phone. It’s our only source of entertainment,” Harutyunyan said. Just like Ivan, Harutyunyan faces the challenges of making a home in the confines of a library, hoping for a brighter future with the kindness of those willing to help.

“Every time we start again from scratch,” began a conversation with 44-year-old Svetlana Mamunts, a mother of four children. 

Mamunts’s family was forcibly displaced from the village of Aghabekalandj in the Martakert region of Artsakh. “When the explosions started, I was kneading dough. I left it unfinished, took my children and went into the basement,” Mamunts recalled.

The dilapidated bathroom in Svetlana Mamunts’s rented house

Mamunts and her family managed to escape and reach Stepanakert with a neighbor’s car. The Azerbaijani checkpoint that every car passed through while exiting Artsakh was particularly terrifying for Mamunts. “All those who had a man in their house went through that fear and mentally said goodbye to their relatives,” she said. They spent several days sleeping in cars, and after a three-day journey, they arrived in Armenia. The rented house they now occupy has almost nothing. 

The family left behind two cars, and if they had fuel, they would have brought at least their household items with them. “But the most difficult thing is that we left our land, our house, our cattle,” Mamunts lamented. She regrets not bringing her sewing machine, which she used not only for herself but also to fulfill orders from villagers.

“Everyone wants to go back, but at what cost? If we have to live with Azerbaijanis, I will not dare to take my children there under any circumstances,” Mamunts shared.

Svetlana Mamunts, her husband Garik and their children in their new house

“It is the third time we have become refugees and lost our home, and we seem to have adapted to it, but for those who lost their home for the first time, it is very difficult. I try to calm them down,” said Ellada Harutyunyan.

When the Artsakh independence movement started in the 1980s, Harutyunyan lived with her family in Baku, Azerbaijan. During the Sumgait and Baku pogroms directed against Armenians, Azerbaijanis stabbed and killed Harutyunyan’s father. Her family arrived in Yerevan on December 7, 1988, the day of the devastating Armenian earthquake, then left for Artsakh. 

After the end of the first Artsakh War, her family settled in Aknaghbyur village in Artsakh. “As bees return to their nest, so we returned. The call of the motherland is inexplicable,” Harutyunyan said. With that call, after the 2020 Artsakh War, even though Aknaghbyur was occupied by Azerbaijanis, Harutyunyan’s family returned to Artsakh and lived in Stepanakert with rent. “If there is an opportunity, we will all return. It is our centuries-old homeland. We left our history and our sanctities there,” Harutyunyan said.

After Azerbaijan’s military assault on Artsakh in September 2023, it was difficult for the Harutyunyan family to make the decision to leave the homeland. Throughout the blockade, Harutyunyan’s husband guarded the border with other soldiers. Yet seeing that everyone was leaving, the family also took the path of migration. 

Ellada Harutyunyan

Harutyunyan finds it difficult to describe the two-day journey from Artsakh to Armenia. “People died on the road, and new ones were born. People were getting sick all the time,” she recalled.

“Even now, we seem to be waiting for something to happen. And you wonder, where are we going next? Is this ever going to end?”

Now Harutyunyan lives with her husband in the non-functioning Kindergarten No. 4 in Masis, Armenia. Another 67 displaced people from different villages of Artsakh live in the kindergarten building. There are no supplies or proper living conditions, but the families cannot afford to rent a house. “Even now, we seem to be waiting for something to happen. And you wonder, where are we going next? Is this ever going to end?” Harutyunyan posed.

Anahit Tamrazyan, a 37-year-old mother of six children, was displaced from Haterk village in the Martakert region of Artsakh. Her family worked in gardening and animal husbandry. Following Azerbaijan’s attack, they fled in a truck and drove to Armenia. “When we left the village, I managed to let the cattle go so that at least they wouldn’t die of hunger,” said Tamrazyan.

Anahit Tamrazyan and her family

When the fighting started, Tamrazyan’s eight-year-old son Davit initially thought he was hearing the sounds of construction, but he quickly composed himself and ran to the basement. He misses his friends, who he last saw during the deportation, but he could not approach them to say goodbye. Davit dreams of becoming an artist, but in his letter to Santa Claus, he asked for a toy weapon. “To return to our village and protect the village,” he explained.

“Although we were close to the border and it was dangerous, we were home. All my children find it very difficult to adapt here,” Tamrazyan said. Despite the difficulties of the blockade, Davit believes life is better in their village in Artsakh. He hopes to return to see his friends, Hansel and David.

Anahit Tamrazyan’s eight-year-old son Davit

Siranush Sargsyan is a freelance journalist based in Stepanakert.


EBRD, CIF and GCF support Armenian winemaker Vedi Alco

European Bank
Jan 2 2024

By Olga Aristeidou

Like all wineries around the world, Vedi Alco, one of Armenia’s largest winemakers, has noticed the impact of climate change and looked for ways to become greener.

Under its Green Economy Financing Facility (GEFF), the EBRD and its partner financial institution Armswissbank supported the company in modernising its equipment to improve energy efficiency and make production more sustainable.  

GEFF in Armenia is supported by the Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and the Green Climate Fund (GCF).



Armenian official: Spirit of President Xi Jinping’s New Year message peaceful, constructive


Jan 1 2024



CGTN published this video item, entitled “” – below is their description.

For more:

https://news.cgtn.com/news/2024-01-01/Spirit-of-President-Xi-s-New-Year-message-peaceful-constructive-1q0NXmRjbQ4/p.html

Discussing #Chinese President #Xi Jinping’s New Year message, Hayk Mamijanyan, a member of the national assembly of #Armenia, told CGTN that the spirit of the greetings is peaceful and constructive. He said China has consistently committed to promoting peace and development and actively building bridges of communication instead of erecting barriers.

CGTN YouTube Channel

Watch the video at 

Armenpress: Why 2024 Should be the Year of Armenia-India Strategic Partnership

 16:49,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 30, ARMENPRESS. Over the past three years, the level of cooperation between India and Armenia has increased at a rapid pace, bolstered by the establishment of a growing defense and security partnership. Given its expanding contribution to Armenia’s efforts to increase its defense capabilities and its potential to partner on Armenia’s strategic and economic development, India has become Armenia’s most important new foreign policy partner. 

So far much of the growth in the Armenia-India relationship has been driven by the initiative of India. Armenia should not sit idly by, waiting for India to approach Armenia for the next stage of cooperation. Amid reports that India’s enthusiasm for Armenia has waned slightly after the fall of Nagorno-Karabakh, it is important for Armenia to maintain and strengthen this relationship. Armenia should now be proactive in establishing a strategic partnership with India which would realize the full potential of the bilateral relations. 

As a rising geopolitical power that has managed to maintain friendly relations with all major superpowers, India has a great deal of lessons to share on how to navigate the Russia-West confrontation and the North-South divide. It has managed to maintain a balance between the US and Russia, without burning bridges with either one. It has kept diplomatic channels open and productive with China, its neighboring rival. It has also built important know-how in border management and border security as a result of repeated flare ups along its northern frontiers. All of this is important for Armenia to learn and understand as it undertakes its own foreign policy diversification.  

Importantly, India has expressed an explicit desire to partner with Yerevan in the South Caucasus given their aligned strategic interests in the region. India can serve as a geopolitical counterweight to the “Three Brothers” alliance between Pakistan, Turkey, and Azerbaijan. By engaging with India in bilateral and multilateral formats, such as Armenia-India-Iran and Armenia-India-France-Greece, Armenia gains a strategic ally in a region that otherwise faces Turkish hegemony. At the same time this partnership does not antagonize either the West or Russia. 

India has attracted the interest and attention of many countries. It has a particularly strong influence on mid-sized and emerging countries that consider themselves part of the “Global South” – countries that lie outside of Europe and North America and their incumbent power structures. At the most recent Abu Dhabi Strategic Debate held by the Emirates Policy Center, my colleagues at APRI Armenia attended a dynamic session on India’s rising role on the global stage. In his panel intervention, explaining how India views itself in today’s world, President Samir Saran of the Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation think tank, said that “India is South-West” in its sensibilities. Its combination of emerging country know-how, represented in the Global South, and strong democratic institutions, well-known to the Western world, allow it to play a global "bridging role.” India is exercising that bridging role by becoming a credible global advocate for smaller countries, like Armenia. India has diplomatic and economic leverage, which it has used on Armenia's behalf at the UN Security Council to condemn the September 2022 attacks by Azerbaijan on the Armenian territory. 

While existing relationships with other countries run their course, Armenia’s bilateral ties with India in every sphere have the potential to flourish, to the benefit of both partners. As Armenia seeks to diversify its foreign policy and acclimate to the chaos of the current world, it should maximize this opportunity to further boost its national development and come up with initiatives that will benefit both countries. 

Over the past year, APRI Armenia has included at the core of its research agenda the opportunities that exist for comprehensive engagement between Armenia and India, identifying security, infrastructure, trade, technology, business collaborations, and tourism as key areas to explore. 

Though the trends in Armenian-Indian defense cooperation and new arms deals are promising, Armenia should establish a more strategic and comprehensive partnership with India, starting with holistic defense collaboration. As one of a handful of countries with experience integrating Russian and Soviet-grade weapons with Western equipment, India could provide the proper equipment and training necessary to modernize Armenia’s defense capabilities while using its existing stockpiles. Moreover, defense cooperation with India should also include partnership on peacekeeping, joint exercises, military training by the Indian army, and advice on logistical and technical reforms by Indian military officials. As a country friendly with both Armenia’s traditional and newer security partners, it holds the most potential for revamping Armenia’s defense capacities without provoking any of its partners.

In its vision for greater connectivity and transit routes, Armenia should further boost its partnership with India in building up its infrastructure. India has significant experience investing in infrastructure in geographically-significant countries to improve trade routes, such as with its investment in Iran’s Chabahar Port project. From land routes like the North-South highway connecting the Persian Gulf and Iran with Georgia and the Black Sea through Armenia, to its envisaged dry port in Gyumri, Armenia would benefit from Indian experience and investment to build out these projects.

Despite an almost doubling in trade since 2020, Armenia and India’s bilateral trade volume is still objectively low – only around $358 million USD in 2022.  In contrast, India’s trade volume with Azerbaijan was almost five times that of Armenia’s at $1.9 billion USD in 2022. Establishing greater trade volumes and dependencies between Armenia and India is not just economically beneficial for Armenia, but important geopolitically as well. Greater economic ties contribute to increased transit and people-to-people connections, while also enhancing Armenia’s economic value to India in the region.

Specifically within the fields of pharmaceuticals, information technology, and renewable energy technology – where India is a leading exporter – Armenia could benefit from imported Indian products. Furthermore, Armenia could replace goods it currently imports from adversarial countries with those from India. Research should be conducted to assess which products (Turkish textiles, Pakistani rice, etc.) can be imported from India most effectively. 

There are already collaborative projects happening between Indian and Armenian businesses. Indian businesses and technology companies alike have expressed to APRI Armenia that they are interested in partnering on joint ventures with businesses in Armenia as well as in the Armenian diaspora. This route should be actively pursued, through joint ventures that are based in Armenia and India, rather than in third countries. 

Because the absence of a direct flight between Armenia and India hinders larger trade volumes, establishing a direct flight should be the first step towards facilitating bilateral trade. Alongside, Armenia should take actionable steps to boost tourism with India, incentivize the Indian film industry to produce more movies in Armenia and better promote Armenia in India through more active marketing. These important individual initiatives, and many more, should be part of an integrated road map for enhanced bilateral relations that will complement already ongoing cooperation in the military field and infrastructure development. 

All of this reinforces our original point: that the most important foreign policy relationship for Armenia, now and into the future, is India. Developing these relations should be an all-of-society project, with focused initiatives from government, academia, civil society and even student groups, starting at the primary level. The opportunity for Armenia to survive and thrive in what has been called “The Asian Century” will depend on the projects launched today, which can foster mutual understanding and innovative new directions of interstate collaboration. 

Next year, the APRI Armenia team will continue to explore and outline what a strategic and comprehensive vision for the Armenia-India relationship should look like, identifying opportunities in defense, trade, infrastructure, and tourism. With its interests aligned in keeping the Three Brothers alliance in check and pushing forward a Middle Path that does not antagonize the West or Russia, the Armenia-India comprehensive partnership should come to fruition. 

In the coming year, India must earn Armenia’s resolute focus and a dedicated effort to envision our shared, prosperous future.  

 

Davit Antonyan, APRI Armenia Associate Fellow




Armenia, Azerbaijan have political will to achieve peace treaty – Kremlin

 15:52,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 27, ARMENPRESS. Russia sees political will in Armenia and Azerbaijan to achieve a peace treaty and supports the process, TASS reported citing Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov.

“What matters is that we see the presence of political will both in Yerevan and Baku. We support this. We think that the signing of such a treaty would be beneficial for stability and peace both in the two countries, as well as the entire region,” he said.

Peskov said that the contacts between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on the sidelines of the informal CIS summit in Saint Petersburg were “brief conversations” and not negotiations.

“They did not hold negotiations yesterday, however this kind of events, such as the informal summit of the CIS, are always a good opportunity for brief conversations,” Peskov said.

The Armenian Prime Minister’s Office said on December 26 that PM Pashinyan and President Aliyev discussed “issues related to the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace agenda” on the sidelines of the CIS summit.




Armenpress: Armenian drama Amerikatsi by Michael Goorjian shortlisted for 96th Oscars

 00:25,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 22, ARMENPRESS. Filmmaker Michael Goorjian’s Amerikatsi, representing Armenia, has been shortlisted in the International Feature Film category for the 96th Academy Awards. This is the first time that an Armenian film is shortlisted by the Academy. 

Amerikatsi, an Armenian drama film written, edited, directed by, and starring Michael Goorjian, has been shortlisted alongside 14 other films.

Films from 88 countries and regions were eligible in the category.

The films, listed in alphabetical order by country, are:

Armenia, Amerikatsi
Bhutan, The Monk and the Gun
Denmark, The Promised Land
Finland, Fallen Leaves
France, The Taste of Things
Germany, The Teachers’ Lounge
Iceland, Godland
Italy, Io Capitano
Japan, Perfect Days
Mexico, Totem
Morocco, The Mother of All Lies
Spain, Society of the Snow
Tunisia, Four Daughters
Ukraine, 20 Days in Mariupol
United Kingdom, The Zone of Interest

The final shortlists will be unveiled on January 24, 2024.

Armenia-Russia Sign Key Deal for Metsamor Nuclear Plant Modernization

Dec 22 2023

  • The modernization, costing $65 million, will be carried out by Rustatom Service JSC, a Rosatom subsidiary.
  • Metsamor NPP, contributing 31% of Armenia's electricity, will be upgraded to operate until 2036 before decommissioning.
  • Amid political efforts to diversify alliances, Armenia remains heavily reliant on Russia for energy, with Russia supplying most of its gas and all uranium for the nuclear plant.

On December 15, Armenia and Russia signed a contract on modernizing and extending the lifespan of Armenia's Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) until 2036. 

The renovations will be carried out by Rustatom Service JSC, a subsidiary of Russia's state nuclear energy company Rosatom, and will cost the Armenian government $65 million.

The deal is another reminder of the vast extent of Russia's influence over Armenia's infrastructure and economy amid Yerevan's efforts to politically distance itself from Moscow. 

Metsamor plays a significant role in Armenia's energy landscape, contributing an average of 31 percent of the country's yearly electricity output.

It is the only nuclear power plant in the South Caucasus, located about 30 kilometers west of Yerevan. It consists of two units, Metsamor-1 and Metsamor-2, activated in 1976 and 1980, respectively. In 1989, the plant was shut down due to safety concerns after the devastating earthquake in Spitak in December 1988. In 1995, Unit 2 was reactivated due to energy shortages in Armenia, and since then has been the only nuclear unit in operation.

In 2021, Rosatom repaired and upgraded the NPP to operate until 2026. The modernization was implemented under a loan agreement signed between Armenia and Russia in 2015. 

Under the new agreement, Rosatom will help to extend the lifespan of Unit-2 until 2036, after which it will be decommissioned. 

The upgrading operations will be financed in the form of a "budgetary loan" provided by the Armenian government to the state-owned plant's management, which will subsequently enter into a contract with Rosatom. In 2023-2026, Rosatom will modernize Metsamor NPP in close cooperation with Armenian specialists.

As the reactor will be decommissioned in 2036, the Armenian government intends to build a new nuclear unit at Metsamor. Different estimates assert that the construction of a new nuclear power plant or unit will take 6-10 years, which means that construction works must be started in the next couple years.

It appears those construction works will be implemented by Rosatom, judging by Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk's remark on December 15 that negotiations were underway regarding new nuclear power units. 

Overwhelming energy dependence on Russia 

The new Metsamor deal comes at a complicated time in Armenian-Russian relations. Resentment against Russia is high in Armenia Azerbaijan's military takeover – apparently with Moscow's blessing – of Nagorno-Karabakh in September.

Despite persistent efforts to diversify its political alliances and build closer ties with the West, Armenia's economy remains overwhelmingly dependent on Russia. Russia is Armenia's largest trade partner, and Armenia is a member of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). 

And then there's energy dependence.

Russia supplies 87.5 percent of Armenia's gas (the rest comes from Iran), and Gazprom Armenia, the local subsidiary of the Russian state gas company, owns all of the country's gas distribution infrastructure. 

Armenia says it generates 98 percent of the electricity it needs but that claim hides even more dependence. 

That electricity is generated by hydropower and thermal plants and by the Metsamor NPP. Metsamor is entirely fueled by uranium imported from Russia while thermal power plants depend on (largely Russian) natural gas. 

"Our self-sufficiency depends on the countries from which we import the gas and the uranium that operate our thermal and nuclear power plants. And when our government officials speak about our self-sufficiency, why do they forget to say how we maintain it?" energy expert Armen Manvelyan told the Institute of War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), stressing that over 70 percent of Armenia's electricity depends on Russia.

And Armenia's energy demands keep growing. In 2022, Armenia's imports of Russian natural gas increased by 6.1 percent from the previous year, reaching 2.6 billion cubic meters. 

Iran's ambassador to Armenia, Mehdi Sobhani, recently mused about the possibility of tripling or quadrupling Tehran's gas exports to Armenia. But such a move would require Russia's consent and facilitation, as Gazprom controls the gas pipeline to Iran.

Armenia is exploring the possibility of obtaining small modular nuclear reactors from the United States, France, and South Korea as part of its efforts to diversify its energy sector. But so far concrete progress on this front remains elusive.

By Lilit Shahverdyan via Eurasianet.org

https://oilprice.com/Geopolitics/International/Armenia-Russia-Sign-Key-Deal-for-Metsamor-Nuclear-Plant-Modernization.html