Iran, Armenia Discuss Promotion Of Ties In Various Fields

IRAN, ARMENIA DISCUSS PROMOTION OF TIES IN VARIOUS FIELDS

IRNA
Nov 7
Tehran

Iran-Armenia-Defense Ministers

Iranian Defense Minister Mostafa Mohammad- Najjar held talks with his
Armenian counterpart Michael Harutyunyan on issues of mutual interest
in Yerevan on Wednesday.

According to the Defense Ministry, the two sides underlined the need
for expansion of ties in all fields, particularly in defense, technical
and industrial fields as a symbol of efforts for consolidation of
friendship and stability in the region.

In the meeting, Mohammad-Najjar referred to historical relations of
both countries and their joint ancient civilization, saying that this
is considered a strong backup for their bilateral relations.

The geopolitical situation of both countries in the region, Armenians
living in Iran, Iranians engaged in business activities in Armenia,
good neighborliness, and positive cooperation between the two countries
have paved the way for expansion of mutual ties more than ever,
he noted.

He added that Iran’s relations with every regional country help
strengthen peace and stability in the region.

The expansion of interactions and constructive negotiations at regional
and international levels are in line with requirements of regional
states, which seek to strengthen regional security and peace, the
minister said.

Harutyunyan, for his part, appreciated Iran’s distinguished role in
establishing peace and security in the Caucasus region, saying that
the expansion of Iran-Armenia relations would help secure mutual
interests and consolidate peace and friendship in the region.

Expressing satisfaction with the level of bilateral ties, he noted
that Armenia calls for broadening of relations with the Islamic
Republic of Iran in various fields.

The Iranian minister arrived in Armenia on Tuesday and is scheduled
to hold talks with Armenian Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan Wednesday
afternoon.

Kocharyan Will Need To Become Too "Black" To "Whiten" Serge Sargsyan

KOCHARYAN WILL NEED TO BECOME TOO "BLACK" TO "WHITEN" SERGE SARGSYAN
James Hakobyan

Lragir.am
07-11-2007 12:17:42

In view of the behavior of Robert Kocharyan and Serge Sargsyan in
this pre-election period it is difficult to tell that they act on
mutual agreement. Leaving Kocharyan and upcoming Serge Sargsyan are
too different.

One has become rather aggressive, and has launched a heated debate,
more exactly an indirect argument with Levon Ter-Petrosyan, the other
is trying to become the symbol of tolerance in Armenia. Moreover,
Serge Sargsyan is even trying obviously to separate from Robert
Kocharyan. In particular, when the prime minister was placing the
first symbolic tube in Teghut, which in fact will not explode but
will destroy tens of thousands of trees and rivers, he said even if
he responded to Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s criticism, he would not tell
anything to his relatives and friends.

The hint was clear. The point is that during the rally on October 26
Ter-Petrosyan mentioned a driver of a PAZ truck who has become one of
the richest people in Armenia within a few years. Although the name was
not mentioned, few PAZ drivers in Armenia have become rich. Generally,
there are few drivers in Armenia who have become rich, and two are
especially well known to the society: General Manvel Grigoryan and
Member of Parliament Alexander Sargsyan, Serge Sargsyan’s brother. Of
these two only Sashik Sargsyan has driven a PAZ, General Grigoryan
used to drive a KRAZ truck.

Hence, it is clear that Levon Ter-Petrosyan had meant Sashik
Sargsyan. At least, Serge Sargsyan had understood that way, therefore
he said he would respond to Ter-Petrosyan when it is time, but he
will not tell anything about his friends and relatives.

However, there is a nuance besides Serge Sargsyan’s effort to show
that he is for a more fair fight than the first president. The
point is that the Public Television has already responded to Levon
Ter-Petrosyan and mentioned his relatives and friends, in particular
his deceased brother Telman Ter-Petrosyan, referring to him as the
first oligarch. When Serge Sargsyan says he will not touch upon the
relatives and friends of the first president, it means he thinks he
has nothing in common with the anti-ter-petrosyan propaganda on the
Public Television. In other words, Serge Sargsyan is trying to show
to the society that he has nothing to do with the black mass that is
poured onto Levon Ter-Petrosyan from the blue screen of the Public
Television, as well as other responsible blue screens.

It is difficult to tell whether the society which can see that Serge
Sargsyan occupies the bulk of news programs on those TV channels will
believe this. This is not the problem, however. The problem is why
Serge Sargsyan is trying to make Robert Kocharyan responsible for this
anti-propaganda, and whether he did it voluntarily, on agreement with
him, or was unable to prevent Robert Kocharyan, and now he has washed
his hands and gone to Teghut. In the pre-election logic, the chosen
tactics is the best for the government. Robert Kocharyan is leaving
office soon, and it does not matter what the society thinks about
him. For him, it is important what Serge Sargsyan will be thinking
about him. Therefore, all Robert Kocharyan can do is to work hard for
Serge Sargsyan in the time left, try his best to boost his rating. The
only option is the mechanical one because Serge Sargsyan has not
made any move which would raise his rating in reality. Therefore,
a simple action is taking place: the leaving president is trying to
appear to the society as intolerant, hard and vengeful as he can be,
and Serge Sargsyan’s humane and kind image is outlining against his
background. This is the simple combination that Robert Kocharyan and
Serge Sargsyan can work out, trying at the same time to blacken Levon
Ter-Petrosyan and to create a background against which Serge Sargsyan
may acquire positive shades.

However, this tactics may hardly prove effective enough since Robert
Kocharyan stated to support Serge Sargsyan, as well as stated that
they will work out their tactics together when the nominations are
made. In other words, the president has already revealed that he
and Serge Sargsyan are playing the same game. Therefore, hard though
Sargsyan may try to separate, he is bound to Kocharyan anyway. The
point is that Robert Kocharyan will need to become too "black" to
"whiten" Serge Sargsyan, meanwhile it should not be ruled out that
after working out the presidential election Serge Sargsyan may display
"racist" approaches and form a "white" government.

PACE Again Demonstrated Routine Approach Toward Frozen Conflicts

PACE AGAIN DEMONSTRATED ROUTINE APPROACH TOWARD FROZEN CONFLICTS

PanARMENIAN.Net
06.11.2007 18:37 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Russia stands for discussion of frozen conflicts but
it objects routine approach toward them," chairman of the Russian State
Duma committee on international affairs Konstantin Kosachev said at the
Berlin conference on frozen conflicts initiated by the PACE Monitoring
Committee and Institute for International and Security Affairs.

"The attempt to make a brainstorm on situation that troubles many
European nations deserves appraisal on the whole. It’s quite another
matter that PACE again demonstrated a routine approach toward frozen
conflicts," Kosachev said adding that any debate is reduced to
discussion of such conflicts on the territory of the former USSR –
Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and Karabakh, while there are
similar problems on the CoE territory, such as Kosovo, Northern Cyprus
and some others, Russian media reports.

Gaddafi turns screenwriter for $40m epic about Italian invasion

Gaddafi turns screenwriter for $40m epic about Italian invasion
By Peter Popham in Rome

The Independent/UK
Published: 03 November 2007

The mercurial dictator of Libya has reinvented himself yet again. He
has been a pariah of the West; a sponsor of terrorism; the maverick
autocrat with his corps of female bodyguards; the man who comes to
Brussels for a summit, erects his tent and puts his camels out to graze
in the local park.

Thirty years ago with his little Green Book and his "Third Universal
Theory", he proposed himself as the Mao Zedong of the Middle East,
fashioning what he claimed to be a new ideology from the patriarchal
customs of his clan.

But today Libya is in a different place. The worst of its diplomatic
headaches are behind it ` Lockerbie dealt with, the nuclear plants
dismantled, the Bulgarian nurses ransomed ` and the world is keen to do
business. And now the ruler is trying on a new hat. Meet Muammar
al-Gaddafi: screenwriter.

A series of impressionistic sketches he has written evoking his country
as it was on the eve of invasion by Italy in September 1911 ` placid,
rustic, traditional ` and then as it roused itself to fight to expel
the foreigners, is to become the basis for a film costing at least $40m
(£19.1m) which begins shooting in Libya next year.

Aimed principally at a non-Arab audience, and entitled Dhulm ` Years of
Torment, it will tell the story of Libya’s traumatic experience at the
hands of Europe’s Johnny-come-lately imperialists.

To the other European powers, it was hard to take Italy seriously as a
colonial force. Its first adventure, against the supposedly easy target
of Ethiopia, ended in the worst defeat ever suffered by a European army
in Africa. Libya, just across the pond from Sicily, was thinly defended
by a small Turkish garrison, at a time when the Ottoman Empire was on
its knees. It was expected to be a pushover.

Instead, after quick early success, Italy found itself embroiled in an
insurgency that dragged on for the next 20 years. The Libyans became
the first people in the world to know the terror of air bombing, among
the first to be gassed from the skies, and were early guinea pigs for
the concentration-camp concept. Unable to break their spirit, Italy
resorted to driving them across the border into Egypt and Chad. Ramzi
Rassi, the Lebanese producer of the new film, says that by the time the
Italians fled home in 1943, one-third of the Libyan population had been
killed and one-third forced into exile.

In his treatment for the film, Gaddafi describes the beauty of his land
before the coming of the new Romans. "Tripoli … a string of white
buildings painted with the local lime … Behind it stretches the deep
blue sea, its light waves shimmering, and much clearer in the distance
the wide open horizon…"

Seen from the other side of the Mediterranean it all looked so
different. For Italy, unified for a bare half century, the invasion of
the Ottoman province of Tripolitana e Cirenaica was a chance to prove
its worth as a martial country. "The great proletarian nation has
stirred!" declared Giovanni Pascoli, the Italian poet, as the invasion
got under way.

Dhulm ("injustice" in Arabic), will tell the story of the invasion and
the long Libyan resistance through the eyes of those who experienced
it, based on real people. One of the main characters is an
extraordinary journalist called Francis McCullagh from Dungannon in Co
Tyrone, who really deserves a biopic all to himself. In October 1911,
his zest for action unsated, he crossed the Mediterranean with the
invading Italians. "He came over with the invasion force," says Mr
Rassi, "and later wrote a book about the invasion almost in the form of
a script. He is one of the characters in the film, as an eye-witness of
what happened."

Dhulm is not Col Gaddafi’s first venture into film. In 1980 his regime
paid $30m to make Omar Mukhtar: Lion of the Desert, an epic about Omar
the Bedouin schoolteacher who became the legendary leader of the Libyan
resistance, and fought on well into his seventies until he was captured
by the Italians and hanged in front of 20,000 of his Bedouin followers.
Lion had an improbably glittering cast, including Anthony Quinn as
Omar, Oliver Reed as the Italian commander who tries to track him down
and Rod Steiger as Mussolini. But Arabs were deeply unpopular at the
time of its release in 1983 thanks to Opec’s price rises and other
factors (including Gaddafi himself), and the film sank without trace.

Is the world readier now to hear Libya’s tale of woe? Mr Rassi says it
should be. "We see Armenians and Jews talking about genocide ` Libya
wants the truth about what happened there to be exposed, too. It’s not
just Gaddafi but the people as a whole: the degree of popular support
for the film project is huge. And the international politics are more
favourable to the idea of the film today than ever before."

Yet the first stumbling block is Italy, which shows little inclination
to confront what it did across the water. Mr Rassi and the director of
the film, the star Syrian TV film-maker Najdat Anzour, were in Rome
this week promoting Dhulm, but with the exception of one piece by an
Arab journalist, the film project has been ignored. Italian politicians
are willing to talk about reparations, including a Gaddafian proposal
that they build him a whopping autostrada, gratis ` but just don’t
mention the war. When Lion of the Desert was released, it was banned in
Italy on the grounds that it was "damaging to the honour of the Italian
army" and has still never been shown there.

But it is time Italy made the effort ` and the rest of us, too: not
merely to recognise the suffering inflicted, to understand better what
this country went through, and how the bitterness of a people subjected
to such treatment can fester for generations without a full accounting.
But also to understand and deal with the delirious joy that accompanied
the rape of Libya.

Begun on the cusp of the First World War, the Libyan invasion incubated
the bacillus of Fascism. And the horror of it was meat and drink to
Europe’s new utopians. Another journalist who crossed the Mediterranean
to report on the war was Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, poet and founder of
the Futurist movement. For him, the Italian forces behaved far too
well: he denounced their "stupid, colonial humanitarianism". He
believed more violence was required. "We want to glorify war," ran the
Futurist Manifesto, "the only source of hygiene in the world `
militarism, patriotism, the destructive act." For these Europeans,
Libya’s "liberation" was the apogee of modern civilisation.

Now of course we know different. "It was one of the ugliest forms of
colonialism," says Mr Rassi, "with a scale of brutality that is
unimaginable, covering the whole population. Yet very little is known
about it. It is easy to understand why."

ANKARA: What Do Strategy And Historical Experience Tell Us?

WHAT DO STRATEGY AND HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE TELL US?
By Enol Ozbek*

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Nov 1 2007

The history of the Ottoman Empire shows us that despite it being well
into the 1450s and the Turkish army having passed through Kosovo,
Istanbul still remained unconquered.

If the Ottoman Empire had been more focused on the conquest of
Istanbul instead of advancing through Kosovo, the conquest would
have been achieved much earlier. But the Ottoman rulers opted to
launch limited and sporadic attacks on Istanbul and initiated the
last comprehensive campaign only in 1453. The reason for this choice
is obvious — the Byzantine Empire was first conquered through the
Muslims sent inside Byzantine territory specifically for the spread
of Islam, after which, strategies to hold the city at bay rather than
to conquer it were developed. This is a fact evidenced by the remark
of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, who said, "The defense line of the
country that holds Istanbul is the Danube." The last move to conquer
the city was made when the Danube was taken under control, and even
the clerics of the Byzantine Empire said they would prefer the Turks
instead of the Byzantines. This process was one of the most important
strategies implemented by the Ottoman Empire in its early days.

Thanks to this strategy and its ideological support, communities
from different religions, races and nations coexisted in peace for
centuries under the rule of the Ottoman Empire.

We lost local people; confidants of Ataturk

In order for the current rulers of our country to see how the events
of history have affected current strategies, we had to experience
the outbreak of the genocidal campaign in Bosnia. In the end, we
realized that we were actually unaware of the strategies based on
the idea of historical background. While we had to draw lessons from
what happened, put the historical background under a spotlight and
revise our strategies, we failed to do so, ultimately leading to
an ironic situation under which historical background put us under
the spotlight. This is the description of the picture in regards
to terrorism and the situation in northern Iraq. The Turkish state
still deals with the problems associated with the bad decisions and
strategies advanced by the rulers who consider the people who remain
in the northern part of the border region artificially portrayed
by British military officers as Turks and those who remain in the
southern part as Kurds; thus our state leaders remain unaware of the
region’s history. Nobody has been able to explain how we would be
able to embrace the far south while we failed to embrace the people
of the southeastern region.

During the negotiations held to discuss the southern border of Turkey,
Ataturk was so confident that the people in the north of Iraq would be
eager to join Turkey that he asked for a plebiscite without making any
distinction between south or deep south. The implementation of this
approach was prevented by way of British political strategies. The
point we have to think about here is that how these people who
should have become Turkey’s spiritual citizens considering Ataturk’s
confidence in their loyalty to this country turned disloyal.

There is no room for "I wish" or "if only" statements in the life
of a state. But if only Turkey had mobilized its army through the
border when Saddam attacked these people to show its solidarity with
them and its determination that it would not allow something bad to
happen to these people who it considered brothers. If only Turkey had
mobilized its army through the Armenian border when Armenia assaulted
and invaded Azeri territories. In other words, if only Turkey had been
ready in those days. It could not because it lacked such a visionary
approach. It was only a dream at that time to expect Turkey’s readiness
for such action because those who made reference to the historical
background idea were accused of being racist and expansionist.

At the current stage, we have to deal with a number of intertwined
problems. Turkey will either resolve these problems with professionals
in light of the strategy, or it will lose impact and power if it fails
to adequately address them. My intention is not to make excessive
and unnecessary warnings. My intention is to detail our current
point. Those who portrayed the terrorists as people who roam the
mountains with their guitars and not guns today assert that Massoud
Barzani should be the real target. More interestingly, despite the fact
that the government insists the target is the Kurdistan Workers’ Party
(PKK) alone, the call for targeting Barzani finds support even within
the state. Turkey has been transformed from a country discussing the
reforms to be introduced in the near future, including constitutional
amendments, into a country that is being dragged into a conflict with
the US, and where those who make reference to reason and calmness
are accused of treason.

Mithat Pasha and his friends in 1877-1878

My approach should not be taken as a suggestion for submission to
the US projects and ignorance of the activities of the terrorist
organization in the region. Initiation of a military operation to
address the terrorist threat stemming from another country and taking
the risk of confronting the groups inside that country are completely
different things. It should be pointed out that an operation in a
foreign country cannot be successful unless the groups in this country
support this action. While the validity of this fact is obvious, it
is not understandable to insult the people of the region called the
"Kurdish Autonomous Region." The military operation directed by this
logic and the impact of this operation on the brotherhood between
Kurds and the Kurdish people in this region should also be reviewed.

Turkey is moving toward shaky ground akin to that created before the
1877-78 Ottoman-Russian War — a move that will disrupt the domestic
balance. Before the war, Mithat Pasha and his friends accused the
sultan who refrained from signing the declaration of war of acting
cowardly and committing treason, further mobilizing the madrasah
students and the public to force the sultan to sign. In the end,
the Ottoman Empire had to deal with its most serious problem by which
its collapse began. It should also be recalled that the same war was
the beginning of the collapse of the winner, the Russian Empire. War
should be considered the last resort under any circumstances.

"Defeating the enemy without war is the highest point of mastery,"
a statement coined by Sun-Tzu, should be always be kept in mind.

Another point that should be underlined in terms of the logic of
the masses is the wrong view that this operation will eliminate
terrorism. The terrorist organization’s decision to take a certain
area as its base is of course important, but Turkey’s lack of a
comprehensive strategy to combat terrorism is more important.

* ªenol Ozbek is a retired lieutenant colonel.

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Safrastyan: We Can View Discussions On H.Res.106 As Victory Of Armen

SAFRASTYAN: WE CAN VIEW DISCUSSIONS ON H.RES.106 AS VICTORY OF ARMENIAN NATION

PanARMENIAN.Net
01.11.2007 13:37 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The Armenian Genocide resolution reminded the
international community about the "Armenian factor" and this is a
positive result, Ruben Safrastyan, Director of the Institute of the
Oriental Studies, told a news conference in Yerevan.

The Armenian interests coincided with the interests of the United
States in this case, according to him.

"The authors of the resolution took action proceeding from interests
of a power that advocates human rights while the Bush administration
exercised the habit of operating with political categories. That is
why, the measure was suspended. However, approval of the resolution by
the congressional panel has shown that a future vote can be a success
for Armenians. From this standpoint we should view the resolution
debate as a victory of the Armenian nation," he said.

As to the Byrd-Smith resolution ¹358 on importance
Turkey-U.S. partnership, Mr Safrastyan said there are politicians
in the U.S., who really eye Turkey as a strategic ally. "These
politicians initiated the measure but I do assure that not all in the
administration and State Department believe that Turkey is an ally,"
he said.

October 10, with a vote 27 to 21 the U.S. House Committee on Foreign
Affairs adopted the Armenian Genocide Resolution, H.Res.106, which
was introduced by Representative Adam Schiff January 30, 2007.

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Armenia’s Response: Yerevan’s Foreign Policy Becomes More Active

ARMENIA’S RESPONSE: YEREVAN’S FOREIGN POLICY BECOMES MORE ACTIVE
Petr Arkhirov, translated by Elena Leonova

What the Papers Say Part A
Rossiskie Vesti
October 29, 2007 Monday
Russia

Armenia’s relations with the West and Iran; Armenian Prime Minister
Serge Sarkisian has visited the United States and France. Meanwhile,
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Armenia on October 22,
holding talks with Armenian President Robert Kocharian and making a
speech to a university audience.

Against the backdrop of a burgeoning crisis in American-Turkish
relations and tough talk from Ankara about planned action in the Iraqi
part of Kurdistan, Armenia is standing by its foreign policy positions.

It’s worth noting that Armenian Prime Minister Serge Sarkisian has
intensified his foreign policy activities. Sarkisian is predicted to
become Armenia’s next president. After a visit to the United States
starting late last week, Sarkisian will visit France, where he is
scheduled to meet with President Nicolas Sarkozy and Prime Minister
Francois Fillon on October 24. An official communique published in the
Armenian press stated: "In his meeting with US Defense Secretary Robert
Gates, after noting the high level of Armenian-American relations,
Prime Minister Sarkisian also expressed satisfaction with the
development of bilateral military cooperation and thanked the United
States for its consistent assistance to the Armenian Armed Forces."

While senior Armenian officials are making their visits, Yerevan is
also attempting to establish contacts on "its own territory."

Relations with Iran are becoming particularly significant, due to the
extremely complicated situation surrounding that country. Iranian
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s visit to Armenia on October 22 and
his talks with Armenian President Robert Kocharian are intended
to produce certain results, especially with regard to security and
trade. Yerevan has found itself in a difficult situation due to a
blockade on the part of Azerbaijan, with Turkey’s support; therefore,
it is seeking to expand cooperation with other neighbors – countries
that have problematic relations with the United States (Iran) and
Russia (Georgia). However, both Moscow and Washington understand that
Armenia’s geographic isolation due to the situation in the Greater
Caucasus could have a significant impact on its socio-political,
economic, and military-strategic situation.

According to Armenian media reports, Ahmadinejad agreed to visit the
Tsitsernakaberd genocide memorial in Yerevan, the Genocide Institute
Museum, and the Blue Mosque; he also agreed to meet with professors
and students at Yerevan State University and representatives of the
Iranian expatriate community. Ahmadinejad’s agreement is of symbolic
significance, given the current American-Turkish conflict over moves
in the US Congress to recognize the Armenian genocide. With this
step, Tehran is seeking to emphasize that it is free from the purely
political considerations expressed by the US leadership in regard to
Washington’s fears of complicating relations with Ankara. Although
Iran is not among the countries that recognize the genocide of
1915, the very fact that its president accepted the possibility of
visiting Tsitsernakaberd indicates that the Iranian leadership takes
a particular view of events in the early 20th Century.

Due to domestic political reasons, Ahmadinejad had to cut short his
visit to Armenia and didn’t have time to visit the Tsitsernakaberd
memorial, the Genocide Institute Museum, and the Blue Mosque.

However, he made Tehran’s official stance very clear. Addressing
students at Yerevan State University, where he was awarded an honorary
doctorate, Ahmadinejad said: "The first principle is that every
nation should remember its history, but face the future as it comes,
not permitting itself to repeat the past. The second principle is
that Iran will always be on Armenia’s side."

Parliamentary Speaker: No Possible In Armenia

PARLIAMENTARY SPEAKER: NO POSSIBLE IN ARMENIA

arminfo
2007-10-29 17:54:00

ArmInfo. are possible in Armenia, since our people see that these
revolutions bring nothing good, > Armenian Parliamentary Speaker Tigran
Torosyan said commenting on latest opposition rally in Armenia when
ex-president Levon Ter-Petrosyan declared he will run for president
in 2008.

T. Torosyan said oppositionists did much to ensure mass rally
attendance, but failed. The speaker said the most influential force
participating in the presidential election will not change its strategy
and approaches depending on candidates for president since it is
senseless. Asked if the Republicans believe Levon Ter- Petrosyan the
key rival of the pro-governmental candidate, T. Torosyan replied it
is the people who must believe him rival or not. He also added that
RPA will make a decision on nomination of a candidate before November
7. As regards the visit of Armenian Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan to
the USA, the speaker called it rather efficient.

Commenting on statement by the incumbent President Robert Kocharyan
that it is the Armenian Pan National Movement that is responsible
for economic collapse in the country, the speaker said:

US mediator: Azerbaijan, Armenia could sign framework agreement

Associated Press Worldstream
October 26, 2007 Friday 9:31 AM GMT

US mediator: Azerbaijan, Armenia could sign framework agreement on
Nagorno-Karabakh

Azerbaijan and Armenia could sign a framework agreement next year
resolving the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh territory, a co-chairman of
the group mediating the conflict said Friday.

"There is a possibility that prior to presidential elections in
Armenia, which will take place in the spring of next year, some kind
of framework agreement on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict could be
signed by the heads of Azerbaijan and Armenia," said Matthew J.
Bryza, deputy assistant U.S. secretary of state and co-chairman of
the so-called Minsk Group set up to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh
problem.

Bryza said Armenian President Robert Kocharian had told the Minsk
Group chairmen during their meeting Thursday in Yerevan that signing
such a "gentlemanly agreement" prior to the country’s presidential
ballot was possible.

"I asked the president myself this question, and in reply he said
that such a possibility exists," Bryza told journalists.

"But, of course, this will not be the end of the negotiation
process," the diplomat stressed, adding that he hoped a new Armenian
president would uphold any such agreement.

The Minsk Group diplomats, including representatives from Russia and
France, are in the two Caucuses countries as part the negotiation
process. After meeting with officials in Baku they planned to return
to Armenia and then back again to Azerbaijan, French mediator Bernard
Fassier said.

The mountainous Nagorno-Karabakh territory is part of Azerbaijan, but
has been controlled along with some surrounding areas by local and
Armenian forces since 1994, when a cease-fire ended a six-year
separatist war. Some 30,000 people were killed, and about 1 million
driven from their homes in the conflict.

Ethnic Armenians now account for virtually the entire population of
the territory. Nagorno-Karabakh held presidential elections in July,
which Azerbaijan has rejected as illegitimate.

Armenia: Yezidis Endure Years Of Living Dangerously

ARMENIA: YEZIDIS ENDURE YEARS OF LIVING DANGEROUSLY
By Gayane Mkrtchian in Zovuni

Institute for War and Peace Reporting, UK
Oct 26 2007

Ethnic minority blames official discrimination for failure to remove
potentially lethal electricity pylons from their village.

Electricity has its own voice here – it cracks and hisses, and it
defines the village of Zovuni in central Armenia where power lines,
erected in 1965, are within touching distance of the rooftops. The
5,200 inhabitants, almost a fifth of whom are from the Yezidi ethnic
minority, have asked to be moved away from the power lines for decades,
to no avail. "Forty years of crackle and chatter. We go to sleep with
this sound and wake up with it. In rainy or windy weather, the chatter
turns into a violent hissing. The power lines start yelling and we
think the end is near," said Uso Avdalian, 75. Officials say they
cannot afford to move the pylons but the Yezidis, who have their own
language and religion and for cultural reasons like to live among
their own community, suspect official discrimination. "Being under
high voltage lines is harmful for people’s health. It’s like being in
radioactive area. It leads to cancer and heart disease," said Mikael
Mardumian, head of the internal control department at the Armenian
electricity grid. "But technically it’s impossible for us to move
the power lines. It requires a huge amount of money. Why should the
company do this at its own expense?" Avdalian escorted us through
the village, showing the beginning and the end of the pylons. As he
passed into the neighbour’s yard, he spoke some quiet Yezidi words
to calm the barking dogs, then pointed up to the roof of his home.

"When I lift the pitchfork to fetch some hay from the roof, sometimes
I happen to slightly touch the lines. Once I got an electric
shock. When the rains start, the situation gets more dangerous,"
he said. Avdalian’s wife, one of a group of brightly head-scarfed
women washing clothes in the yard, asked her husband for permission
to speak – as is required by Yezidi custom – and let out a torrent
of words. "When it rains or thunders I run to my neighbour’s house,
away from the power lines. We live close to death," the 51-year-old
said at last. Avdalian’s ancestors settled in this village in 1915 when
they fled Turkey, where Yezidis were persecuted by Muslims who accuse
them of devil-worship. "These power lines were set up in 1965. They
promised to move us out of here and reimburse the cost of our houses,
but we are still here," he said.

The Yezidis have been complaining for years. Soviet Armenia’s
agriculture minister Vladimir Movsisian visited in 1988 and pledged
action, but the efforts to move the lines were disrupted by a
devastating earthquake that struck Armenia. "All the machinery that
was brought to work in the village was sent to the disaster area. We
could hardly complain about it, because those people were in a
far worse situation then us," said Avdalian. Movsisian was not the
last politician to promise action for the Yezidis. Before the 2003
presidential election, President Robert Kocharian pledged to remove
the power lines and so did Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisian on the eve
of the 2007 parliamentary elections. Village mayor Serzhik Avetisian
is at the end of his tether. "Who else can we appeal to?" he asked.

The Yezidis are the largest ethnic minority in Armenia, with
most having arrived in the country in the mid 19th and early 20th
centuries. Widely dismissed as devil worship, Yezidism in fact combines
elements from Zoroastrianism, Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. Unlike
Armenians, they are Kurdish-speakers, and there are around 60,000 of
them in the country. The Yezidis in Zovuni have asked the government
for land they can use as a "lalesh" or a shrine but officials demand
money that the Yezidis do not have. They also want a new cemetery,
complaining that the piece of land allotted to them is too rocky,
and is unsuitable for as a burial site because it is wedged between a
lemonade factory and some stables. None of the three Yezidi candidates
running for the recent Zovuni council elections were successful, which
they say was no accident. They want to see at least one Yezidi employee
in the local administration who will deal with their problems. "If
the government wants to drive away these people, let them set up a
commission for expelling them.

Seven hundred Yezidis left the village during the past years. Their
cattle stock has also decreased by 30,000, to just 10,000 now,"
said Aziz Tamoyan, chairman of the National Union of Yezidis. Gayane
Lazarian is a member of IWPR’s Cross Caucasus Journalism Network,
based in Armenia.