A shameful campaign by Taner Akcam

ZNet, MA
March 24 2007

A shameful campaign

by Taner Akçam
Armenian Reporter

For many who challenge their government’s official version of events,
slander, e-mailed threats, and other forms of harassment are all too
familiar. As a former Amnesty International prisoner of conscience in
Turkey, I should not have been surprised. But my recent detention at
the Montreal airport-apparently on the basis of anonymous insertions
in my Wikipedia biography-signals a disturbing new phase in a Turkish
campaign of intimidation that has intensified since the November 2006
publication of my book, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the
Question of Turkish Responsibility.

At the invitation of the McGill University Faculty of Law and
Concordia University, I flew from Minneapolis to Montreal on Friday,
February 16, to lecture on A Shameful Act. As the Northwest Airlines
jet touched down at Trudeau International Airport about 11:20 a.m., I
assumed I had plenty of time to get to campus for the 5:00 p.m.
event. Nearly four hours later, I was still at the airport, detained
without any explanation.

"Where are you going? Where are you staying? How many days are you
staying here?" asked the courteous officer from Citizenship and
Immigration Canada. "Do you have a return ticket? Do you have enough
money with you?"

As the border control authorities were surely aware, I travel
frequently to Canada: three or four trips a year since 2000, most
recently with my daughter in October 2006, just before the
publication of A Shameful Act. Not once in all that time had I been
singled out for interrogation.

"I’m not sure myself why you need to be detained," the officer
finally admitted. "After making some phone calls, I’ll let you know."

While he was gone, my cell phone rang. The friend who had arranged to
pick me up at the airport had gotten worried when I failed to emerge
from Customs. I explained the situation as well as I could, asking
him to inform my hosts, the Centre for Human Rights and Legal
Pluralism at McGill and the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human
Rights Studies at Concordia, that I might be late for the lecture.
The Zoryan Institute and the Armenian Students’ Associations of
Montreal, co-presenters of the event, would also need to be updated.

The immigration officer returned with a strange request: could I help
him figure out why I was being detained? You’re the one detaining me,
I was tempted to say. If you don’t know the reason, how do you expect
me to know? You tell me. It was like a scene from Atom Egoyan’s
Ararat. I knew better than to challenge him, giving the impression
that I had something to hide.

"Let me guess," I answered. "Do you know who Hrant Dink was? Did you
hear about the Armenian journalist who was killed in Istanbul?" He
hadn’t.

"I’m a historian," I explained. "I work on the subject of the
Armenian Genocide of 1915. There’s a very heavy campaign being waged
by extreme nationalist and fascist forces in Turkey against those
individuals who are critical of the events that occurred in 1915.
Hrant Dink was killed because of it. The lives of people like me are
in danger because of it. Orhan Pamuk, Turkey’s Nobel Laureate,
couldn’t tolerate the attacks against him and had to leave the
country. Many intellectuals in Turkey are now living under police
protection." The officer took notes.

"In connection with these attacks there has been a serious campaign
against me in the U.S.," I went on. "I know that the groups running
this campaign are given directives and are controlled by the Turkish
diplomats. They spread propaganda stating that I am a member of a
terrorist organization. Some rumors to that effect must have reached
you." The officer continued to write.

"For your information, in 1976, while I was a master’s degree student
and teaching assistant at Middle East Technical University, I was
arrested for articles I had written in a journal and sentenced to
eight years and nine months in prison. I later escaped to Germany,
where I became a citizen. The Turkish criminal statute that was the
basis for my prosecution, together with similar laws, was repealed in
1991. I travel to Turkey freely now and went there most recently for
Hrant Dink’s funeral."

The officer finished his notes. "I’m sorry, but I have to make some
more phone calls," he said, and left.

My cell phone rang again. It was McGill legal scholar Payam Akhavan,
an authority on human rights and genocide, who was to have introduced
my lecture. Apologizing for my situation, Prof. Akhavan let me know
that he’d contacted the offices of Canadian Minister of Public Safety
Stockwell Day and Secretary of State for Multiculturalism and
Canadian Identity Jason Kenney. Bishop Bagrat Galstanian, Primate of
the Diocese of the Armenian Church of Canada, also called to confirm
that he too had been in touch with Secretary Kenney’s office. I was
going to be released.

About 3:30 p.m. the officer returned with a special one-week visa.
Upon my insistence that I had a right to know exactly why I had been
detained, he showed me a sheet of paper with my photograph on top and
a short block of text, in English, below.

I recognized the page at once. The photo was a still from the 2005
documentary Armenian Genocide: 90 Years Later, a co-production of the
University of Minnesota Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies and
Twin Cities Public Television. A series of outtakes from the film,
originally posted on the CHGS website, could be found on the popular
Internet video site YouTube and elsewhere in cyberspace. The still
photo and the text beneath it comprised my biography in the
English-language edition of Wikipedia, the online encyclopedia which
anyone in the world can modify at any time. For the last year-most
recently on Christmas Eve, 2006-my Wikipedia biography had been
persistently vandalized by anonymous "contributors" intent on
labeling me as a terrorist. The same allegations had been repeatedly
scrawled, like gangland graffiti, as "customer reviews" of A Shameful
Act and my other books at

It was unlikely, to say the least, that a Canadian immigration
officer found out that I was coming to Montreal, took the sole
initiative to research my identity on the Internet, discovered the
archived Christmas Eve version of my Wikipedia biography, printed it
out seven weeks later on February 16, and showed it to me-voila! -as
a result.

The fact was that my upcoming lecture had been publicized well in
advance in the Canadian print and broadcast media. An announcement
had even been inserted in Wikipedia five days before my arrival.
Moreover, two Turkish-American websites hostile to my work-the
500-page Tall Armenian Tale and the 19,000-member Turkish Forum
listserv-had been hinting for months that my "terrorist" activities
ought to be of interest to American immigration authorities. It
seemed far more likely that one or more individuals had seized the
opportunity to denounce me to the Canadians. Although I was forced to
cancel two radio interviews, I made it to the McGill campus in time
to lecture on A Shameful Act.

On Sunday, February 18, before boarding my return flight to
Minneapolis, I was detained for another hour. It was obvious that the
American customs and border authorities knew what had happened at the
adjacent offices on the Canadian side. "Mr. Akçam," I was gently
advised, "if you don’t retain an attorney and correct this issue,
every entry and exit from the country is going to be problematic. We
recommend that you do not travel in the meantime and that you try to
get this information removed from your customs dossier."

The well-meaning American customs official could hardly have known
the extent of the problem. Wikipedia and Amazon are but two examples.
Allegations against me, posted mainly by the Assembly of Turkish
American Associations (ATAA), Turkish Forum, and Tall Armenian Tale,
have been copy-pasted and recycled throughout innumerable websites
and e-groups ever since I arrived in America. By now, for example, my
name in close proximity to the English word "terrorist" turns up in
well over 10,000 web pages.

The first salvo in this campaign came in response to the English
translation of my essay, "The Genocide of the Armenians and the
Silence of the Turks." In a sensational March 19, 2001, commentary
from the ATAA Turkish Times ("From Terrorism to Armenian
Propagandist: The Taner Akçam Story"), one Mustafa Artun introduced
me to Turkish-Americans as a mastermind of terrorist violence,
including the assassinations of American and NATO military personnel.
Posted at the ATAA Web site in April 2001 and circulated via Turkish
Forum in December 2001 and June 2003-my protests notwithstanding-
"The Taner Akçam Story" ended up by March 2004 at Tall Armenian Tale
next to a photo of a PKK member, which was captioned as "a younger
Taner Akçam, from ; Three years later, the photo has been
updated, but Artun’s commentary remains, a frequently cited resource
for copy-pasters.

As further evidence of my "terrorist" past, Tall Armenian Tale posted
a detailed chronology related to incidents of arrest, on dates that
even I can’t remember, for leafleting and postering in my student
movement days. Whoever provided this information failed to note,
however, that people were frequently arrested for such activities
even after official permission had been obtained. An entire nine-page
section of Tall Armenian Tale is now dedicated to vilifying me and my
work, and well over 200 pages of that denialist site mention my name.

Next came an announcement from Turkish Forum: "For the attention of
friends in Minnesota…. Taner Akçam has started working in America….
It is expected that the conferences about so called Genocide will
increase in and around Minnesota. Please follow the Armenian (Taner
Akçam’s) activities very closely." My contact information at home and
at work was conveniently provided "in case people would like to send
their ‘greetings’ to this traitor." Soon enough, harassing e-mails
were sent anonymously to my employer, the University of Minnesota,
and to me personally. A profile of the Center for Holocaust and
Genocide Studies and its director, my colleague Stephen Feinstein,
was added to Tall Armenian Tale.

With the publication of A Shameful Act, the circle began to close in.

On November 1, 2006, the City University of New York Center for the
Humanities organized a gathering at the CUNY Graduate Center to
introduce my book. Before I rose to speak, unauthorized leaflets
bearing an assault rifle, skull, and the communist hammer and sickle
were distributed in the hall. In rhetoric obviously inspired by
Mustafa Artun’s commentary, I was labeled as a "former terrorist
leader" and a fanatic enemy of America who had organized "attacks
against the United States" and was "responsible for the death of
American citizens."

As soon as I finished my lecture, a pack of some 15 to 20
individuals, who had strategically positioned themselves in small
groups throughout the hall, tried to break up the meeting.
Brandishing pictures of corpses (either Muslims killed by
revenge-seeking Armenians in 1919 or Kurdish victims of Iraqi gas
attacks on the town of Halabja in 1988), they loudly demanded to know
why I had not lectured on the deaths of "a million Muslims."

Shouting and swearing in Turkish and English, they completely
disrupted the discussion in the lecture hall and the book-signing
session nearby. I was verbally assaulted as a "terrorist-communist"
and lashed with the vilest Turkish profanities. Two individuals
dogged my footsteps from the podium to the elevator doors, howling,
"We are the soldiers of Alparslan Türke?!"(A Turkish politician who
was arrested in 1944 for spreading Nazi propaganda, Türke? later
founded the Nationalist Movement Party.) The security guards
surrounding me had to intervene when I was physically attacked.

A month later, on December 4, I was scheduled to speak at another New
York event, a symposium at Yeshiva University’s Cardozo School of Law
on "Denying Genocide: Law, Identity and Historical Memory in the Face
of Mass Atrocity." As if to illustrate this very theme, a 4,400-word
letter signed by Turkish Forum’s Ibrahim Kurtulus "on behalf of Dr.
Ata Erim the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Federation of
Turkish American Association, FTAA and Dr. Kaya Buyukataman the
President of Turkish Forum" was sent to the law school dean and
faculty three weeks in advance, urging the cancellation of the
symposium and labeling me as "a propagandistic tool of the
Armenians."

Two days later, on November 19, Turkish Forum published an 800-word
letter to the dean from Turkish-American activist Ergun Kirlikovali,
who characterized me as "a convicted terrorist in Turkey… one of
the leaders of an armed and clandestine group advocating a
Marxist-Leninist takeover of Turkish Republic caught red-handed in a
bombing plot in late 1970s… part of a group which bombed the
limousine of the American ambassador Comer in Ankara in 1969… He is
in America probably illegally."

Gusan Yedic of Turkish Forum posted further "terrorist" allegations
about me on November 24, with this sarcastic admonition: "The friends
who are going to attend the concert of Taner Akçam and his orchestra
at Yeshiva University are earnestly requested to behave in a
gentlemanly manner. Attendees are obliged to follow black-tie party
rules." On November 30, Turkish Forum mobilized an e-mail campaign
against the "Taner Akçam conference." Members were also urged to
attend the symposium and a "pre-meeting for Turks," coordinated by
Ibrahim Kurtulus.

I forwarded this information to the event organizers with a request
that appropriate precautions be taken. I let them know that if they
were going to allow intruders from Turkish Forum to leaflet my
presentation and disrupt the symposium, I wasn’t going to
participate. Yeshiva was concerned. An organizer who had attended the
CUNY gathering on November 1 assured me that security would be
increased.

As a pre-emptive step, the event committee informed the Turkish
Consulate that the law school symposium was intended to be general in
scope, comparative and scholarly in approach, and not focused on
either Taner Akçam or Turkey. They made it clear that any disruption
similar to the CUNY incident would not put Turkey in a favorable
light. A Turkish consular official disavowed any government
involvement in the disruption at CUNY, which he attributed to "the
actions of civilians" in grassroots organizations. There was nothing
the Consulate could do about them, he said. The organizers stressed
that they intended to take extra security precautions and that the
Consulate ought to think hard about what would happen if the
symposium was invaded and its participants attacked.

Just one day before the symposium there was another phone
conversation between the Turkish consular official and the
organizers. He assured them that no disruption would take place and
only two or three Turkish representatives would attend.

The government kept its word. The symposium was peaceful and no
leaflets were distributed. The Turkish consular official attended
with ATAA President-elect Gunay Evinch, both of whom were
scrupulously polite. It was as though three intense weeks of
mobilization had never happened.

For many Turkish intellectuals, freedom of speech has become a
struggle in North America as well as in our native country. What is
happening to me now could happen to any scholar who dissents from the
official state version of history.

Since my return from Montreal, the Canadian immigration authorities
have refused to say exactly why I was detained. As a result, I am
unable to face my accusers or examine whatever "evidence" may be
filed against me. Although I have formally requested access both to
my Canadian and American dossiers-a process that could take months-I
have had to cancel all international appearances. Meanwhile, my
Wikipedia biography and Amazon book pages remain open to malicious
insertions at any time.

Nevertheless, my American book tour continues under tightened
security. Although it is stressful and very sad to have to lecture
under police protection, I have no intention of canceling any of my
domestic appearances. After all, the United States is not the
Republic of Turkey. The Turkish authorities whether directly or
through their grassroots agents have no right to harass scholars
exercising their academic freedom of speech at American universities.
Throughout my life I have learned in unforgettable ways the worth of
such freedom, and I intend to use it at every opportunity.

Taner Akçam – Turkish intellectual, professor at the University of
Minnesota, and the author of A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide
and the Question of Turkish Responsibility – recently became the
subject of a formal complaint under Turkey’s Penal Code Article 301:
the same "crime" of "insulting Turkishness" for which Hrant Dink was
tried and found guilty by the Turkish judiciary.

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IFAD To Help Restore Water Systems In Vayots Dzor

IFAD TO HELP RESTORE WATER SYSTEMS IN VAYOTS DZOR

ARMENPRESS
Mar 22 2007

YEGHEGNADZOR, MARCH 22, ARMENPRESS: The International Fund for
Agricultural Development (IFAD) will release this year 300 million
Drams for a major repair and reconstruction of a set of irrigation
and drinking water systems in Vayots Dzor province.

Armenpress correspondent in the region said the targeted villages
are Artabunk, Tor, Zaritap and Azatek.

Azat Hovsepian, an official in the provincial governor’s office
in charge of urban and constriction projects, said the tender for
these projects will be held in April to be followed by the launch
of reconstruction. He said the accomplishment of these projects is
expected in late 2007.

Lebanon: Agreement On Cabinet Expansion

LEBANON: AGREEMENT ON CABINET EXPANSION

Stratfor
March 22 2007

An agreement has been reached in principle between Lebanese parliament
majority leader Saad al-Hariri and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri
regarding the expansion of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora’s Cabinet,
sources said March 22. Berri’s opposition alliance will endorse
the tribunal in exchange for one-third plus one veto power in the
Cabinet. The agreement’s announcement is awaiting a Saudi commitment
to ensure the expanded Cabinet will not become polarized.

The new Cabinet is expected to consist of 30 members as follows: six
Maronites, six Sunnis, six Shia, four Greek Orthodox, three Druze,
three Catholics and two Armenians.

Provisional Status In Return For Compromise Is Nonsense

PROVISIONAL STATUS IN RETURN FOR COMPROMISE IS NONSENSE

KarabakhOpen
22-03-2007 12:58:56

"It is commendable if the international community sets down a status
for Karabakh which leads towards independence. But the problem is
what they demand in return for the status," said Arthur Mosiyan, the
representative of the Central Committee of the ARF Dashnaktsutyun to
Artsakh, in an interview with KarabakhOpen.

"If the status the Russian co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group Yuri
Merzlyakov told about presupposes major compromise, it is simply
pointless. As to the current stage of the talks, the principles that
are on the ground are too different from our ideas and approach."

Analysis: Congress Debates Armenia Genocide

ANALYSIS: CONGRESS DEBATES ARMENIA GENOCIDE
By Michael Scher

UPI Correspondent
Mar 21 2007

WASHINGTON, March 21 (UPI) — In 1896 former U.S. Minister to the
Ottoman Empire Oscar Straus convinced President Grover Cleveland
to ignore a controversial resolution passed by both the Senate and
the House of Representatives that would have called for the Ottoman
Sultan to stop his killing of ethnic Armenians.

More than 100 years later the U.S. Congress is at a similar crossroads
on the very same issue. House and Senate Resolutions 106 call for
American foreign policy to recognize the killings of Armenians by
the former Ottoman Empire as "genocide." The Republic of Turkey is
the official successor state to the Ottoman Empire because of the
Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.

Being the official successor state is part of the reason for the
Turkish government wanting to deny that the Armenian killings were
a genocide, said Brian Kabateck, a senior partner in Kabateck,
Brown & Keller, a law firm that has represented about a half-dozen
Armenian-Americans in cases against U.S. insurance companies and
banks that have denied claims and accounts to relatives of deceased
Armenians who took out insurance and had accounts before they died in
the Armenian Genocide. Kabateck said that the Ottoman state seized
property and businesses and that Turkey would be responsible for
reparations to Armenians and the nation of Armenia if they admitted
that what the Ottoman state did was genocide.

Kabateck’s suits throw into light the fact that there are 1 million
or so Armenians living in the United States. The main sponsor of
Resolution 106 in the House is Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., whose
constituency has a large population of Armenians.

Schiff is sponsoring this legislation because he believes that the U.S.
cannot have the moral authority it’s projecting in the current Darfur
crisis without recognizing a genocide that happened 90 years ago. He
said it is important for the United States to recognize the killings
as genocide despite the fact that Turkey is a friend and an ally.

"More often with friends than foes you have to speak candidly,"
Schiff said.

"I happen to believe … that the final act of genocide is the denial
of genocide."

In 2004 a similar resolution, also sponsored by Schiff, was met with
resistance from the Bush administration because it feared it would
damage relations with Turkey, Schiff said. Schiff said that if the
current resolution passes it will affect U.S.-Turkey relations, but he
believes the Bush administration should spend less time appealing to
Congress not to pass the resolution and work on repairing the damage
it did to relations with Turkey because of the Iraq war.

"They keep saying now is not the time," Schiff said. "It’s been 90
years. If this is not the time, when is?"

A central tenet of this bill is to recognize that what happened was
genocide, Schiff said. This is something the Bush administration is
protesting fearing a negative impact on relations with Turkey. However,
in every letter the administration sends to Congress it recognizes
what happened was genocide, Schiff said.

Tuluy Tanc, the minister counselor at Turkey’s Embassy in Washington,
said that while this resolution will most likely not result in
restrictions on the U.S. military or hurt cooperation between Turkey
and the United States over security in Iraq, it will hurt the Turkish
people.

"There will be a reaction and Turkey will be deeply hurt," Tanc
said. "How the government will react I cannot say, but there will be
feelings of unfairness towards a friend and an ally. … This will
be like a little slap in the face."

Tanc said that the Armenian lobby’s presentation of facts to the U.S.
Congress was one-sided and that Congress was not taking into account
the Turkish side of the story.

For instance, Tanc provided Ottoman Empire census documents that showed
there were only 1.5 million Armenians living in Turkey at the time
of the killings. Historians claim 1.5 million Armenians were killed,
which Tanc said was part of the inaccuracies in the current resolution.

Mehdi Noorbaksh, an associate professor of international affairs at
the Harrisburg University of Science and Technology in Pennsylvania,
said that if this resolution passes it will have a negative impact
on U.S.-Turkey relations.

"It will be a disaster in a sense for Turkey," Noorbaksh said. "I
really do not think this administration is ready for a resolution
like this. … This will not help the United States."

It will be necessary for the current Islamist government in power in
Turkey right now to react strongly to this in order to remain in power,
Noorbaksh said.

Some 20 other nations have passed resolutions similar to Resolution
106 and have gotten similar threats of dissatisfaction from Turkey,
said Aram Hamparian, executive director of the Armenian National
Committee of America. When France passed a similar resolution in 2001
it was met with a stern reaction from the Turkish government, however,
the very next year trade rose by 22 percent between France and Turkey.

The United States has a long history of weaker resolutions of the
genocide dating back to the 1980s that have not hampered relations with
Turkey, Hamparian said. In 1981 President Ronald Reagan recognized the
Armenian Genocide in a speech about the Holocaust. In 1984 Congress
passed a resolution setting April 24 as a day of remembrance of
the Armenian Genocide. In 1996 and 2004 resolutions were passed
that limited the usage of U.S. aid to Turkey that was being used to
fund the Turkish lobby in the United States. Throughout all of these
resolutions, trade with Turkey has steadily increased Hamparian said.

"U.S. relations with Turkey will certainly endure this (resolution
106)," Hamparian said.

Armenian Publicist Reacts To Turkish Prime Minister’s Remarks

ARMENIAN PUBLICIST REACTS TO TURKISH PRIME MINISTER’S REMARKS

ARMENPRESS
Mar 20 2007

YEREVAN, MARCH 20, ARMENPRESS: A prominent Armenian writer and
publicist Bakur Karapetian, who is also chairman of Shushi charity
organization, addressed today an open letter to Turkish prime minister
Recep Erdogan, which he said was prompted by a remark Erdogan made
recently in Baku during a conference on Azerbaijani and Turkish
diasporas saying that ‘Nagorno-Karabakh is our bloody gash."

"Nagorno-Karabakh, which you call ‘a gash’ had to take arms to
save itself from being subjected to genocide,’ Karapetian says in
his letter. He says Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh rose to fight for
their freedom from Baku not only because of the former Soviet Union’s
wrong national policy, but also because of the policy of its former
leader Heydar Aliyev, whose ultimate goal was to drive all Armenians
of Nagorno-Karabakh out of their homeland.

Bakur Karapetian says Azeri leaders have misled also their own
people. "You call Azeris a Turkic people, but they in fact are part of
an Iranian people, who mixed with invading Turkic tribes from Central
Asia and adopted their language. Azeris will have to get rid of this
wrong perception of their origin’ he says.

Karapetian’s letter has also references to another historical Armenian
land of Nakhichevan, now an Azeri exclave whose Armenian population
was driven out by Heydar Aliyev. "It proceeded without blood, but it
is what is called white genocide.," he says.

He then says he is surprised at Turkish authorities’ persistent desire
to hid Turkey’s true history from their own people . Karapetian doubts
Turkish and Azeri authorities’ strive to usurp the history and culture
of peoples who originated and lived for millennia in Asia Minor.

In Manuk Gasparian’s Opinion, Sociologists Disorient People

IN MANUK GASPARIAN’S OPINION, SOCIOLOGISTS DISORIENT PEOPLE

Noyan Tapan
Mar 20 2007

YEREVAN, MARCH 20, NOYAN TAPAN. Manuk Gasparian, Arshak Sadoyan and
Aghasi Arshakian taking first three places in the joint electoral
roll of Democratic Way and Union of National Democrats parties, are
political figures accepted by the people who "are neither bribed nor
sell themselves." RA MP Manuk Gasparian, Chairman of Democratic Way
Party, stated this at the March 20 press conference. In his words,
"no party’s proportional list has such mighty, politicized three,
except the Republican Party of Armenia."

In M. Gasparian’s words, sociologists Aharon Adibekian and Gevorg
Poghosian deliberately publicize data "disorienting the people,"
which is the evidence that they "have sold themselves." The leader
of the Democratic Way Party advised them to leave sociology in case
of receiving 8% votes of electors of Democratic Way at the May 12
elections.

As M. Gasparian forecast, the Orinats Yerkir (Country of Law),
National Unity opposition parties without fail will overcome 5%
barrier at the forthcoming parliamentary elections. And ARFD, which
will have no problem, either with overcoming 5% barrier, in his words,
"will become a serious opposition from the hour of elections’ end."

As M. Gasparian forecast, RPA will receive 20% thanks to use of
administrative resource and as regards the Bargavach Hayastan
(Prosperous Armenia) Party, here the people will act in accordance
with its own convictions. It was mentioned that the potato given
out by Gagik Tsarukian charity organization will play no role in the
electoral process, as "the people awoke thanks to Bargavach Hayastan."

As M. Gasparian affirmed, falsifications will be committed this time
also, as in the recent 13-14 years some people have obtained "drug
addict’s" addiction in the process of falsifying elections.

Official Ceremony Of Opening Iran-Armenia Gas Pipeline Takes Place

OFFICIAL CEREMONY OF OPENING IRAN-ARMENIA GAS PIPELINE TAKES PLACE

Noyan Tapan
Mar 19 2007

MEGHRI, MARCH 19, NOYAN TAPAN. On March 19, at 2:20 pm the official
ceremony of opening the Iran-Armenia gas pipeline took place. The
Armenian president Robert Kocharian and the Iranian president Mahmud
Ahmedinejad participated in the opening ceremony, which was followed
by a joint press conference.

Two Centuries Of U.S. Power Politics In The Middle East

TWO CENTURIES OF U.S. POWER POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST
By Mohamed Elshinnawi

Voice of America
March 19 2007

A popular view of current U.S. policy in the Middle East is that
the Bush Administration, in using force to bring democracy to Iraq,
has drastically changed the course of America’s relations with the
Arab and Muslim world. But a new book contends U.S. involvement in
the Middle East has a surprisingly long and turbulent history.

In his new book, Power, Faith and Fantasy: America in the Middle East,
Israeli-American historian Michael Oren examines two centuries’ worth
of archival documents and the personal letters of prominent Americans
dating back to the founding fathers. What he finds is that the United
States’ preoccupation with the Middle East is no modern phenomenon,
but one rooted in the earliest days of the republic.

"I think it’s impossible to understand American involvement in Iraq
today without going back into American history," Oren says. "I mean
way back, to the 18th century, to the 1700s, to understand that
America has been using power in the Middle East since the day of
its inception. America began its involvement in the Middle East on a
military leg," Oren points out. "In the 1770’s, about 20 percent of
American foreign trade went through the Middle East and that trade
was falling prey to pirates, who were operating out of four North
African states, which are today Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya."

Indeed, as Michael Oren notes, the first American soldiers to die in
a battle overseas were killed by those Arabic-speaking pirates during
their running battles from 1783 to 1815. So, too, the first marine
operation in an American foreign war was against Arabs in Tripoli,
North Africa, in 1805.

Oren says that while the U.S. played a prominent role in the Middle
East during World War I, it was not a military role.

He points out that American missionaries were operating in the Middle
East for about a century before World War I. "They were building
schools, building hospitals," he explains. "Some Americans built
the Middle East’s most modern universities. The American University
of Beirut and the American University of Cairo were built by these
missionaries."

Historian Michael Oren, a visiting professor at Harvard and Yale
universities, says America’s decision not to go to war against the
Ottoman Empire during World War I was largely faith-based.

"When the United States entered World War I in the spring of 1917,"
Oren explains, "President Woodrow Wilson had to decide whether to
declare war against all of the Central Powers: Germany, Austria and
Hungary, and the third ally in that alliance was the Ottoman Empire.

Both houses of Congress strongly urged Wilson to go to war against
the Ottoman Empire, but Wilson was the grandson, the son and the
nephew of Presbyterian Christian ministers. U.S. missionary groups
sent representatives to the White House to tell President Wilson:
if you go to war in the Middle East against the Turks, they will do
to our missionaries what they have been doing to the Armenians."

Michael Oren adds that Wilson did not want the American missionaries
to be massacred, and decided not to go to war in the Middle East. His
decision ultimately gave Britain and France a much freer hand to
redraw the map of the region after the war.

Early U.S. support for the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine
is another American policy that has influenced the dynamics of the
Middle East for centuries. Oren says the Puritan settlers from England
were among the first members of the Israeli lobby. They urged John
Adams, the second American President, to envision 100,000 Israelites
conquering Palestine. Later, Oren writes, Woodrow Wilson would aspire
to restore the Holy Land to the Jews. When President Truman recognized
the United Nations-mandated state of Israel in 1948, he did so, Oren
recalls, with a sense of sense of historical and religious destiny.

Michael Oren points out that Saudi Arabia’s first king, Abdul Aziz ibn
Saud, had bluntly warned President Franklin Roosevelt before Israel’s
birth that Arabs would die fighting to resist a Jewish state, and,
Oren says, he was right. Since 1948, a succession of wars between
Israel and its Arab neighbors has forced the United States to undertake
perennial peacemaking efforts.

"America has led the search for Arab-Israeli peace going back to the
Truman administration in 1940s," Oren says, adding few administrations
have succeeded. "We have learned from Jimmy Carter’s experience in
the 1970s — which was one of the few cases in which America — that
the prerequisite for a successful diplomatic process are an Arab and
an Israeli who are very strong in their own countries and who are
committed to the process."

Oren notes that it was America’s missionary contacts with Arab
countries that laid the groundwork for U.S. oil interests in the
region. He says the American relationship with Saudi Arabia started
with American missionaries traveling in the 1890s to the Arabian
Peninsula, where they built hospitals and provided health care to
Bedouins, including Saud, the head of that tribe. When the search
for oil began in 1928, Orens says, Saud gave the American companies
the contracts to prospect for oil.

"It is oil that leads America to adopt many of its policies," the
author says, "even the many controversial policies, such as supporting
autocratic Arab regimes as a part of the American search for stability
in the Middle East that will allow a continuous flow of oil."

Michael Oren believes Americans have always been enthralled by the
Middle East, as much by the exotic fantasies of magical genies and
flying carpets as by its ancient history and authentic cultural
attractions. The region, he says, has impressed some of America’s
greatest writers.

Samuel Clemens, for one, came to the Middle East and afterward
published his collected dispatches from the region under the title
"Innocents Abroad," using his new pen name, Mark Twain. That book
became the number one best selling book in the second half of the
19th century.

In Power, Faith and Fantasy: America in the Middle East, historian
Michael Oren describes a long but unfinished history. Oren predicts
that with its continued dependence on oil, its resolve to crush radical
Islamic terrorism, and its enduring missionary zeal to promote more
open societies, America’s engagement with the peoples of the Middle
East is likely to continue for many years to come.

[Michael Oren was interviewed on VOA’s Talk to America program.]

V V: Pamuk & after

Business Standard, India
March 17 2007

V V: Pamuk & after

BOOKMARK

V V / New Delhi March 17, 2007

Who can confront the lies and silences that lie at the heart of
everyone’s lives?

Turkish writers and intellectuals have been incarcerated ever since
Orhan Pamuk made his comments about Armenian-Turkish history to a
Swiss reporter last November, and although he was `let off’ (because
of his Nobel) others have been hounded by a resurgence of xenophobic
nationalism. Under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, which makes
`insulting Turkishness’ a criminal offence, a slew of cases have been
launched against them. Maybe nothing may come from them (because of
EU pressure) but with the threat of retaliation always present,
writers have been gagged or at least taken to self-censorship. (A
Turkish-Armenian newspaper editor was shot in broad daylight in
January in Istanbul for `insulting Turkishness’.) Some writers have
stood up, like Elif Shafak, whose novel The Bastard of Istanbul
(Viking, $25) talks about `genocidal survivors who lost their
relatives at the hands of Turkish butchers in 1915′. Like Pamuk,
Shafak was eventually acquitted after the court agreed that she could
not be convicted on the basis of comments made by a fictional
character.

The Bastard of Istanbul is a political novel. It is spun around a
tale of two families – one Armenian-American (part of the Armenian
diaspora in San Francisco) and the other Turkish, living in Istanbul.
Both are burdened by dark secrets and historical tragedies rooted in
a common Istanbul past. The heroine is Asya, a rebel born out of
wedlock (hence the title) and an anarchist and a rebel. She shares an
old Ottoman mansion with an extended family: her mother, three aunts,
a grandmother, a step-great-grandmother and a cat, each more
eccentric than the other.

Asya’s counterpart is Armanousch, whose interest in her history is
woken up by a series of late-night exchanges with fellow diasporans.
Fired by her desire to explore her past, she travels secretly to
Istanbul and lives with Asya’s family. There she discovers that
despite historical differences Armenians and Turks have more in
common than not.

But there is one difference that separates them: the interpretation
of what happened in history. Specifically, what happened between the
two peoples since the massacres and deportations suffered by the
Armenians at the hands of the Turks in 1915. This was perhaps the
first example of what can be called ethnic cleansing or genocide – two
out of three Armenians were done to death under the Ottoman rule. How
did they react?

Asya explains that Armenians clung to history because `your crusade
for remembrance makes you part of a group where there is a great
feeling of solidarity’. But `Turks, like me, cannot be
past-orientated, not because I don’t care but because I don’t know
anything about it’. In other words, the past has been wiped out or
whitewashed. Instead of telling Turkish children that their Ottoman
forebears had killed one million Armenians, the facts were turned
upside down: it was the Armenians who had slaughtered the Turks in
far greater numbers.

Shafak tries to set the record straight. Armanousch’s
great-grandfather was a poet who was among the hundreds of Armenian
intellectuals rounded up by the Ottoman army on April 24, 1915, in
order `to get rid of the brains’. The recurring theme throughout the
novel is the need for the present to come to terms with the past
trauma, the longing for a firm identity amidst the rage and silences
that constantly hover in the background.

Who, among us, can confront the lies and silences that lie at the
heart of everyone’s lives, including our own? We need to do that if
only to come to terms with ourselves. We are all made up of different
selves like a broomstick that needs to be tethered to be of any use.

On a different plane the novel raises a much larger question: the
role of nationalist historians who see all history in terms of
victories, defeats, triumphs, humiliations, their own side on the
upgrade and some hated rival on the downgrade. And they do this
without batting an eye-lid, without being conscious of dishonesty.
Sadly, political commentators can survive almost any mistake, like
astrologers, because their devoted followers don’t look for an
appraisal of the facts but for the stimulation of nationalist
loyalties. This is what has happened in Turkey as it would elsewhere
where nationalists take over. To paraphrase Joyce, `history is a
nightmare from which we are trying to awake’.

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