Russia to control Armenia’s gas

Russia to control Armenia’s gas

BBC NEWS:
ss/4888012.stm
2006/04/07 14:21:58 GMT
Russia’s Gazprom is to take control of Armenian pipelines and a power
station in exchange for setting gas prices at half of European levels
until 2009.
The move is part of wider plans by the Russian monopoly to seize
access to gas supplies among former Soviet republics.
Russia said it would raise gas prices to $110 per 1,000 cubic metres,
almost double what is it now, but far cheaper than European rates.
Armenia relies on Russia for gas but wants to import gas from
elsewhere.

‘Market monopolised’
Gazprom would be able to control part of a 40km (25 mile) long
pipeline, bringing gas from Iran to Armenia, following this new
arrangement.
The agreement would also allow Russia to export electricity from the
Razdan-5 gas fired power plant.
Armenia is strategically important to Russia in the Caucasus and hosts
a Russian military base there.
Some critics say Russia is using its energy position an economic and
political tool.
“Without any doubt, having the energy market monopolised by one owner
is bad for any economy” said economist Alexander Agadzhanov.
Regional hikes
Gazprom has been trying to raise prices among its neighbours but has
met with fierce opposition.
Attempts by Gazprom to hike gas prices from $50 to $230 per 1,000
cubic metres was rejected by Ukraine.
Gazprom subsequently cut supplies to Ukraine on 1 January 2006 due to
the failure to reach an agreement, worsening relations with the
country.
More recently Gazprom said Belarus, must pay three times more for its
gas supplies in the future.
A close ally of Russia, Belarus was the only ex-Soviet republic not to
experience Russian gas prices last year.
Russia aims to charge $250 per 1,000 cubic metres to all its former
Soviet neighbours in the longer term, matching European levels.
But such a move is likely to cripple countries whose economies rely
heavily on cheap gas prices.

Ex-Defence Minister Of RA Sees No Connection Between Increase Of Aze

EX-DEFENCE MINISTER OF RA SEES NO CONNECTION BETWEEN INCREASE OF AZERBAIJAN’S MILITARY BUDGET AND IMPROVEMENT OF ITS ARMY’S FIGHTING EFFICIENCY
Noyan Tapan
Apr 06 2006
YEREVAN, APRIL 6, NOYAN TAPAN. Azerbaijan’s statements about increase
of its military budget up to 600 mln USD are made for the purpose of
exerting pressure upon the Armenian leadership in order to compel it
to make concessions in the issue of Karabakh settlement. Vagharshak
Haroutiunian, member of the National Rebirth party’s political board,
Ex-Defence Minister of Armenia, declared this in his interview to
Noyan Tapan correspondent. In his opinion, there are many factors in
the issue, how much the increase of Azerbaijan’s military budget can
influence the fighting efficiency of its army. Thus, according to the
Ex-Defence Minister, we should take into consideration the fact that
the navy is also included in the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan. And this
type of troops requires considerable expenditures from the military
budget. “While, it is quite obvious that the Azerbaijani navy does
not pose any danger for Armenia and Nagorno Karabakh,” Vagharshak
Haroutiunian declared. Another important factor in the issue of
impact of the military budget on the fighting efficiency is the
international commitments, in particular, the “Agreement on Limitation
of Conventional Armaments in Europe” envisaging limitations in the
main types of armaments without exceeding which, in the opinion of the
Ex-Defence Minister, Azerbaijan cannot achieve military superiority
over Armenia. “These are unsubstantiated and senseless statements. The
Armenian Armed Forces are able to defend Armenia and the Armed Forces
of Artsakh to defend Artsakh. And it is Azerbaijan’s military budget
that will not permit it to gain a victory thanks to blitzkrieg in
the coming years,” Vagharshak Haroutiunian declared.

TBILISI: Georgia To Participate In The Conference On Struggle Agains

GEORGIA TO PARTICIPATE IN THE CONFERENCE ON STRUGGLE AGAINST CORRUPTION
Prime News Agency, Georgia
April 6 2006
Tbilisi. April 06 (Prime-News) – Georgia will take part in the
international conference on struggle against corruption, which will
be opened in Yerevan on Thursday and closed on Friday.
Arthur Bagdasaryan, the chairman of Armenia Parliament told journalists
that as a result of conference Armenia will become a member of the
international organization of parliamentarians against corruption
(GOPAC).
In conference will also take part representative of USA, Great
Britain, Germany, Poland, Canada, Ukraine, Secretary General of
GOPAC. Organizations of conference are Armenia parliament, OSCE,
UNDP, Eurasia foundation and USAID.

Armenia Chose Strategic Partner In Russia’s Gazprom

ARMENIA CHOSE STRATEGIC PARTNER IN RUSSIA’S GAZPROM
05.04.2006, 23.50
ITAR-TASS, Russia
April 6 2006
YEREVAN, April 5 (Itar-Tass) — Armenia’s President Robert Kocharyan
holds that Armenia has made the right choice selecting Russia’s Gazprom
as its strategic partner. He made this statement on Wednesday during
the visit to the joint Russian-Armenian company ArmRosgazprom that is
the exclusive supplier of Russian natural gas to Armenia. The Armenian
government and Rosgazprom each own 45 percent of ArmRosgazprom shares,
while Itera energy group owns ten percent of the shares.
The Armenian government is interested in ArmRosgazprom being
profitable and having an effective management, Kocharyan, specifically,
said. He believes life in Armenia will improve remarkably with the
implementation of the adopted programmes.
ArmRosgazprom intends to complete the restoration of gas service in
the republic by the beginning of next year, said Karen Karapetyan,
the company’s board chairman and director-general. He said 360,600
customers presently use gas in the republic, and this index will grow
by 80,000-100,000 by the end of the year.
Armenia imported 1.68 billion cubic metres of gas last year, an
increase by one quarter on 2004, Karapetyan said. Work to perfect the
Abovyan underground gas storage is underway, and the gas pipeline
to Armenia from Iran is being built alongside the installation of
gas service and the increase of gas consumption in the republic,
Karapetyan noted.

Encouragement For Good Performance

ENCOURAGEMENT FOR GOOD PERFORMANCE
Panorama.am
13:07 05/04/06
Today PM Andranik Margaryan encouraged gymnastics trainer
H. Serobyan and gymnasts H. Merdinyan and V. Stepanyan with letters
of acknowledgement, Panorama.am has been informed from Government
Press Service.
To remind, during the World Cup Tournament held in Iranian capital
Tehran from March 2-6 our gymnasts finally were a success after 20
years of “break”.
Anyway, the head of federation, live legend of Armenian sport, Olympic
champion Albert Azaryan not only managed to solve the problem of
fetching modern sports equipment for gymnastics school but also draw
the country’s Government’s attention to the problems of this kind of
sport with good traditions in Armenia.
And the Government regulated the heating problem of the school.
The results, as we see, didn’t make us wait long.

Want To Kill Andre?

WANT TO KILL ANDRE?
Panorama.am
17:57 04/04/06
Azeri “fans” of singer Andre threatened to kill him, announced the
singer at the press conference saying that he has received offensive
and threatening letters on his e-mail, moreover Azeri hackers managed
to “break into” the singer’s site one of these days.
Yet, as Andre assured, he no longer takes such threatening as
serious. The singer also doesn’t give importance to the criticism
towards him and his song “Without your love” to be performed
during song contest “Eurovision” as they are simply “good and free
advertisement” and nothing else. “At present I try not to pay attention
to various opinions because my opinion is most important for me. I like
the song and those who don’t can simply not listen to it,” advised the
singer and reminded that he was criticized for performing Armenian,
national song.
Thus, if many people say the song is not a good one because it
contains Western tunes, then what were the tunes of the song “Anca,
gnaci” by bard Shahen.
Besides, Andre notices that he has performed the “Horovel” in more
than 8 international contests, yet “Eurovision” is not a contest to
perform a national song.

Situation In Javakheti Is Calm

SITUATION IN JAVAKHETI IS CALM
Lragir.am
04 April 06
Akhalkalaki, April 3, A-INFO. The situation in Samtskhe-Javakheti after
the assassination of Gevorg Gevorgyan and the events that followed
in Tsalka on March 9 is calm. The press service of the Council of
Armenian NGOs of Samtskhe-Javakheti informs that the Armenians of
Samtskhe-Javakheti are expecting a fair verdict by the judiciary of
Georgia, which explains the calm situation in the region after the
recent events.
The society in Samtskhe-Javakheti has become more alert against
provocations. When the anonymous organizations announced about
holding a rally on March 16 in Akhalkalaki, no people gathered in
the square. The Council of the Armenian NGOs of Samtskhe-Javakheti
says the rally in the square of Samtskhe-Javakheti on March 16 was
organized by forces, whose aim is to destabilize the situation.

International Broadcast of Easter Divine Liturgy

PRESS RELEASE
Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, Information Services
Address:  Vagharshapat, Republic of Armenia
Contact:  Rev. Fr. Ktrij Devejian
Tel:  (374 10) 517 163
Fax:  (374 10) 517 301
E-Mail:  [email protected]
April 3, 2006
International Broadcast of Easter Divine Liturgy
The Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin and the Shoghakat TV Company, working in
conjunction with the `First Channel’ of Armenian television (`H1′), is
pleased to announce the live global telecast of the Pontifical Divine
Liturgy on Easter Sunday in Holy Etchmiadzin.  The celebrant will be His
Holiness Karekin II, Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians.
Armenian communities throughout the world will be able to watch Easter
Divine Liturgy in the Mother Cathedral of Holy Etchmiadzin on Sunday
morning, April 16, 2006, on the Armenian H1 `First Channel’ available
through satellite providers. 
Please refer to the list below for times and dates of the live broadcast in
your community:
Republic of Armenia – Sunday, April 16 at 10:30 AM
Republic of Nagorno Karabagh – Sunday, April 16 at 10:30 AM
Middle East
Lebanon – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Syria – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Israel – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
United Arab Emirates – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Kuwait – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Iran – Sunday, April 16 at 9:00 AM
Iraq – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM
Europe
United Kingdom – Sunday, April 16 at 6:30 AM
France – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Germany – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Austria – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Italy – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Switzerland – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Spain – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Netherlands – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Belgium – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Sweden – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Czech Republic – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Hungary – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Baltic States – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Romania – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Ukraine – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Greece – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Cyprus – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
North America
United States (New York) – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
United States (Chicago) – Sunday, April 16 at 12:30 AM
United States (Denver) – Sunday, April 16 at 11:30 PM
United States (Los Angeles) – Saturday, April 15 at 10:30 PM
Canada (Montreal) – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
Canada (Toronto) – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
Mexico (Mexico City) – Sunday, April 16 at 12:30 AM
South America
Venezuela – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 AM
Argentina – Sunday, April 16 at 2:30 AM
Brazil – Sunday, April 16 at 2:30 AM
Uruguay – Sunday, April 16 at 2:30 AM
Africa
Egypt – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
South Africa – Sunday, April 16 at 7:30 AM
Ethiopia – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Sudan – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Asia
Turkey – Sunday, April 16 at 8:30 AM
Russian Federation (Moscow) – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM
Russian Federation (St. Petersburg) – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM
Russian Federation (Krasnodar) – Sunday, April 16 at 9:30 AM
Georgia – Sunday, April 16 at 10:30 AM
India – Sunday, April 16 at 11:00 AM
Thailand – Sunday, April 16 at 12:30 PM
Singapore – Sunday, April 16 at 1:30 PM
Australia & Pacific
Sydney – Sunday, April 16 at 3:30 PM
New Zealand – Sunday, April 16 at 5:30 PM

‘I Want To Continue The Life I Had Before’: Earlier This Year,Turkey

‘I WANT TO CONTINUE THE LIFE I HAD BEFORE’: EARLIER THIS YEAR, TURKEY’S BESTSELL
The Guardian – United Kingdom
Apr 03, 2006
‘I want to continue the life I had before’: Earlier this year,
Turkey’s bestselling novelist Orhan Pamuk faced prison for daring
to ‘insult’ his country. Now, he tells Aida Edemariam in his first
British interview since the case was thrown out of court.
‘From a very young age,” begins Orhan Pamuk’s memoir of his lifelong
home, Istanbul, “I suspected there was more to my world than I could
see: somewhere in the streets of Istanbul, in a house resembling ours,
there lived another Orhan so much like me he could pass for my twin,
even my double.” When his parents’ frequent quarrels overwhelmed
him, he describes how he would play what he called the “disappearing
game”: sitting at his mother’s dressing table, he would adjust her
three-way mirror until Orhans reflected Orhans reflected Orhans,
ad infinitum. He notes that it was a game he would later play in his
novels, which is true enough; they are full of refracted selves and
voices and bit parts for a narrator called Orhan.
This is also, however, a useful way to think about Pamuk the writer
and his place in the world. He is published in more than 40 languages,
and has had to slowly get used to the fact that “my books are being
read with completely different reactions in different countries”. In
Turkey he is both a literary, difficult author, and a teller of
absorbing whodunnits; a European-influenced stylist and an assiduous
miner of Turkish history. More awkwardly, of late he has become a
kind of litmus test: by daring to speak out against his government he
has highlighted Turkey’s tendency to silence dissent and the tensions
between Turkey and Europe that he has spent a life trying to overcome.
Pamuk is the author of five novels, one of which, My Name Is Red,
won the International IMPAC award; Istanbul was shortlisted for the
Samuel Johnson prize and in the history category of last week’s British
Book awards. So he is is a major writer here, but this is nothing
compared with how big he is in Turkey. Thanks to The New Life, which,
at the time of its publication in 1994, was the fastest-selling novel
in Turkish history, and the bestselling My Name Is Red, he has been a
celebrated figure at home for some time; he was really catapulted to
infamy, however, when he remarked to a Swiss interviewer in February
last year that “a million Armenians and 30,000 Kurds were killed in
this country and I’m the only one who dares talk about it”.
This would be accepted by most historians as an accurate summary
of Ottoman treatment of the Armenians in 1915-17 and of Turkey’s
decades-long conflict with Kurdish separatists. But the former in
particular is a version officially denied by Turkey, where it was
wrongly reported that he used the word “genocide”. Later in 2005,
the Turkish government made all such “insults” to the state punishable
with jail. (By the end of last year, about 60 writers and journalists
faced trial, many under this legislation.) Newspapers launched hate
campaigns against Pamuk, some columnists even suggesting he should be
“silenced”. His books and posters of him were burned at rallies and
he received death threats, after which, for a while, he went into
hiding abroad.
Eventually he returned to face trial and a possible three years’
imprisonment. “Living as I do in a country that honours its pashas,
saints and policemen at every opportunity, but refuses to honour its
writers until they have spent years in courts and in prisons,” he wrote
in the New Yorker four days before his court date, “I cannot say I
was surprised to be put on trial. I understand why friends smile and
say that I am at last ‘a real Turkish writer’.” The trial in December
was adjourned within minutes when the judge passed the matter to the
justice minister; in January, the justice minister passed it back to
the court, which decided there was no case to answer. It has been said
this was only because of the firestorm of international condemnation
the trial provoked, yet though Pamuk now insists the case would have
been dismissed regardless, it would be foolish to ignore the fault
lines it exposed.
He is reluctant to talk about his recent troubles. “I want to continue
the life I had before,” he says, early in our meeting, his first
British interview since his acquittal. “The writer’s life.
Publishing books. Writing books.” Though being a writer, he ruefully
acknowledges, is a slightly different thing in the UK than in Turkey,
where as often as not it means being erected as a political lightning
rod.
I arrive at his Bloomsbury hotel a little early, while his publicist
is going through his schedule for the next couple of days; when he
hears this includes a meal with Harold Pinter he slaps his knees
and whoops with delight. It is instantly endearing, suggesting a
man constructed of enthusiasms and transparencies – though it also
becomes clear that his capacity for childlike joy is accompanied
by confidence, steeliness and a necessary care. “Look,” he replies
impatiently to a query, later, about Turkey’s shifting interpretations
of the concept of free speech (a right, incidentally, included in its
constitution under pressure from the EU), “I never had any trouble
writing novels. I talked about this with my publisher when we were
publishing Snow, which was my only explicitly political novel –
but then nothing happened to it. The only time I had trouble, I had
trouble because of interviews, madam” – and he waggles a finger at
me. Then laughs. But he is serious. While the trial was pending,
it was illegal for him to discuss it. This is no longer the case,
but he still seeks refuge, skittishly, in generalities.
Snow, which he began writing two years before 9/11, is set in Kars in
north-eastern Turkey and tackles the urgent issues of secularism and
religion in a country which has been torn between the two for most of
the last century. It is full of intimations of trouble, of arguments
that might be unwise for the author to broach in an interview, say,
but which his characters can discuss at length. “Can the west endure
any democracy achieved by enemies who in no way resemble them?” asks
one; another comments that “the world has lost patience with repressive
regimes”. Pamuk begins Snow with the famous Stendhal quote: “Politics
in a literary work are a pistol-shot in the middle of a concert, a
crude affair though one impossible to ignore. We are about to speak
of very ugly matters.” The irony is that the rest of his fiction is
also political, if far more obliquely so; it has set up, within its
characters, opposing ideological poles, then patiently probed what
Pamuk calls “the confusion in between”.
>From his penthouse window in his Istanbul home – in a building called
Pamuk Apartments because, when he was growing up, all five floors were
owned and occupied by extended family – he can see Hagia Sophia, the
Sea of Marmara, the Bosphorus, the Golden Horn, the Topkapi palace, the
suspension bridge that links Europe and Asia – “all the essentials”,
as he puts it. He hasn’t much time for my theory about how his still
living here is unusual in these days of mass migration – that is a
myth, he feels, perpetrated by a highly visible, mobile minority. “The
rest of the world lives in the same street, the same building. The
father builds a house, then the child lives there. So I don’t want
to talk about my experience as a unique thing.” On the other hand,
he concedes that still living in this place does perhaps give him “a
strong centre in my spirit. The world, for me, has obvious beginnings.”
Pamuk grew up in a rich Ottoman family that was, through profligacy
and mismanagement, progressively becoming less so. The young Orhan
was meant to become something useful, preferably an engineer or an
architect. He chose painting initially, then writing, despite his
father’s exhortations that he should enjoy himself more. When is he
happiest now? “If you leave aside sensual pleasures, sexual pleasures,
good food, good sleep, and so on, then the happiest thing is that I
have written two and a half, three good pages. I am almost assured that
they are, but I need confirmation. My girlfriend comes, we are happy,
I read to her, she says, ‘This is wonderful’ – that’s it! That’s the
greatest happiness.” It is an old need, felt also “when I lived with my
father and mother, and did paintings and drawings when I was a child,
and they said ‘it’s nice'”.
Many of his friends in the unstable 1970s, when he was in his 20s,
were radical marxists; he began a political novel at the time about
that milieu, but it had to be abandoned half-finished in 1980 when
reality, in the form of a military coup, intervened. Turkey’s politics,
never tranquil, have remained volatile since; many of the more extreme
leftwing parties are still banned; 10 years ago one militant group
staged hunger strikes in which more than 60 died.
Although he read the marxist pamphlets favoured by his friends,
Pamuk simply found Woolf or Faulkner more interesting. He is currently
preparing a collection of essays from the past 30 years, many of them
about his lodestars: Mann, Tolstoy, Proust, Nabokov, Borges, especially
Dostoevsky. He has been criticised for being too western a writer,
though, he points out acerbically now, the Turkish literature he was
kicking against when he started out – marxist, peasant-romanticising,
19th-century-inflected realist fiction – itself had western models
in Erskine Caldwell, Gorky, Steinbeck. “A bit of experimentalism is
always ‘betraying the nation’ in my part of the world.”
Pamuk’s fiction plays with voice and subject – for him, this is a
way of exploring what it means to be Turkish. So The White Castle
(1995), in which a 17th-century Italian scholar is captured by Ottoman
pirates and sold to a Turk eager to learn about the west, “is a sort
of intense personal conflict . . . Of course, it was also a story of
doubles. That was the first book that had some international success.
Then, when I was doing interviews, thinking about the book in an
international context, I realised that doubles are Turkey’s subject:
95% of Turks carry two spirits in themselves. International observers
think there are the good guys – seculars, democrats, liberals – and
the bad guys – nationalists, political Islamists, conservatives,
pro-statists. No . In the average Turk, these two tendencies live
together all the time. Every person is fighting within himself or
herself, in a way. Or maybe, very naively, carrying self-contradictory
ideas.”
The charges against Pamuk hit international headlines weeks before
talks about Turkey’s entry into the EU, and played straight into
long-festering concerns on both sides. Turkey’s pro-European Islamist
government has been implementing reforms at a dizzying rate, and Pamuk,
who has always argued for Turkey’s entry into the EU, was troubled that
“in Europe, conservative people who do not want to see Turkey in Europe
tried to abuse my situation. They wanted to show that this country
does not deserve Europe, which put me in an awfully awkward situation.”
He was trapped in a similarly awkward position at home where there
is increasing unease about the ever-multiplying hoops the country is
being forced to leap through if it wants to join the union. Some, such
as his translator Maureen Freely, argue that inflaming anti-Turkish
sentiment was a deliberate strategy, not by fundamentalist Islamists
but by Turkey’s secular, but authoritarian, old guard, who do not
want to see their influence undercut. “I think there is a nationalist
movement in Turkey,” says Pamuk, “which is abusing the feeling of
insecurity that the nation has facing Europe and inventing a past
in which Turkey was mistreated, humiliated by the western powers. It
never happened. They are inventing a humiliation that the nation does
not carry in its spirit, to serve the ultra-rightwing, nationalistic,
political causes.”
Which is not to say that there is no humiliation. My Name Is Red
(2003), the sprawling intellectual whodunnit that made his name
outside Turkey, dramatises the tussle – literally to the death, as
it is also a murder mystery – between Islamic manuscript illuminators
and artists seduced by the western concepts of style, originality and
representation. The gore-soaked ending makes clear that the methods of
an alien but dominant culture can neither be avoided nor easily aped.
“It’s a metaphor for a very common Middle-Eastern fantasy,” says Pamuk,
“that of taking sophisticated, attractive inventions, techniques,
[or] objects from the west, without paying the spiritual price. To
appropriate an invention, be it artistic or technical, you have to
have at least a part of your spirit embracing it so radically that
you somehow change. That is one of the things that I see in my culture
that makes me very angry.”
He is not angry, he says, because of the urge to copy in itself:
“Though that is deplorable, hateful, I have great understanding for the
inevitable desire to imitate. I’m angry because that kind of fantasy
is based on a very simplistic world picture. In the novel I’m writing
now [to be called The Museum of Innocence], there is a dialogue about
poor people. A cruel but observant upper-class person says words to
the effect that, ‘They are so naive that they believe being poor is a
sin and their guilt will be forgotten as soon as they get some money.’
“So all these fragile feelings of imitation, of not having, of being
angry with your own country, with the west, with everything” – he has
elsewhere called these feelings simply “shame” – “I think that the
whole non-western world is living these damning personal dilemmas. To
understand nationalism and anti-western sentiment in the rest of the
world, you have to go to these shadowy places, rather than to the
latest political developments, which are actually just end products.”
So does he think he was the victim, in a way, of Turkish self-hatred?
This too, apparently, would be too simplistic. “Self-hatred is OK. I
have self-hatred too. It’s OK. What’s bad is if you don’t know how to
get out of it, don’t know how to manage it. Self-hatred is, in fact,
a good thing if you can clearly see the mechanism of it, because it
helps you to understand others.” It is a kind of plea *
[plus-or-minus]
Western horizons . . . Pamuk at home in Istanbul Photograph: Eamonn
McCabe
[plus-or-minus]
The end of innocence . . . (top) the author as a boy; (below) outside
the courtroom at the start of his trial last December

H1 Is in the Sixth Place

H1 IS IN THE SIXTH PLACE
A1+
[06:39 pm] 31 March, 2006
Coordinator of the Civic National Initiative Hovsep Khourshoudyan
informed that a thousand bugs have been installed in different houses
in order to carry out a rating investigation about which TV Company
people watch most. Although the results of ht investigation are secret,
but “Armenia is a small country, and we could find it out”, Hovsep
Khourshoudyan said and informed that the H1 is only in the 6th place.
“Today and always the most watchable TV Company is “A1+”, member of the
political council of the Republican Party Artak Zeynalyan announced.
And Hovsep Khourshoudyan underlined that the TV Company which gets
as much money from the budget as the science field is in the 6th
place. “And still they compete with the others in the commercial
field”, he added.