Ani disappears in the no-man’s land between Turkey and Armenia

Balkan Travellers, Bulgaria
Feb 2 2008

Ani disappears in the no-man’s land between Turkey and Armenia

Text by Albena Shkodrova | Photographs by Anthony Georgieff

We pass by Ocakli, the last Turkish village before the border with
Armenia. The mythical Armenian capital Ani, which at the end of the
ninth century outshined Constantinople, Cairo, and Baghdad with its
splendour, lies somewhere before us. Chronicles called it "City of
1,001 Churches" and a replica of Istanbul’s Saint Sophia used to
stand in its centre.

For the time being, however, nothing on the road speaks of grandeur.
We are travelling across Turkey’s most provincial backwater. Large,
desert-like areas and settlements as if from some prehistoric age
alternate along the road on which we are alone.

Ocakli seems to be inhabited exclusively by sheep. We see a group of
them observing us from behind a low pen wall. Then we notice that
they are engaged in wrecking it by pulling out the straw from the
bricks. Judging from their matter-of-fact look, they have been
working at it for a long time.

The only person around – leaning on a wall, smoking a cigarette, eyes
us with surprise. We slow down to make sure we are on the right path
and find out that he speaks French almost without any accent. "I live
in Paris," he leisurely waves his hand. "I work for Renault, came to
see my parents for the holidays."

This time we get over our shock more quickly than the first time, 120
miles to the south, when a woman wearing salwars and a
psychedelically bright headscarf astounded us with her Californian
drawl.

We may be the only people on the road for the day. The reason is that
the tarmac ends where the country ends too. Ani, one of the least
known but most intriguing tourist destinations on the globe, is a
mile ahead.

We approach it along the Silk Road. If Marco Polo had not been a
fraudster, as an increasing number of historians claim, our car tires
are treading the ruts of his horse’s hoofs.

Today, it is impossible to retrace his steps across Asia due to
political as well as geographical reasons. One of the obstacles is
nearby – the same bridge that the Venetian traveller crossed was
detroyed. Centuries ago…

Ani has been in ruins for the last seven centuries. After the First
World War, the ancient city’s remains fell into a zone of
considerable political tension. Three conflicts of Kemal Atatürk’s
Turkey – with the Soviet Union, Armenia, and the Kurdish separatists,
led to severe travel restrictions being imposed in the course of
decades. The Soviets enforced a 700-meter "security zone" into
Turkish territory, similar to the one still that’s still in place in
southern Lebanon. Nobody was allowed here, including journalists.

After the disintegration of the USSR things took a more liberal turn,
to an extent. Only a year ago, it was more difficult to penetrate
into the ancient Armenian capital than to pass the JFK Airport
immigration. Tourists were allowed through the castle walls only
after coming to blows with Turkish bureaucracy in the town of Kars,
which required three different permits to be issued in three
different offices. Then, at the gate, they were forced to either
leave their passports and cameras with security or to write
explanations on why, while taking pictures of the cathedral, they had
"captured" the borderline behind it too.

We are lucky. Pass permits as well as photography bans were repealed
in 2004. Tickets are now sold from a caravan at the castle walls.

Apart from the moustached clerk, there isn’t a soul around. We enter
a corridor between the two belts of reddish stone which used to guard
the city and look for a gate onto the plateau.

We find it after 200 meters – the Lion’s Gate, a tall, well-preserved
arch, with the wind blowing through it at nearly the speed of a
hurricane. It’s as if all the hot air from inside the castle is
trying to escape and shave off the flat plateau covered with
long-untrimmed grass.

We manage to overcome Ani’s untraditional fortification and a surreal
view opens out before our eyes: a steppe with halves of monumental
buildings scattered all over. On the left we see half a church,
behind it we can make out half a turret, and at the end of the
plateau there is half a chimney of a severed mosque.

A thousand years ago the capital of the Armenian kingdom, comprising
present-day Armenia and parts of Iran and Eastern Turkey, was a
mediaeval metropolis. Its 1,001 churches were technologically and
architecturally avant-garde at the time. Its wealth and splendour
attracted an increasing number of people, and at the end of the tenth
century its population reached 100,000 people.

Turned into a capital by Ashot III, Ani reached the height of its
glory with the Bagratids, an Armenian dynasty which declared
themselves descendants of King Solomon and King David. Its apogee was
during the reign of Gagik I (989 – 1020).

In 1045 the city, named Anahid, after the Persian counterpart of
Aphrodite, fell under Byzantine rule. Only 20 years later it was
taken over by the Seljuk Turks. For almost a century the founders of
the Ottoman Empire fought for control over Ani with the Georgians.
The beginning of the end came in 1239, when the Mongol tribes
attacked. They had little use of city life and made no effort to
restore Ani after a big earthquake in 1319 destroyed it almost to the
brick.

The final blow was dealt by the last great nomad leader, Tamburlaine,
enthusiastically depicted by a number of western writers ranging from
Christopher Marlowe to Edgar Allan Poe. With him, Ani disappeared
from the face of the earth.

After the fourteenth century the ruins remained lost for mankind.
Earthquakes, wars, vandalism, attempts at cultural and ethnic
cleansing, amateur excavations and restorations, and simple neglect
added to the gradual destruction of the handful remaining ruins.

"What is Ani like?" wrote Konstantin Paustovski in 1923. "There are
things beyond description, no matter how hard you try."

Now only a few tumbledown churches, some sections of a castle and
Marco Polo’s bridge remain from what used to be a magnificent city.
In some places the double city wall rises and culminates in turrets
of various shapes and heights, in others it goes down, sometimes
completely disappearing in the tall grass.

We take a broad dusty road, which meanders between the ruins.

Armenian architecture is one of civilization’s greatest enigmas. It
has its own unique appearance, but more importantly – it forms the
basis of a popular European medieval phenomenon, known as Gothic
style. According to Joseph Strzygowski, who wrote in the early
twentieth century, Armenian engineers were the first to devise a way
to put a round dome over a square space. They did this in two ways:
either by transforming the square into a triangle or by building an
octagonal structure to hold the dome. Their architectural genius
resulted in stunningly beautiful buildings.

We slowly reach the first large building, the Church of the Redeemer,
and find out where the Austrian historian carried out his field
research.

The inscription on the façade says that the church was commissioned
in 1035 by Prince Ablgharib Pahlavid, in order to house a piece of
the cross of Christ. Bought in Constantinople, it had to rest here
until Christ’s second coming. Miraculously, the church managed to
survive until the twentieth century: though neglected, it was in one
piece until 1957 when its eastern section was destroyed by lightning.
The rest was badly shaken by an earthquake in 1989 and according to
architects, it is in danger of collapsing. Somebody has apparently
come up with the eccentric solution to block up the former church
door using some broken stones found in situ.

Now the Church of the Redeemer is reminiscent of a theatre décor: a
whole façade on one side and missing walls on the other so that the
audience could view the action on the "stage."

Fifty meters further, we come up against the canyon of the Arpaçay
River, known on its Armenian bank as the Akhurian, which divides
Turkey from Armenia. On the two opposite slopes there are ancient
settlements carved into the rocks, their origins still being disputed
by historians.

The cathedral looks intact, but there is a surprise lurking behind
the gate: we find out that the dome is gone, the open sky above us.
Startled by the noise, hundreds of pigeons take off from the column
capitals and fly out like smoke through a chimney. Strzygowski must
have been a romantic art history scholar, not an engineer.

As a former pontifical church, the cathedral has three entrances: the
north one for the patriarch, the south one for the king, and the west
one from for commoners. This was Ani’s most important building,
designed by the famous Armenian architect Trdat Mendet. Its dome fell
in the earthquake in 1319, but this was only the beginning of a
series of disasters. The western façade is now also in danger of
collapse.

On the walls we notice graffiti (Vovochka+Lena=love), left by Turkish
and Russian visitors. Some of the inscriptions are by Armenians who
must have managed to get here during some of the gaps in Turkey’s
restrictive policy.

Trdat Mendet obviously had megalomania issues. After building the
cathedral, he designed the huge Church of Saint Gregory half a mile
north. His ambition was to build it on the model of the Saint Sophia
in Istanbul. Its dome, however, collapsed shortly after it was
erected and was never restored. Still, the St. Gregory church, named
after the Armenians’ patron saint, contains the largest number of
frescoes dating from the tenth to the twelfth centuries, which made
the Turks call it Resimli Kilise, the Church with Pictures.

We go on to the remarkable red Menüçer Mosque, whose arabesques, from
a distance, evoke the Alhambra.

Naturally, the Turks and the Armenians argue over it too, as the
former claim it was built by the first emir of the Shaddadid dynasty
and the latter insist it dates from Bagratid times.

It remains uncertain who is right but the ruins suggest entrancing
architecture. The combinations of red and black stone typical of Ani
are varied with white, and the six surviving domes have different
ornamentation, in a manner characteristic of the Seljuks. Though
half-ruined, the mosque was used by local Muslims until 1906.

We are climbing uphill to the remarkable castle when we suddenly
notice that the path beneath our feet is not covered with gravel.
What we have mistaken for small stones are in fact ceramic chards. I
draw my hand across them and find a couple with ornaments and several
coated with a colourful glaze. Ten steps further I stop and repeat
the experiment: we are literally walking on ceramics broken over the
centuries.

The chips may have come from anywhere: from the city sewerage system
(a remarkable technological innovation at that time), from pots in
rich merchants’ homes, from the often gilded church interiors, from
the tiles of somebody’s elegant bathroom, from a tombstone or a
plaque commemorating somebody’s triumph.

>From this moment on I can’t get rid of the feeling that I am treading
on the remains of people’s souls. I stalk like a stork until I reach
the gates, thinking that a handful of Ani’s paving material can tell
us more than the thickest of history books.

Like the ruins of Troy, this is a place where you have to imagine,
not just see. "À la recherche du temps perdu," politely says the Turk
leaning on the same wall when he notices us go out of the Lion’s
Gate. Mehmed speaks an almost unaccented French.

Practicalities

Kars is located some 1,500 km east of Istanbul. Unless you have a
car, the best way to go to Ani is by taxi (45 km, $80) Make sure that
the taxi driver has understood that he has to wait for you for at
least three and a half hours, because otherwise you may end up
sleeping under the stars. In the summer, the temperature on the
plateau where Ani stands reaches 36°C and in the winter it may fall
to -42ºC.

The Quarrymen

Ani is one of the symbols of the contemporary Armenian nation just
like the Ararat Mountain 150 kilometers to the south. To commemorate
the 1,700th anniversary of Christianity in Armenia in 2001, the
Armenian government funded the construction of a cathedral in
Yerevan. The stones for this cathedral, St. Gregory the Illuminator,
came, symbolically, from Ani. Well, from as close as possible: the
other bank of the river which is Armenian territory. For this
purpose, not far uphill from Marco Polo’s bridge, a huge quarry,
still functioning today, was built. In a way, the quarry adds to the
surrealism of the scenery. The Kamaz trucks and numerous cranes there
make incredible noise which the wind blows in waves to the old
Armenian capital, now in Turkish territory.

For photos, click the link below
/331

http://www.balkantravellers.com/read/article

Kocharian: We Will Hold Worthy Election

KOCHARIAN: WE WILL HOLD WORTHY ELECTION

PanARMENIAN.Net
31.01.2008 18:27 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Armenian President Robert Kocharian met with head
of the PACE observation mission, Mr John Prescott, the RA leader’s
press office reports.

Thanking for acceptance of Armenia’s invitation, President Kocharian
said, "We intend to hold this election on a level with the highest
standards and I am hopeful that presence of the observation mission
will contribute to the process."

He explained why Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan maintained the post
after filing his candidacy.

The parties also referred to the election process and the activity
of juridical authority.

Turkey Blackmails U.S. Presidential Hopefuls

TURKEY BLACKMAILS U.S. PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS

PanARMENIAN.Net
30.01.2008 13:49 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Levent Bilman, spokesman for the Turkish Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, said Turkey "feels regret over recent statements
of the U.S. presidential candidates supporting the Armenian stance
on the events of 1915."

The press release issued by Bilman said, "The attempts to cast a shadow
over our history in the name of competition among candidates within
a political party, deeply hurts the Turkish nation. We invite the U.S.

presidential candidate nominees to act responsibly in regards to both
the past and future, to pay attention not to hurt an ally country
and its nation with baseless statements, and keep in mind in this
respect the delicacy of the Turkish-American relations," Anatolia
News Agency reports.

Democrat presidential hopefuls Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and
John Edwards voiced support for the Armenian Genocide resolution and
pledged to recognize the Armenian Genocide if elected President.

A people divided

Geographical
January 2008

A people divided

The break-up of the former Soviet Union has given Armenia’s largest
minority, the Yezidis, new freedoms. But this has proven to be a mixed
blessing, as geopolitical and historical concerns have riven the small
community. Text and photography by Onnik Krikorian

Nestled at the foot of Mount Aragats, Armenia’s highest peak, the
villages of Riya Taza and Alagyaz hardly merit more than a passing
glance from motorists heading north towards the border with Georgia.
Elderly women dressed in colourful garb nonetheless line the road, while
children play nearby among rusting abandoned vehicles and farmers herd
their cattle in the surrounding pastures. Few stop at the makeshift
shacks selling basic groceries and provisions on the roadside. In fact,
nobody pays much attention at all.

But for academics from as far away as the UK, France, Germany and Japan,
these small, impoverished villages are a dream come true. Located 60
kilometres from Yerevan, the Armenian capital, Riya Taza, Alagyaz and
other villages interconnected by pockmarked roads are home to one of the
biggest concentrations of Yezidis in the country.

As a group, the Yezidis are defined by their religion, which combines
elements from Zoroastrianism, Islam, Christianity and Judaism. They are
often accused of devil worship by Christians and Muslims, because they
believe that both good and evil are manifestations of God. The Yezidis
are the largest ethnic minority in Armenia, the majority having arrived
in the country during the mid-19th and early 20th centuries. Worldwide,
their precise number is unknown, with estimates varying between 200,000
and 500,000. According to a 2001 census, there are just over 40,000 in
Armenia.

What makes the Yezidis so interesting to the academic community is the
fact that they are considered to be ethnic Kurds who resisted pressure
to convert to Islam. Speaking Kurmanji, the dialect of Kurdish spoken in
Turkey, Armenia’s Yezidis are considered by many Kurdologists to
represent the purest form of Kurdish culture in the region.

Music to their ears

Nahro Zagros, a 33-year-old ethnic Muslim Kurd, escaped Saddam Hussein’s
Iraq seven years ago. Today, he’s studying for a PhD in ethnomusicology
>From the University of York. He has come to Armenia to conduct research
into Kurdish musical tradition.

Each day, he strolls through Alagyaz armed with a digital recorder and
an uncanny knack of being able to convince almost anyone to burst into
song, often at just a moment’s notice. In the South Caucasus, where
culture and tradition are still considered to be of paramount
importance, that isn’t too difficult, but there are dangers. Even the
most unexpected of guests are often obliged to partake in a few glasses
of industrial-strength home-made vodka. Zagros, however, usually manages
to avoid this trap. Partaking in food is another matter, however. As he
explains, it can be considered an insult for a Muslim Kurd to refuse to
eat at the table of a Yezidi.

Wandering from house to house in search of singers to record, Zagros
finally ends up at what appears to be a cattle shed. In an adjoining
room, the family that lives here is burning dung for heating. An old
Yezidi man smokes a cheap cigarette by a stove erected on an earthen
floor. Zagros and 75-year-old Bimbash Kochoyan are from very different
worlds, but it isn’t long before the room resonates with traditional
Kurdish song.

Zagros is spellbound and sports a customary grin. He can barely contain
himself and is eager to explain why. `The songs are traditionally very
Kurdish, but they don’t exist among the Kurds of Kurdistan,’ he says.

Troubled history

There is a certain irony to this sudden interest in the Yezidis’ Kurdish
heritage. Although the Yezidis are considered to be ethnic Kurds, there
has been a long history of animosity between them and their Muslim
counterparts in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and elsewhere in the Middle East.

Many of Armenia’s Yezidis arrived in the country during the last days of
the Ottoman Empire, when an estimated 1.5 million Armenians were
massacred during deportation from regions in what is now the Republic of
Turkey. Other ethnic groups, including the Yezidis, were also targeted
in what is now widely considered (though vehemently denied by Turkey) to
be the
first genocide of the 20th century.

According to the Yezidis, up to 300,000 of their ethnic kin were killed
between 1915 and 1917, a period that still resonates in modern-day
Armenia, with most Armenians and Yezidis believing that Muslim Kurds
were among the perpetrators. Later, during the early 1990s, the Yezidis
were exasperated by the ethnic conflict between Christian Armenia and
Muslim Azerbaijan over the mainly Armenian-inhabited territory of
Nagorno-Karabakh and began to downplay or even deny their ethnic origin.

About 200,000 Azerbaijanis and Muslim Kurds were forced to flee Armenia
when the fighting began, but the Yezidis were spared the tit-for-tat
expulsions that saw 300,000 Armenians leave Azerbaijan. It was then that
Armenia’s Yezidi leaders began a movement to establish a separate ethnic
identity for themselves. Today, things might be changing, with the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict now a distant memory for many Armenians;
however, the community remains divided.

Elsewhere, such divisions between Yezidis and Kurds, as well as other
Muslims, became apparent in April when a Yezidi teenage girl was stoned
to death in northern Iraq. Her crime? Allegedly having a relationship
with a Muslim and converting to Islam. But worse was yet to come. In
August, hundreds died during a series of suicide bombings – later blamed
on Islamic extremists or those opposed to calls for an autonomous Yezidi
region within Iraqi Kurdistan. No wonder, then, that many Yezidis react
with caution towards Kurds and Muslims alike.

Disputed links

Hasan Tamoyan, deputy president of the National Union of Yezidis, is one
of those who maintains that the Yezidis have no connection with the
Kurds. He is also head of Yezidi language programmes at Public Radio of
Armenia and, sitting in his office in Yerevan, he even goes so far as to
call their language Ezdiki, denying that it’s Kurmanji, despite the
presence on his desk of a Yezidi magazine from Germany written in the
dialect, with almost every headline including the words `Kurd’ or
`Kurdistan’. He responds with threats rather than answers to questions
about Armenia’s Kurdish population or suggestions that Kurdish is spoken
in the country.

Prominent specialists on the Yezidis disagree. `I have met many Yezidis
in Armenia who believe they are also Kurds,’ says Dr Christine Allison,
a lecturer at the Institut National des Langues et Civilisations
Orientales in Paris. `And with the exception of two villages in Iraq,
Yezidis speak Kurmanji Kurdish. Their oral and material culture is
typical of Kurdistan and pretty much identical to [that of] non-Yezidi
Kurds.’

Philip Kreyenbroek, head of Iranian studies at the University of
Göttingen in Germany, agrees, saying: `The Yezidi religious and cultural
tradition is deeply rooted in Kurdish culture, and almost all Yezidi
sacred texts are in Kurdish.’

When I relate such opinions to Tamoyan, I only succeed in making him
more irate. `I’d like to pass this conversation on to the government,’
he says. `Will you be responsible for your statement? Because I will
take the recording to the National Security Service [the Armenian
successor to the KGB].’

Tamoyan’s position, however threatening, does highlight an important
issue relating to Armenia’s Yezidi minority. Discussions about their
origin are sensitive. The mixture of increased freedom and economic
hardship that has arisen since the break-up of the former Soviet Union
has allowed organisations such as the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party
(PKK) – which is currently fighting a separatist guerrilla war in Turkey
>From bases in Northern Iraq – to reach out to Armenia’s Yezidis.

Kurdish sympathies

Two years ago, a Yezidi from the Armavir region of Armenia was killed
alongside six other PKK members in the Turkish town of Batman, and there
has been a notable increase recently in the number of Muslim Kurds from
Turkey, Iraq and Syria who have materialised in Armenia to work
alongside Yezidis. At weddings, these new Kurdish arrivals perform
pro-PKK songs, while senior PKK representatives regularly visit Armenia
to speak at Yezidi cultural events such as the annual pilgrimage to
Shamiram, a village outside Yerevan that hosts a Yezidi monument.

As sensitive a subject as Yezidi sympathies towards the PKK might be for
the Armenian government, in villages such as Alagyaz and Riya Taza, PKK
supporters are considered a godsend. Largely ignored by the authorities,
many villages lack amenities such as running water and gas for heating.
Instead, it’s Yezidis such as 36-year-old Fryaz Avdalyan who have taken
it upon themselves to provide essential services such as dental and
health care, often at their own expense.

Avdalyan spent five years with the PKK as a field nurse with guerrillas
in northern Iraq. Until recently, she also ran the local cultural
centre, where large posters of Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned founder
of the PKK, took pride of place on the walls. Now studying medicine in
Yerevan, Avdalyan’s mobile phone screen still bears a picture of `Apo’,
as he is affectionately known by pro-PKK Kurds.

But for academics such as Zagros, there is something far simpler in the
allure of Armenia’s Yezidis. Sitting in a room filled with Yezidi women
improvising songs sung to honour their recently deceased patriarch, he
is captivated. `The music, words and narrative are very Kurdish,’ he
says. `It’s about how the Yezidis have no homeland to return to. They
are in Armenia as visitors and this isn’t their home. On the other hand,
it’s very Yezidi because it only exists among them now. `In fact, it’s
beautiful.’


es/Yezidis_Jan_08.html

http://geographical.co.uk/Featur

Isn’t Azerbaijan A Member Of The UN, The OSCE And The Council Of Eur

ISN’T AZERBAIJAN A MEMBER OF THE UN, THE OSCE AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE?

KarabakhOpen
29-01-2008 12:53:24

The speaker of the Azerbaijani ministry of foreign affairs Khazar
Ibrahim was asked to comment on the statements by Armenian officials
that in order to guarantee the Armenian communication the Armenian
force should be deployed to Mingechaur and Yevlakh. "It is more
evidence that the Armenians do not give up their territorial claims
to other states, but it is the 21st century rather than the 1990s,
and the member of the UN, the OSCE and the Council of Europe cannot
threaten other countries with occupation."

"The speaker of the Azerbaijani ministry of foreign affairs did not
mention when, where and which Armenian official threatened to occupy
Yevlakh and Mingechaur," stated the chair of the NKR National Assembly
Committee of Foreign Affairs Vahram Atanesyan. "In addition, he is
trying to present his country as one which honors the international
law and has no territorial claims to its neighbors. In the meantime,
official Baku backs the movement of the National Revival of South
Azerbaijan which is in reality a radical movement for the secession
of the north of Iran and foundation of Great Azerbaijan."

"Khazar Ibrahim’s statement sounds especially pharisaic in the context
of the recent statements by the Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev
during the opening of the "Olympic base" at the village of Guzanli,
who said "in 1918 Irivan (Yerevan, capital of Armenia) was granted
to the Armenians, and it was a bad mistake, the khanate of Irivan
is an Azerbaijani territory, and Armenians are not natives". The
Azerbaijani president made those statements publicly, and they were
released through the media. If this is not a territorial claim,
or as Khazar Ibrahim put it, threat of occupation to the sovereign
Armenian state, I wish the Azerbaijani expert on the international
law used his imagination to prove the contrary.

The impression is that the Azerbaijani side is interpreting the
international law in its own way, proceeding from their national
interests, whereas when the interests and the rights of the Armenian
people are concerned, Baku prefers medieval nuances of the word and
does not feel uneasy about imperialistic ambitions, ascribing the
history of another nation, such as Iran, to themselves, referring to
the khanate of Irivan as an Azerbaijani territory. Isn’t Azerbaijan a
member of the UN, the OSCE and the Council of Europe? And what does
Baku demand from the international organizations if it violates
diplomatic ethic based on respect for criteria accepted in the
civilized world?" the member of parliament added.

Haigazian: Richard Chambers lectures on "Promoting a Culture for.."

PRESS RELEASE
Haigazian University
From: Mira Yardemian
Public Relations Director
Mexique Street, Kantari, Beirut
P.O.Box. 11-1748
Riad El Solh 1107 2090
Tel: 01-353010/1/2
01-349230/1

Richard Chambers lectures on: Promoting a Culture for Free and Fair
Elections/ An International Perspective on Electoral Reform in Lebanon

On Thursday the 24th of January 2008, as part of the Cultural Hour
organized by Haigazian University, Mr. Richard Chambers, Country
Director of International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) in
Lebanon, delivered a lecture on "Promoting a Culture for Free and Fair
Elections", tackling the issue of the Electoral Reform in Lebanon from
an International Perspective.

In her opening speech, Dr. Arda Ekmekji, Dean of the Faculty of Arts and
Sciences, introduced the IFES, an International Foundation for Election
Systems founded in 1987 as an international, nonpartisan, nonprofit
organization, dedicated to administering elections.

In the first part of his lecture, guest speaker Richard Chambers
highlighted on the international benchmarks, without which no election
can earn the name of fair and free.

These criteria are embedded in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
and the International Covenant of Civil Rights, which proclaim the right
of the people to participate in the government, the equal right of women
and /or the disabled to vote, and that the will of the people should be
the basis of authority in government.

Chambers also addressed the issue of periodic elections, in terms of the
interval of time between elections, as well as the notion of genuine
elections in terms of adherence to the principles of legality,
impartiality, transparency, accountability, and plurality.

Talking about the case of Lebanon in the second part of his lecture,
Chambers acknowledged that the country generally abides by the different
covenants of the United Nations, the Arab League, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant of Civil
Rights. However, Chambers criticized the genuine aspect of the
elections: "the election law is flawed, with many omissions, holds no
public confidence, does not guarantee transparency, openness or
accountability, does not insure campaign fairness and regulations, and
does not secure secrecy of balloting", Chambers said.

Chambers concluded his lecture by proposing some reform measures in the
Lebanese electoral system. "The new electoral system should achieve
confessional and regional representation, and establish a real
relationship between the electorate and the representatives", Chambers
said.

Why People In Khnapat Do Not Get Married

WHY PEOPLE IN KHNAPAT DO NOT GET MARRIED

KarabakhOpen
26-01-2008 14:55:20

Prime Minister Ara Harutiunyan took part in the annual meeting of
the community council of the village of Khnapat, Askeran region,
the department of information and public relations of the government
reports.

The head of the community Samvel Shahramanyan reported that in the
village with a population of 1000 only 10 children were born last
year. The school has 145 students, which is the lowest over the past
20 years. The number of single young people has already gone up.

Although the village has enough resources to solve a number of problems
the people of the village prefer to leave it. The economic situation
is bad. The government had provided 3.5 million drams on which 155
hectares of wheat was sown, but the area under crop has been reduced.

The prime minister said it is unacceptable that even the irrigated
land is not worked. He called the people of Khnapat to become involved
in different agricultural programs.

Besides, Ara Harutiunyan criticized the fact that such a big community
exists on subsidies, and does not use its potential for development.

ANTELIAS: Khatchig Babikian Publishing Fund Launches Activities

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Fr.Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

Armenian version: nian.htm

THE KHATCHIG BABIKIAN PUBLISHING FUND LAUNCHES ITS ACTIVITIES IN ANTELIAS

The "Khatchig Babikian Fund" established in the headquarters of the
Catholicosate of Cilicia has launched its activities in the publishing
sphere which will be one of its main areas of operation. Several steps were
taken in this regard recently.

A publishing committee to be presided by Catholicos Aram I has been formed
with the following members: Yervant Pamboukian (Chairman- Beirut, Lebanon),
Shahan Kandaharian (Beirut, Lebanon), Giro Manoyan (Yerevan, Armenia), Haig
Oshagan (New York, United States of America) and Garo Momdjian (Los Angeles,
United States of America).

A Constitution is being drawn up for the Publishing Fund presently and the
committee will soon begin its publishing activities. The focus of the Fund’s
attention will be works, written both in Armenian and foreign languages,
dedicated to the Armenian Genocide and the development of Armenian political
thought. Those interested should contact the Catholicosate’s chancellor.

Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia
P.O.Box 70317
Antelias – Lebanon
E-mail: [email protected]
Fax: +961 4 410002

##
The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates of
the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the publication
funds established the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer to the web page
of the Catholicosate, The Cilician
Catholicosate, the administrative center of the church is located in
Antelias, Lebanon.

http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/v04/doc/Arme
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org

Why The Candidate Talks Too Much About Ter-Petrosyan

WHY THE CANDIDATE TALKS TOO MUCH ABOUT TER-PETROSYAN

Lragir
Jan 24 2008
Armenia

The presidential candidate Aram Harutiunyan whose election campaign,
its first stage, is implemented through contacts with the media,
was hosted at the Pastark Press Club on January 24. The presidential
candidate again mentioned the adoption of the law on opposition,
considering it as important in the sense that a normal country needs
a normal opposition.

Besides, Aram Harutiunyan stated that if the election is free and fair,
if there is a debate, he has a chance to not only pass to the second
round but also to win the election. For the debate, Aram Harutiunyan
says he proposes a draw to decide the pairs for debate.

However, the candidate does not doubt the necessity for a debate in
the presidential election. He says otherwise the election would be
meaningless. He compares it with the World Cup, saying that if the
candidates avoid a debate, it would be the same as the teams refused
to play with each other in the world cup, and each went to the field
and performed tricks.

Aram Harutiunyan declined to say whom he will support if there is a
run-off election in which he does not participate. He says he would
not like to advertise any of the candidates now because saying to
support someone is advertisement. Instead, Aram Harutiunyan criticized
Levon Ter-Petrosyan, namely his approach toward the settlement of
the Karabakh issue, and that his political activity is a backward
step. Aram Harutiunyan stated that he does not know under the pressure
of which forces the ex-president who had left under the pressure of
certain forces returned. Besides, Aram Harutiunyan says he talks too
much about Ter-Petrosyan because he does not admit to his mistakes
he made when he was president.

BAKU: Armenian Armed Forces Violate Ceasefire

ARMENIAN ARMED FORCES VIOLATE CEASEFIRE

Azeri Press Agency
Jan 24 2008
Azerbaijan

Armenian Armed Forces have violated the cease-fire again, Defense
Ministry’s press service told the APA.

The enemy fired on the opposite positions of Azerbaijani Armed
Forces with machine and submachine guns from their posts in unnamed
heights of Goranboy region from 11.15 to 11.35, Tagibayli village
of Aghdam region from 21.00 to 21.25 on January 23, unnamed heights
and Kuropatkino village of Khodjavend region from 13.30 to 13.40 on
January 23 and 05.30 to 05.40 on January 24. The enemy was silenced
by response fire. No casualties were reported.