Armenia To Get $4.7 MLN From Millennium Challenge Corporation

ARMENIA TO GET $4.7 MLN FROM MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORPORATION

ARKA
Oct 8, 2008

YEREVAN, October 8. /ARKA/. Armenia plans to get $4.7mln from
Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) in the third quarter (Q3), said
Ara Hovsepyan, general director of Millennium Challenge Account-Armenia
(MCCA).

The money will serve for water supply projects and reconstruction of
water mains.

MCCA will invite bids for reconstruction of six water mains in ten
days. The rest of the money will be allocated for feasibility studies,
Hovsepyan reported.

Part of the investments will be allocated for final repairs of the
Armavir-Isahakyan-Gyumri road. MCCA plans to launch new construction
projects next spring.

Projects on gravity water supply and pumping stations are under
way. MCCA also plans to reconstruct the drainage system in Ararat
Valley by next spring. Hovsepyan added.

According to an agreement signed on March 27, 2006, MCC is to allocate
$235.65mln for Rural Road Rehabilitation and Irrigated Agriculture
programs in Armenia within five years.

MCC will allocate $108mln for the Irrigated Agriculture Program. The
corporation granted Armenia $22.5mln as of September 30, 2008.

Two Years Without Anna

TWO YEARS WITHOUT ANNA
By Nina Ognianova

CPJ Press Freedom Online
October 7, 2008 2:58 PM ET
NY

Anna Politkovskaya (Novaya Gazeta)I met Anna Politkovskaya in person
only once, in 2005. She was in New York to collect yet another
journalism award, and stopped by CPJ one October afternoon.

I remember her crossing the lobby with an even, determined step. She
had an urgency about her–that rare focus that comes only with absolute
clarity about one’s mission in life. Politkovskaya’s passion was
almost tangible–neither her low voice nor her poised delivery could
camouflage it. It radiated from her whole being–her hand gestures;
her steady gaze; the way she tossed back her strikingly gray hair.

She was not one for small talk–she did not care about my ice-breaker
about the weather. Neither did she wish to tell me about this new prize
she was about to receive. She went straight to the point–the human
rights crisis in Russia’s North Caucasus. She talked about the abuses
she had witnessed and reported on for years; of the war in Chechnya,
which she felt many Russians chose to pretend did not exist.

She talked about the aftermath of the 2002 Moscow theater siege, in
which 129 hostages died–all but two as a result of a botched rescue
operation. She talked about the 2004 school hostage crisis in Beslan,
where 330 people–mostly children–were killed when troops stormed
the building. She spoke of the many questions that these tragedies
had left unanswered–questions authorities hated her for asking. She
lamented that the number of reporters who would ask those questions was
diminishing. "There is so much to write about Beslan," she told me,
"but it gets more and more difficult when all the journalists are
forced to leave."

Politkovskaya did not talk about her own brushes with danger, the
numerous cases of harassment and intimidation she had endured at the
hands of federal and local security agents–the mock execution in
detention, the three days she spent in a pit without food or water
in Chechnya, the poisoning en route to Beslan …. She deflected all
my attempts to shift the conversation to her own experience.

She had come to talk about her colleagues and their plight. She had
come to be their voice. And so we talked about her friend at a small
newspaper in North Ossetia, who struggled to report on the aftermath
of Beslan but was refused access every step of the way. She talked of
her colleague in Nizhny Novgorod, who had been charged with inciting
ethnic hatred because he had printed a Chechen rebel’s statement in
his publication. She talked about the soldiers’ mothers who had come
to Novaya Gazeta to seek help because they had no one else to turn to.

(Novaya Gazeta)In a first-person piece, one year before she was
gunned down in the elevator of her Moscow apartment, Politkovskaya
tried to make sense of the reasons why the Kremlin had branded her
"a pariah." She asked: "So what is the crime that has earned me
this label of not being ‘one of us’? I have merely reported what
I have witnessed, no more than that." She continued: "I am not an
investigating magistrate but somebody who describes the life around
us for those who cannot see it for themselves, because what is shown
on television and written about in the overwhelming majority of
newspapers is emasculated and doused with ideology. People know very
little about life in other parts of their own country, and sometimes
even in their own region.

The Kremlin responds by trying to block my access to information,
its ideologues supposing that this is the best way to make my writing
ineffectual. It is impossible, however, to stop someone fanatically
dedicated to this profession of reporting the world around us."

Today, as our colleagues from Novaya Gazeta gather on Novopushkinsky
Square in Moscow to honor Anna’s memory, we at CPJ stand with them
in solidarity. We remember Anna for her courageous journalism, her
compassion for those without voice, her dogged pursuit of truth,
and the humanity she preserved against all odds.

_______________

Memories of Anna:

Dmitry Muratov, Novaya Gazeta editor-in-chief and 2007 recipient of
CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award:

About Politkovskaya one can talk without end. … Our mutual
existence could be characterized as a constant conflict. Mind you,
these conflicts were only professional, work-related. We never had any
personal battles. Our relations were friendly and good-natured. But
we constantly we had work-related conflicts. …

I’d tell her: "That would be all! You have to leave Chechnya
already. Enough!" … And she’d tell me: "You know, you are probably
right. But I cannot leave the weak without my help." And this was
the key quality about Politkovskaya–Politkovskaya was always on the
side of the defenseless. And Politkovskaya always criticized those
powerful with passion, fervor, and strong arguments. Thanks to her
articles, many were released from prisons; some who had been abducted
in Chechnya were recovered; elderly people were rescued from harm and
given assistance. … She defended the weak with all her ferocity,
and with all her mighty temperament. She heeded absolutely nothing–not
a single warning.

Yevgeniya Albats, deputy editor of the independent newsweekly The
New Times:

My memories are very personal: We were friends with Anya when we both
studied at Moscow State University, in the journalism department. I
won’t write about that here. I’ll just say one thing:

The last time Anya and I saw each other was at the first conference of
the Other Russia [opposition coalition], in the summer of 2006, where
we both spoke. We talked a lot between the sessions–about our kids,
of course. Well, what else could two 48-year-old women who have known
one another all their lives talk about? Anya told me that her daughter,
Verochka, was to give her a granddaughter the next February. And I
remembered Verochka when she was in a stroller. We talked about our
problems with the kids, about how each of us managed those problems
or–quite more often–didn’t.

We also talked about politics. And then she, just like that,
half-jokingly, said: "I know it is not my fate to die in bed, of old
age." Just like that, out of the blue.

The next time I saw her was by the entrance of her apartment house;
she was on a stretcher, covered with a white sheet.

Aleksei Simonov, president of the Glasnost Defense Foundation in
Moscow:

Anna was a very beautiful woman. Even her gray hair made her look
beautiful. She had an air of unattainability about her. And, one day,
all that was shattered into pieces, smashed by some nasty, heavy boots.

To hell with her killers!

Sergei Buntman, deputy editor-in-chief of the independent radio
station Ekho Moskvy. (This commentary first appeared on Ekho Moskvy’s
Web site.)

Three months after the murder of Anna Politkovskaya, Hrant Dink,
editor of the Armenian newspaper Agos, was killed in Turkey. Turkey is
a country that, like us, cannot come to peace with its past. Dink, by
bringing up the painful topic of the 1915 genocide, had earned himself
a conditional prison term on charges of insulting the Turkish people.

But right after he was murdered, the Turkish government did not wait
for special invitations, for questions asked at press conferences
abroad; it did not utter cynical formulations, but simply said that
a bullet in Hrant Dink was a bullet in the heart of Turkey.

Tens of thousands of people came into the streets, wearing badges that
said: "I am an Armenian." Of course, not everyone agreed with that. But
some of the biggest newspapers published headlines that said: "We
are all Hrant Dinks," and "Hrant Dink–this is Turkey."All right, so
perhaps Turks are southern people, emotional, prone to hyperbole. Can
we say, like them, "We are all Anna Politkovskayas"? We can’t. We must
do a hundred times more to even begin to accomplish all that she did
for our society and our freedoms, for compassion and for justice. But
we can say: "Anna Politkovskaya–this is Russia." Particularly if we
want our country to be as she was–one with the victims, not with
their executioners. If we want this to be true, we must fight for
it. We alone must do this. Because Anya is no longer here to do our
job for us.

Armenian-Georgian Relations Were Never Good, But Will Never Be Extre

ARMENIAN-GEORGIAN RELATIONS WERE NEVER GOOD, BUT WILL NEVER BE EXTREMELY BAD

PanARMENIAN.Net
06.10.2008 17:29 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Given the reformation of the South Caucasus, the
Georgian leadership has to understand the position of Armenia and
from this angle the visit of the Armenian President to Tbilisi is
very important, director of Caucasus Institute Alexander Iskandaryan
said during Yerevan-Tbilisi TV space bridge today.

The Armenian-Georgian relations were never good, but they will never
be extremely bad, according to him.

"Armenia’s peculiar geographical position forces it to have normal
relations with all neighbors, what’s not simple taking into account the
complicated Iran-U.S. and Russia-Georgia relationship. Nevertheless,
the Armenian complementary policy proved its maturity during the
August events," he said.

"Proceeding from its own interests, Armenia builds relations with NATO,
CSTO and EU. Similar pragmatism operates as regard Georgia," he said.

Tehran: Armenia Exhibits Qajar Artworks

ARMENIA EXHIBITS QAJAR ARTWORKS

PRESS TV
Fri, 03 Oct 2008 14:01:58 GMT
Iran

The National Gallery of Armenia is displaying Qajar artworks from
Iran in a two-week exhibition held in the capital city of Yerevan.

The event exhibits painting, calligraphies, carpets, outfits and
dishes dating back to the Qajar era (1781-1925).

Held in collaboration with the Iranian cultural office in Armenia, the
exhibition aims to introduce Iran’s rich arts and culture to Armenians.

Qajar art is best known for its distinctive style of portraiture,
which features the dynasty’s kings and members of the royal family.

Iran’s Contemporary Arts Museum and the National Gallery of Armenia
have cooperated on numerous cultural projects in the two countries.

As Was Expected

AS WAS EXPECTED

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
30 Sep 2008
Armenia

Turkish President Abdullah Gul has made the following statement in New
York, "Unless Armenia liberates the occupied territories of Azerbaijan,
opening the borders with that country will be out of the question."

Armenian, Turkish, Azeri FM Meet In New York

ARMENIAN, TURKISH, AZERI FM MEET IN NEW YORK

PanARMENIAN.Net
27.09.2008 13:08 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian of Armenia, Ali
Babacan of Turkey and Elmar Mammadyarov of Azerbaijan held a trilateral
meeting in New York on September 26 to discuss the Caucasus Stability &
Cooperation Platform, the RA MFA press office told PanARMENIAN.Net.

Earlier, Edward Nalbandian and Ali Babacan met in private and agreed
to continue talks for normalization of the Armenian-Turkish relations

Boxing: Munroe passes Armenian test

SkySports

Munroe passes Armenian test

Leicester southpaw retains European title but needs to battle through

Last updated: 5th September 2008

Rendall Munroe retained his European super bantamweight title with a
tough points verdict over battling Armenian Arsen Martirosyan in
Nottingham.

The boxing binman had to first of all survive and high-pressure start
from the challenger to them take control later in the fight and he
looked to have his man on the verge by the seventh round.

Munroe could not finish his teak-tough opponent though and in the end
had to settle for a unanimous points decision with the judges scoring
it 115-113, 117-112, and 115-114.

The French-based Armenian was a total unknown quantity going into the
fight and Munroe was a 33-1 on shot with the bookies, but he could not
have expected the start he faced.

Small but stocky, Martirosyan came marching forward immediately from
the opening bell and set a frighteningly high tempo to swarm all over
the champion.

Chin
Munroe was caught a few times and his chin was tested out as the
Leicester southpaw could not get the space he wanted to operate in as
Martirosyan set a relentless pace.

It took six rounds for Munroe to settle and by the seventh he had it
all his way as the challenger started blowing hard and the champion
sent his man reeling across the ring with some hurtful body shots.

In the eighth round it looked all over as Munroe sent in 35 punches
landed to Martirosyan’s two, but somehow despite using the ropes to
stay up he stayed in the fight.

Munroe could not finish the job and despite having it all his way from
then on he could not find the clean shots to take out the challenger.

The fight was a good learning curve for the European champion though
and his points win ensured he retained his title and can move on.

"It was a hard fight because we knew nothing about him so I took it as
it came," Munroe told Sky Sports.

"I went out and enjoyed myself and feel like I’ve moved up another
step.

"I’ve got a good team behind me and I was determined so I had to turn
my game up a bit tonight."

Moody’s confirmed international ratings of `Anelik Bank’ on deposits

Moody’s confirmed international ratings of `Anelik Bank’ on deposits in
national and foreign currency at `? 3’/Non Prime level and financial
stability – `D-‘

2008-09-19 19:39:00

ArmInfo. The Moody’s Investors Service International Rating Agency
confirmed the last-year ratings of `Anelik Bank’ on the deposits in
national and foreign currency at `? 3’/Non Prime level, as well as
financial stability – `D-‘. As the press service of "Anelik Bank" told
ArmInfo, the ratings assigned by Moody’s are based on the fundamentally
strong sides of the bank being one of the active players in the
Armenian banking market with a multiyear work experience and an
opportunity of presence in all the segments of corporate and retail
banking business. The assigned rating of financial stability (BFSR)
`D-‘ is supported by the bank’s profitable activity, especially in the
area of money transfers that, in its turn, assures a wider
recognizability of `Anelik’ brand, as well as by a sufficient level of
liquidity, stable dynamic of profitability growth, high quality of the
bank’s assets, etc.

According to the source, `Anelik Bank’ is a universal financial
institute holding the noticeable positions in the Armenian market of
financial services, which is successfully diversified from the
viewpoint of the client base, income sources and territo
rial coverage.
The bank’s branch network numbers 9 branches as of July 1, 2008, 4 of
which are in Yerevan and 5 in Armenia’s regions, moreover, a subsidiary
commercial bank "Anelik Ru" Ltd functions in Moscow. `Anelik Bank’ has
a multiyear experience of cooperation with such authoritative
international organizations as the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), Commerzbank, the German KfW Bank, the World Bank,
the International Fund of Agriculture Development (IFAD), etc.

As Deputy Chairman of `Anelik Bank”s Board Bagrat Chzmachyan said in
his interview with `Delovoy Express’ newspaper earlier, the rating
plays a quite important role for the bank in conditions of normally
developing market economy when the competition for influence and the
access to resources both inside the country and in the foreign market
is growing. A high position in international and national ratings is a
chance for the bank to attract comparatively cheap resources and to be
demanded in large international deals. In other words, the level of the
rating and the dynamics of its change influence the intensiveness of
business contacts with this bank, Chzmachyan thinks. According to him,
the most important thing is that the rating proves the financial
organization’s transparency and openness, and this is an important
factor in raising the confidence of potential clients.

According to the Ranking of Commercial Banks of Armenia prepared by the
Agency of Rating Marketing Information (ArmInfo), as of July 1, 2008,
the total capital of `Anelik Bank’ was $18.7 mln (14th position
in RA banking system), authorized capital – $17.5 mln (11th position),
assets – $121.6 mln (9th position), total provision of crediting – $66
mln (10th position). By the volume of natural persons’ deposits, the
bank held the 9th position (with $31.1 mln) in the banking sector. At
the end of the first half year 2008 the bank’s profit totalled $575.5
thsd (15th position).

Marie Yovanovitch Pledges To Exert Every Effort For Development Of A

MARIE YOVANOVITCH PLEDGES TO EXERT EVERY EFFORT FOR DEVELOPMENT OF ARMENIA-U.S. RELATIONS

PanARMENIAN.Net
19.09.2008 15:57 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ U.S. newly appointed Ambassador to Armenia,
Ms. Marie L. Yovanovitch handed the copy of her credentials to RA
Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian.

Congratulating the Ambassador on the appointment, the Minister
wished her every success in her mission and voiced hope for further
dynamic developments between the two countries. For her part,
Amb. Yovanovitch pledged to exert every effort for development of the
Armenia-U.S. relations, the RA MFA press office told PanARMENIAN.Net.

The two also referred to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict resolution
and possibilities to normalize the Armenian-Turkish relations.

Revolution Dies: Long Live The Evolutionary Development

REVOLUTION DIES: LONG LIVE THE EVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENT
Lilit Poghosyan

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
19 Sep 2008
Armenia

Political Scientist ALEXANDER ISKANDARYAN answers the questions of
"HAYOTS ASHKHARH"

"A couple of months ago, when the journalists asked questions about
the possible developments in autumn, I said there was no need to run
ahead of the events although I didn’t rule out the possibility that
the opposition, in the person of L. Ter-Petrosyan and his proponents,
would try to mount a new wave of protest in autumn. Today, I can
already state that such possibility was strictly theoretical. Judging
by all, it didn’t happen.

What happened was something which is quite comprehensible:
the opposition slackened its pace. Why? We can point out several
objective and subjective reasons. But the main reason, in my opinion,
is objective. The mechanisms adopted by the Armenian Pan-National
Movement, under the leadership of L. Ter-Petrosyan, were adjusted to
the elections. They were created as tools that could be used only once
(battering rams, for example). I don’t know whether L. Ter-Petrosyan
himself seriously believed that the tool would work, but many of his
proponents really believed that it would.

The tool designed for one-time use could have been effective before the
elections and right after the elections, and even in spring. However,
the demonstrations held in spring did not lead to the desired result;
and then followed the summer ‘ceasefire’. The agenda of the ‘heated
autumn’ is already exhausted."

"The autumn has just begun. Why do you think that the opposition will
be unable to mobilize its proponents in the nearest future and seize
power with a ‘decisive’ attack, as they are wont to say?"

"I am least of all interested in what the politicians say. Of course,
they may express objections, saying that it will happen later – in
October or November, but this isn’t the way things happen. Why? Many
of the sympathizers of Mr. Ter-Petrosyan have probably got tired; some
of them are probably disappointed. Perhaps, the political capital,
the social background of the opposition has exhausted itself.

And perhaps, it is the sense of responsibility for the country that
hinders L. Ter-Petrosyan from realizing his plans? If he decided
to undertake abrupt measures, he shouldn’t have postponed the
demonstration scheduled for September 5. He should have gathered
his proponents in the street and continued accusing Serge Sargsyan
of inviting Mr. Gul to Armenia. He should have tried to incite some
incidents, forced the police to resort to violence etc. That’s to say,
he should have resorted to almost the same technologies that were used
by Lenin in 1917, without the least attention to the consequences. For
some re asons, L. Ter-Petrosyan didn’t wish to follow that path,
and as a result, he suffered a loss.

It was necessary to have new people. It was necessary to replenish the
ranks of the participants. But this wasn’t done. And that means only
one thing: the agenda of the revolution is exhausted. The revolution
is over, and it is necessary to think of something new."

"Perhaps, this is the problem L. Ter-Petrosyan is trying to solve,
by acting from more balanced positions in his recent speeches and
encouraging the activists to arm themselves with patience and prepare
for a ‘long struggle’."

"That’s true. At the same time, he says it’s necessary to be prepared
for abrupt actions at any moment. This is a technology that may really
be effective in some cases. If you want to gather a thick crowd of
proponents in a short period of time, you should be a populist: try
to win sympathy among all the people, promise increased pensions to
the pensioners, free competition and favorable tax duties – to the
businessmen, freedom and democracy – to the liberals and so on. This
may be effective in the short run, for instance, at election time;
but this may hardly be useful in the long run.

L. Ter-Petrosyan is trying to combine these two approaches which seem
to be contradicting each other, and this is happening in a situation
when there are no elections in store. L. Ter-Petrosyan’s activities
as a personality and as a political figure are incompatible with one
another. As a personality, L. Ter-Petrosyan says what he thinks; if,
in some matters, he agrees with the authorities, he publicly announces
about it. That approach will not work if the objective consists in
launching attack and seizing power."

"Can the Armenian National Congress become the breeding ground for
the ‘true opposition’ which will replace the ‘false oppositions’
continuously dividing and re-dividing themselves into groups?"

"Repeating myself, I should say once again that everything is possible
in theory. But this is a rather time-consuming and, I should say,
a painful process. And the reason, first of all, is that the
mass of protesters supporting L. Ter-Petrosyan expect him to act
otherwise. What they need is a speedy shift of government vs. a slow,
evolutionary process that cannot lead to a shift of government.

Besides, new mechanisms are needed. In figurative terms, it is
necessary build a car with a hammer. And that, agree with me, is
not quite easy when one does not clearly know whether the opposition
wants to follow that path.

And what’s more, the public isn’t ready for such change. The people,
I mean the political circles supporting the opposition, are not
disposed to a long-term struggle. The want to change the situation
by a=2 0blow of a hammer, and if they fail in their attempts, they
quit politics and again find themselves in a political ‘drowsiness’.

I wish I were really like to be mistaken, but I don’t think that in the
near future we may have such a strong opposition that will be able to
become a counterbalance to the ruling authorities and achieve a radical
change in the situation through evolution rather than revolution."

"Does it mean you don’t see any perspective for ‘extraordinary
elections’?"

"I don’t think it is realistic. But I repeat that theoretically,
everything is possible. Anything may happen in conditions of
unsustainable stability, as is the situation in Armenia."

"In conditions of such ‘unsustainable stability’, the country has
ensured sustainable economic and political progress for 10 years
on end."

"The ground for stability is established by strong authorities. The
authorities in Armenia are weak, and this is first of all because
we don’t have a strong opposition, i.e. our political system is not
accomplished. God grant that L. Ter-Petrosyan or someone else could
achieve that.

This is not a matter of individuals’ being different. Repeating myself,
I say once again that it is necessary to change the atmosphere,
society and the public mentality; it is necessary to create new
mechanisms. After a ll, it is necessary to understand that no
problem can be resolved by replacing a ‘bad fellow with a good
one’. Unfortunately, in young democracies like ours, the prevailing
logic is this: I don’t live well because the state is governed by
bad people.

Surprising though it is, we generally expect honesty from politicians
and frankness – from diplomats. Who said that a politician should be
honest and a diplomat should say whatever he/she thinks? Is anything
of the kind written anywhere? We want the state to be governed by good
people. But the matter does not consist in ‘good people’, but rather,
in good mechanisms that make bad people perform good deeds. In my
opinion, it will be pointless to speak about radical changes unless
our society realizes this idea."