Serj Tankian Offers Choice Words in Insult Directed Towards Outgoing President Donald Trump Following Memorandum Granting Turkey Legal Rights Over Armenia and Other Areas

Jan 20 2021


System of a Down frontman Serj Tankian is no fan of Donald Trump, having frequently vilified the former president and even calling for his resignation last year. Trump’s last minute deal with Turkey has incensed the vocalist even further, leading Tankian to proclaim that he had “never seen a president suck so much c**k.”‘

Trump’s U.S.-Turkey Memorandum of Understanding is meant to protect Turkish “cultural property,” however a large amount of Armenian groups have criticized the legislation, claiming it gives Turkey legal rights over the vast religio-cultural heritage of the Armenian people. System of a Down are a band composed entirely of Armenian-Americans, and their two latest singles “Protect The Land” and “Genocidal Humanoidz,” dealt with the conflict in the Artsakh region, which is a point of contention between Armenia and Turkey. Both nations also have a complicated history, as Turkey still denies its role in the Armenian genocide.

“Thanks Trump,” Tankian wrote on Facebook. “In your last minute you decided to grant Turkey my people’s indigenous cultural heritage, including ancient churches and stone crosses, as a reward for them trying to exterminate us. Never seen a president suck so much c**k.”

Proceeds from “Protect The Land” and “Genocidal Humanoidz” were donated to the Armenia fund, which received over $600,000. These songs were also the band’s first new music in over 15 years, and the efforts to release the track were spearheaded by the band’s drummer John Dolmayan, who is a Trump supporter. Despite Tankian and Dolmayan’s differing views, the two have shared respect for one another, according to statements made in 2020.

Photo Credit: Mauricio Alvarado

 

The Future of Democracy and State Building in Postconflict Armenia

Carnegie Europe
Jan 19 2021

LAURE DELCOUR

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict interrupted Armenia's reform movement and restricted civil liberties. To prevent the fragile transition from unraveling further, the EU should step up its engagement and democracy support along three priorities.


The 2020 conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh has major political implications for Armenia. It challenges recent state-building efforts and raises difficult questions about democracy and security in the country. The EU will need to adapt its democracy support and other policies in significant ways to Armenia’s new, postconflict context.

Since the breakthrough Velvet Revolution in spring 2018, Armenia’s ongoing democratization process has been premised on the security situation in the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh remaining unchanged. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s rise to power in the wake of peaceful demonstrations was fueled by widespread discontent with the old system of governance, which was characterized by the concentration of power in the hands of the Republican Party, close links between the ruling elite and a handful of oligarchs, and pervasive corruption.

The landslide victory for Pashinyan’s My Step Alliance in the December 2018 snap parliamentary election reinforced the prime minister’s political legitimacy and confirmed Armenia’s huge aspirations to pursue its new, democratic course. However, Pashinyan’s legitimacy was also based—if implicitly—on leaving the status quo in Nagorno-Karabakh to focus on domestic reform. The region lies within Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized borders yet is populated mainly by Armenians and has been de facto controlled by Yerevan since 1994. The territory’s significance for the Armenian authorities is due to the fact that Artsakh—as this area is called in Armenia—holds a pivotal place in the country’s identity.

Yet, the 2020 war has traumatized Armenia and ended its direct control of Nagorno-Karabakh. This has drastically changed Armenia’s democracy-security nexus. The flare-up of the long-running conflict in late September put the country’s young democracy to a severe test. The state of democracy in Armenia deteriorated during the war and in its immediate aftermath.

Armed hostilities resumed at a fragile moment, when the country was working to consolidate the democratization process initiated by the 2018 revolution. For Armenian authorities, the resumption of fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh immediately raised a sense of urgency that collided with the long-term time frame needed for the reforms. In line with his pledge to create a new Armenia, since coming to power, Pashinyan has taken important steps to reform government structures and fight corruption. He has dismissed key figures of the former elite, pressed charges against officials involved in embezzling public finances, and removed some monopolies that formed a pillar of the previous regime. However, many critical reforms—for instance, of the judiciary and the tax system—have yet to be implemented. Pashinyan has been criticized for appointing personal favorites to important judicial posts and dampening critical debate.

Not only did the 2020 war interrupt the reform momentum, it also resulted in shrinking civil space and liberties. On September 27, the Armenian government declared martial law. In a move that was strongly condemned by the Armenian opposition as well as national and international watchdogs, on October 8 the government further restricted media freedom and the freedom of _expression_ by prohibiting any public criticism of state action during the conflict. Those who violated the ban could face heavy fines and prison sentences. Even if most Armenians accepted that some crisis-related restrictions were necessary, there was a widespread feeling that government control and secrecy went too far.

The government lifted major restrictions on rights and freedoms in early December. This only increased the political turmoil triggered by Armenia’s military defeat. Under a ceasefire concluded under Russia’s auspices, Yerevan lost control of large parts of Nagorno-Karabakh, including the city of Shusha (Shushi in Armenian), and Armenian armed forces had to withdraw from the seven Azerbaijani districts that had been under their control since 1994. In addition, whereas the agreement requires Yerevan to ensure safe transportation links between western Azerbaijan and its Nakhichevan exclave, which are separated by Armenia’s Syunik province, Armenia’s own connection to Nagorno-Karabakh needs to be guaranteed by Russian peacekeeping forces deployed along the Lachin corridor.

By sealing Armenia’s military defeat and the loss of territories perceived as central to its identity, the ceasefire plunged the country into a profound crisis. The truce undermined the government’s legitimacy, exacerbated political divisions, and reignited the deep polarization that has characterized Armenian politics for years. For opposition parties, the terms of the ceasefire call into question the position of the prime minister, who was presented as a traitor and whose resignation was repeatedly demanded during the protests that followed the ceasefire agreement.

The political crisis has yet to be resolved. Facing mounting criticism, the prime minister agreed in late December to discuss with the nation’s political parties the possibility of an early parliamentary election. Some opponents are also pushing for constitutional reform.

Any solution to the crisis should not only concern the government’s future but also involve an in-depth reflection on Armenia’s democracy-security nexus. The relationship between the democratization process begun in 2018, on the one hand, and territorial and security considerations after the 2020 conflict, on the other, will have critical implications for Armenia in the medium to long term when it comes to state building and national identity. This debate is especially crucial because the ceasefire stopped armed hostilities but fell short of offering a sustainable solution in Nagorno-Karabakh, not least because the truce agreement did not touch on the future status of the territory.

Against this background, the EU’s future course of action in Armenia will be severely constrained. This is not only because reflections on the country’s trajectory are primarily a matter for its own citizens but also because the EU has lost much of its credibility in Armenia by keeping a low profile during the conflict. If anything, both the 2020 war and the Russia-brokered ceasefire demonstrated the EU’s weakness in its own neighborhood—a pivotal area for the bloc’s external action.

For Armenians, the 2020 conflict exposed the EU’s sheer helplessness as a security actor. For many in Armenian civil society, the war also highlighted a major gap between the EU’s claim to be a normative actor and its lack of commitment to defend the country’s emerging democratic values. The union appeared ambivalent even when talking about supporting a democratizing country at war with an autocracy. Ultimately, this gap fueled a feeling of abandonment in Armenia. A key challenge for the EU, therefore, is to close the gap between its limited security capacities and perhaps unrealistically high expectations.

The relevance of the EU model in Armenia will hinge on the union’s engagement in the months to come. After the shift of power in 2018, the EU increased its assistance to the country to €65 million ($79 million) in 2019. The EU has supported the authorities’ reform agenda, in particular in fighting corruption (€14.8 million or $18 million), reforming the justice sector (€30 million or $37 million for the first phase), and improving the integrity of the electoral process (€7.5 million or $9.1 million). The union has also enhanced the protection of human rights in the country through a dedicated human rights budget-support program—the only one of its kind in the EU’s external assistance. The EU has expanded support for civil society organizations, including in Armenia’s regions. Some new EU support is also linked to humanitarian assistance for people displaced by the conflict, while other funding is related to the coronavirus pandemic.

In the postconflict context, the EU will need to massively step up its engagement in support of the state-building process launched in 2018, along three priorities. First, the EU should further assist the Armenian government in enhancing good governance and the rule of law, including through reforms of the public administration and the judiciary. The EU’s decision to disburse €9 million ($11 million) in grants to support justice reform is a step in this direction.

Second, as economic development is critical for the sustainability of democratic reforms, the EU should further support European investment in Armenia. The Armenian government’s steps to attract foreign investment and the forthcoming entry into force of the EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement should make this easier.

Third, the EU should continue to expand existing support for civil society organizations and youth, for example the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum, the Youth in Action program, the Erasmus+ student-exchange program, and the Tempus higher-education initiative. The EU could do this specifically by further fostering the participation of civil society and youth organizations—including grassroots bodies in Armenia’s regions—in policy dialogues and the monitoring of reforms at all levels, especially the local level. The EU has undertaken initial steps in this respect, for instance by funding a two-year coaching program and grants for eight grassroots organizations.

In delivering assistance aimed at these three priorities, the EU should focus on sharing experiences and offering exposure to EU templates and exchanges of practice, rather than make its support onerously conditional on progress in Armenia’s reform process. That is because the former approach is more likely to trigger deep changes in the long term, whereas the latter could backfire.

Finally, the EU should at last demonstrate a political will to engage in a sustainable settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and develop a strong vision to that effect. While Russia’s strengthened role now presents an additional challenge, this is an important test of the union’s credibility in the region. Moreover, successfully supporting democracy will be difficult without influence over the conflict.

Armenia’s partial political opening since 2018 may now be challenged. The country’s defeat in the 2020 conflagration with Azerbaijan leaves its government weakened and presents severe difficulties for democratic consolidation. The EU adopted a hands-off and relatively balanced approach to the six-week conflict and did not frame it clearly as an imperative to back an emerging democracy against one of the world’s most repressive regimes. In terms of democracy support, the EU now has a lot of lost ground to make up and faces a heightened challenge to prevent Armenia’s fragile transition from unraveling.

Laure Delcour is an associate professor at Sorbonne Nouvelle University and a visiting professor at the College of Europe.

This article is part of the European Democracy Hub initiative run by Carnegie Europe and the European Partnership for Democracy.

Turkish press: Nearly 3,000 Azerbaijani soldiers killed in Nagorno-Karabakh fight

An Armenian soldier fires artillery on the front line during the ongoing fighting between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan, Oct. 25, 2020. (AFP Photo)

The Azerbaijani army lost at least 2,855 soldiers during its operation to liberate Armenian-occupied territories in the Nagorno-Karabakh region and its surroundings, the country's Defense Ministry said Monday.

The ministry updated the death toll from the Nagorno-Karabakh war, which started on Sept. 27, 2020, and ended on Nov. 10.

The number of killings, previously announced as 2,841, was updated to 2,855 after learning of some funerals and the identities of the deceased.

Announcing that 50 soldiers were still missing, the ministry also shared with the public a list of soldiers who were buried.

Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan but was under the occupation of Armenian forces since a war there ended in 1994. That war left Nagorno-Karabakh itself and substantial surrounding territory in Armenian hands.

In 44 days of fighting that began in late September and killed more than 5,600 people on both sides, the Azerbaijani army pushed deep into Nagorno-Karabakh, forcing Armenia to accept November's peace deal that saw Azerbaijan reclaim much of the region along with surrounding areas. Russia deployed nearly 2,000 peacekeepers for at least five years to monitor the peace deal and to facilitate the return of refugees.

Under the agreement, which leaves Karabakh's future political status in limbo, Armenia lost control of parts of the enclave as well as the seven adjacent districts that it seized during the 1990s war.

The deal has sparked celebrations in Azerbaijan and fury in Armenia, where the country's prime minister, Nikol Pashinian, is facing mounting criticism for agreeing to the deal.

Military of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan checking lists of Armenian POWs name by name – Lavrov

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 15:25,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 18, ARMENPRESS. Russia wants to close the issue of the prisoners of war: the return of POWs must be organized with “all for all” principle, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said at a press conference.

He reminded that the issue of POWs is a part of the agreements signed by the leaders of Armenia, Russia and Azerbaijan on November 9, and this issue has been discussed during the telephone conversations of Russian President Vladimir Putin with the Prime Minister of Armenia and the Azerbaijani President.

“The issue of POWs was part of lasting discussions when the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan arrived in Moscow on January 11. Initially, Armenians had more problems connected with the issue of POWs. Firstly, the sides needed to form the list of persons who have been declared as missing. Azerbaijan has given such lists, and they were not so much, and everyone has been returned, although not immediately. Other problems from the Azerbaijani side connected with the missing in action, the POWs, detained persons, have not emerged”, the Russian FM said.

According to him, the lists from the Armenian side have not been immediately and completely provided.

“But now the most important issue is the one which emerged in Hadrut in December. Armenian servicemen have been sent there, most of them have been captured, a total of 62 soldiers. The Azerbaijani side has announced that as these people have been transported to that region after the cessation of fire, they should be viewed in a separate procedure. We, I and President Putin, in any case, propose to continue discussing this issue in order to close it and be guided by the “all for all” principle”, he added.

The Russian foreign minister stated that he has talked with the Armenian FM aimed at clarifying the final lists of POWs, however, it turned out that the number of POWs is much more than that 62.

“At the moment the military of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan are checking the lists name by name to understand where that people are”, Lavrov said.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Azerbaijan continues policy of ethnic cleansing towards Artsakh – Armenia Foreign Ministry

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 11:12,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 13, ARMENPRESS. Armenia’s Foreign Ministry has issued a statement over the 31st anniversary of the anti-Armenian pogroms in Baku.

Armenpress presents the statement:

“31 years ago the international community witnessed another crime against the Armenian people in Azerbaijan: the massacres and mass deportations of the Armenian population, who were the core of Baku’s multicultural image, have been implemented in the Azerbaijani capital with a special brutality for days. Hundreds have been killed, maimed and went missing, tens of thousands have become refugees. With the anti-Armenian massacres in Baku in January 1990 Azerbaijan’s policy of exterminating Armenians has been completed.

Not only the Armenian population, who have lived and created in Baku for centuries, but also the Armenian historical-cultural heritage in the city was under the target of the anti-Armenian policy of the Azerbaijani authorities.

As of now the organizers and perpetrators of the anti-Armenian pogroms in Baku, who are still glorified as heroes, have not been held accountable.

Moreover, till now Azerbaijan continues that policy of ethnic cleansing and extermination of Armenians towards Artsakh. The vivid evidence of this is the complete eviction of Armenians from the territories of Artsakh which have come under the Azerbaijani occupation, which has been carried out through mass war crimes and ethnic cleansings.

Today, by paying tribute to the memory of the innocent victims of the Baku anti-Armenian massacres, we once again highlight the united commitment of Armenia, Artsakh and all Armenians to guarantee the Armenian people’s right to live freely, safely and in a dignified manner in their homeland”.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 01/07/2021

                                        Thursday, 

Yerevan Rejects Azeri Criticism Of Karabakh Trip


Nagorno-Karabakh -- Armenian Foreign Minister Ara Ayvazian (L) meets with 
Karabakh President Ara Harutiunian, Stepanakert, January 5, 2021.

Armenia rejected on Thursday Azerbaijan’s strong criticism of Foreign Minister 
Ara Ayvazian’s latest visit to Nagorno-Karabakh, saying that it did not run 
counter to the Russian-brokered ceasefire in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict 
zone.

Ayvazian travelled to Stepanakert earlier this week for talks with Karabakh’s 
leaders. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev condemned the trip as “provocative” 
in televised remarks aired on Thursday.

Aliyev said Armenian officials must stop visiting Karabakh without Baku’s 
permission. “Let them not forget about the war,” he said, according to the TASS 
news agency.

The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry claimed earlier that Ayvazian’s trip violated 
the ceasefire agreement that stopped the war in and around Karabakh on November 
10.

The Armenian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Anna Naghdalian, dismissed the claim 
as “completely baseless.”

In written comments to the Interfax news agency, Naghdalian insisted that the 
truce agreement “does not place any restrictions on contacts between Armenia and 
Karabakh at various levels.” Nor does it specify Karabakh’s status, she said.

Naghdalian said that Baku itself is violating a key provision of the agreement 
by refusing to free dozens of Armenian soldiers and civilians that were captured 
during the six-week war.

The deal brokered by Russian President Vladimir Putin calls for the exchange of 
all prisoners of war (POWs) and civilians held by the conflicting sides. So far 
54 Armenians have been freed and returned home.

A senior Azerbaijani official reportedly said on Monday that only two Armenians 
POWs and three civilians remain in Azerbaijani captivity.

Siranush Sahakian, a Yerevan-based human rights lawyer dealing with the 
prisoners, dismissed that claim when she spoke to RFE/RL’s Armenian Service on 
Wednesday. Sahakian said that the Armenian side possesses evidence of at least 
120 Armenian captives still being held by Baku.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s press secretary, Mane Gevorgian, warned on 
Thursday that Baku’s reluctance to free them will seriously complicate the 
implementation of another key term of the ceasefire accord: the opening of the 
Armenian-Azerbaijani border for cargo and passenger traffic.

The accord specifically commits Yerevan to opening a transport link between the 
Nakhichevan exclave and the rest of Azerbaijan, which would pass through 
Armenia’s southeastern Syunik province. Gevorgian said that contrary to Aliyev’s 
statements it would not serve as a permanent “corridor.” She also stressed that 
Baku will have to allow, for its part, Armenia to use Azerbaijani territory as a 
transit route for cargo shipments to and from Russia and Iran.



French, Armenian Leaders Again Discuss Karabakh


FRANCE -- French President Emmanuel Macron (R) shakes hands with Armenian Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian during a bilateral meeting as part of the Paris Peace 
Forum, in Paris, November 12, 2019

French President Emmanuel Macron and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
have again discussed the situation in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone 
following the recent Armenian-Azerbaijani war stopped by a Russian-brokered 
ceasefire.

They spoke by phone late on Wednesday one day after a transport plane chartered 
by the French government delivered more humanitarian aid to Armenian victims of 
the conflict. The aid included medical supplies and clothing collected by the 
French-Armenian Aznavour Foundation.

“The President of the Republic expressed his determination to strive for a 
balanced political process in order to find a lasting political solution after 
the ceasefire agreement of November 9,” Macron’s office said in a statement on 
the phone call issued on Thursday.

“In this context, the President of the Republic pledged to support the ongoing 
efforts to allow the release of all prisoners and to support the economic 
development of Armenia,” it added.

For his part, Pashinian was reported to thank Macron for the “attention and 
support shown by him during this difficult time for the Armenian people.”

An Armenian government statement said the two leaders also discussed 
French-Armenian economic ties. It gave no other details.

France co-chairs the Minsk Group of the Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe together with Russia and the United States. The three 
world powers tried hard to halt the war in and around Karabakh that broke out on 
September 27. The hostilities stopped only after Moscow brokered a fresh 
Armenian-Azerbaijani truce agreement on November 9.

Macron and his foreign minister, Jean-Yves Le Drian, have repeatedly discussed 
the agreement’s implementation with their Russian counterparts, Vladimir Putin 
and Sergei Lavrov.

The French president criticized Azerbaijan and accused Turkey of recruiting 
jihadist fighters from Syria for the Azerbaijani army shortly after the outbreak 
of the war. Le Drian reiterated last month French calls for “the departure of 
the Syrian mercenaries” from the conflict zone.

Turkey has denied sending members of Turkish-backed Syrian rebel groups to fight 
in Karabakh on Azerbaijan’s side. Azerbaijan also denies the presence of such 
mercenaries in the Azerbaijani army ranks. Both Ankara and Baku accuse Paris of 
pro-Armenian bias.

France is home to an influential Armenian community. The latter was instrumental 
in the recent passage by both houses of the French parliament of resolutions 
calling on Macron’s government to recognize Karabakh as an independent republic. 
The government ruled out such recognition, saying that it would be 
counterproductive for France and the Karabakh negotiating process.


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2021 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 


Missing soldiers’ relatives start sit-in outside Etchmiadzin military unit

News.am, Armenia
Jan 7 2021
 
 
20:53, 07.01.2021
 
 
The relatives of the missing servicemen have started a sit-in  near the military unit of Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin), Armenia.
 
"It is already 80 days and there is no solution. They had said they shall enter Zangelan for search operations, but they do not enter; they say the enemy [i.e., Azerbaijan] does not allow [it]. And what will we do if we go home now? We will stay [here] until the issue is resolved. We do not go in front of the government because our children were taken [to the recent Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) war] from this military unit,” the mother of one of these missing servicemen told Armenian News-NEWS.am.
 
To note, for a long time now, the parents and relatives of these soldiers are staging frequent protests outside the aforesaid military unit.
 
 
 

Chamber of Advocates head urges Armenian PM to make public all his ‘written and verbal arrangements’ with Azerbaijani leader

Panorama, Armenia
Jan 4 2021

The chairman of Armenia’s Chamber of Advocates has called on Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to immediately disclose “all his written and verbal arrangements” with the Azerbaijani leader.

“As a citizen of the Republic of Armenia, I urge Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to immediately make public all his written and verbal arrangements with Azerbaijan not described in the November 9 document,” Ara Zohrabyan wrote on Facebook on Sunday.

“In the meantime, I demand answers to the following questions:

“Does Nikol Pashinyan communicate with [Ilham] Aliyev personally or through intermediaries?

“Are the painful and unilateral concessions made in Syunik Province expected also in other regions across the Republic of Armenia, particularly in Ararat, Tavush and Gegharkunik Provinces?

“When are our prisoners of war going to be returned?

“P.S. I propose our compatriots to join these inquiries,” he said. 

The Air and Missile War in Nagorno-Karabakh: Lessons for the Future of Strike and Defense

CSIS: Center for Strategic and International Studies, US
Dec 8 2020

December 8, 2020

The conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region included the heavy use of missiles, drones, and rocket artillery. The fighting, which began in late September, concluded on November 10 through a Moscow-brokered truce that resulted in the deployment of some 2,000 Russian peacekeepers and significant Armenian territorial concessions. Azerbaijan was the clear military victor, with both Russia and Turkey also benefiting politically from the war’s outcome.

The 44-day war featured a diverse array of legacy and advanced air and missile strike and defense platforms. The ballistic missiles used spanned generations, from older Soviet-era Scud and Tochka missiles to the newer and more advanced Iskander and the Israeli-made LORA (LOng Range Attack) missiles. Drones of Russian, Turkish, Israeli, and indigenous designs performed both reconnaissance missions to support artillery use and strike missions. Unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) and loitering munition attacks were able to destroy heavy ground units, including T-72 tanks and advanced S-300 air defenses. The conflict’s use of these various weapons provides important information and insights into how modern wars will employ the growing spectrum of missiles, drones, and artillery.

Q1: What missiles, drones, and rockets do Armenia and Azerbaijan have?

A1: Both Armenia and Azerbaijan have invested in modernizing their militaries, including fielding more advanced air and missile systems. Azerbaijan is considered to have the more diverse and qualitatively superior military.

Armenia’s missile arsenal is comprised entirely of Russian rockets. Armenia inherited its Tochka and Scud missiles from the Soviet Union following its collapse and purchased Iskander missiles from Russia in 2016. Armenia’s rocket artillery is also mostly Russian, apart from its Chinese WM-80 multiple-launch rocket system (MLRS). Armenia’s drone fleet consists of smaller indigenous systems focused on reconnaissance missions. They are generally recognized as less capable than Azerbaijan’s fleet of foreign UAVs.

Table 1: Armenia’s Missiles, Drones, and Rocket Artillery

Sources: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Ministry of Defence of Armenia.

By contrast, Azerbaijan fields a more diverse and modern arsenal of missiles, rockets, and drones. The country’s oil and gas sales over the past two decades have enabled it to modernize its armed forces, including significant funding for missiles, drones, and rocket artillery. In addition to the Tochka missiles it inherited from the Soviet Union, Azerbaijan purchased the Israeli LORA ballistic missile and EXTRA (EXTended Range Artillery) guided rocket. Both are more accurate than the older Soviet missiles.

Azerbaijan also developed an impressive drone arsenal composed of Turkish and Israeli UAVs. It acquired the Turkish TB2 earlier this year, with reports suggesting the sale occurred as recently as June 2020. Previously, Azerbaijan had purchased numerous Israeli loitering munitions, also known as “suicide” or “kamikaze” drones, including the Harop, Orbiter, and SkyStriker UAVs. In the recent conflict, Azerbaijan also reportedly modified its Soviet-era An-2 Colt biplanes with remote-control systems, flying them to the front lines to draw out Armenian air defenses.

Azerbaijan likewise invested heavily in rocket artillery. The Turkish TRG-300 and Belarusian Polonez MLRS systems stand out with their ability to range targets up to 120 and 200 km away, respectively. As with Armenia, however, the BM-30 Smerch appeared to be Azerbaijan’s rocket of choice.

Table 2: Azerbaijan’s Missiles, Drones, and Rocket Artillery

Sources: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Ministry of Defence of Azerbaijan

Q2: Why didn’t Armenia or Azerbaijan use more longer-range missiles?

A2: Despite early concerns that fighting could escalate to the targeting of strategic infrastructure and civilian territories, both Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to have limited their use of larger, longer-range missiles. Instead, only a few events during the conflict involved ballistic missile attacks. In at least one event, Armenia reportedly used Tochka and Scud missiles in attacks on Ganja, the second-most populous city in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan used a LORA short-range ballistic missile in a more tactical role on October 2 to target a bridge connecting Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh.

One potential explanation for this limited use is the small missile inventories possessed by Armenia and Azerbaijan. In contrast to the Houthi rebels in Yemen, who have relied on a steady stream of Iranian support to maintain a long ballistic missile war against Saudi Arabia, both Azerbaijan and Armenia seemed to want to conserve their limited munition stockpiles at the outset of hostilities. Both countries inherited small inventories of ballistic missiles from the Soviet Union, and each has supplemented that arsenal with more modern missiles. Armenia purchased Iskander missiles from Russia, and Azerbaijan bought the LORA from Israel. None of these sales included substantial quantities of missiles required for extended missile warfare. Despite early Armenian threats to use its more advanced Iskander missiles, the attacks on Ganja used older Soviet weapons. It was only on November 9—right before the peace agreement was signed—that footage emerged of an Armenian Iskander launch. It seems that these small arsenals forced each side to use ballistic missiles sparingly to preserve inventory if the conflict lasted longer.

A desire to contain the conflict could explain the hesitancy to use longer-range ballistic missiles. Both sides may have determined that attacks on cities or vital infrastructure may invite escalation beyond the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Furthermore, Armenia and Azerbaijan could already hit most targets in the region with long-range rocket artillery, thus limiting the value of using more expensive and limited ballistic missiles. Armenian ballistic missile strikes in Ganja, which is outside of Nagorno-Karabakh, would seem to be an outlier in this regard, though.

Azerbaijan’s use of the LORA illustrates some of the limits of ballistic missiles as a tool for military operations. Baku specifically used the LORA to strike a bridge connecting Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh in an attempt to cut off Armenian reinforcements and supplies. According to imagery after the strike, the attack failed to incapacitate the bridge, suggesting limits even to the most precise ballistic missiles. Given this apparent failure to achieve the mission with a ballistic missile, its limited arsenal, and the alternative of cheaper rockets and drones, it is unsurprising that Azerbaijan opted to limit its use of ballistic missiles throughout the conflict.

Q3: Why did drone warfare receive so much attention?

A3: Azerbaijani drones were the center of attention in this war. Although Armenia deployed some of their own indigenously produced drones, and later footage showed their side using the more sophisticated Russian-made Orlan-10 UAV, it was Azerbaijan who took control of the skies.

As numerous recent reports have argued, these weapons were game-changing. Azerbaijani drones provided significant advantages in ISR as well as long-range strike capabilities. They enabled Azerbaijani forces to find, fix, track, and kill targets with precise strikes far beyond the front lines. UAVs were operationally integrated with fires from manned aircraft and land-based artillery but also frequently used their own ordinance to destroy various high-value military assets. Open-source reporting suggests that drones contributed to disabling a huge number of Armenian tanks, fighting vehicles, artillery units, and air defenses. Their penetration of Nagorno-Karabakh’s deep rear also weakened Armenian supply lines and logistics, facilitating later Azerbaijani success in battle.

The Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 in particular demonstrated the versatility of UAV platforms. Turkey previously used these drones to great effect in Syria and Libya. In Nagorno-Karabakh, the TB2 likewise performed well in targeting and destroying enemy defenses. In addition to providing identification and targeting data, the TB2s also carried smart, micro guided munitions to kill targets on their own. Azerbaijan has also used the high-definition cameras the TB2s carry to produce many propaganda videos. Videos showcasing attacks on Armenian fighters and equipment were posted online and broadcast on digital billboards in Baku.

Yet while drones played a large role in this conflict, their capabilities ought not be exaggerated. These platforms are very vulnerable to air defenses that are designed to counter them—defenses Armenia did not have in adequate numbers. The bulk of Armenia’s air defenses consisted of obsolete Soviet-era systems, like the 2K11 Krug, 9K33 Osa, 2K12 Kub, and 9K35 Strela-10. TB2s flew too high for these systems to intercept even if they were able to detect these relatively small aircraft. Russian-supplied Polye-21 electronic warfare systems disrupted Azerbaijani drone operations but only for four days. Armenia’s Buk and Tor-M2KM air defenses likely downed a few drones, but they were deployed late in the conflict, limited in number, and vulnerable to attack themselves. Armenia’s larger air defenses like the S-300 are not designed for counter-UAV missions and were targeted early in the conflict by Azerbaijani loitering munitions. According to Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, Azerbaijani forces destroyed seven S-300 transporter erector launchers, two guidance stations, and one radar. These strikes further illustrate the vulnerability of advanced air defense systems, even if these numbers are exaggerated or the systems were not completely destroyed.

Q4: What broader lessons can we learn from the air war?

A4: The primary lesson from the air war over Nagorno-Karabakh is the importance of full-spectrum air defense. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan’s short-range air defense (SHORAD) arsenals were limited in size and quality. Azerbaijan was able to exploit this gap with its large fleet of sophisticated drones.

Major powers like the United States, China, and Russia are in the process of developing and deploying their own drone countermeasures, including kinetic interceptors, electronic jammers, and even counter-drone drones. While these technologies exist today, there are difficulties in developing them at an affordable rate to provide defense at multiple echelons, including the tactical level. Armor and other heavy ground units will likely remain vulnerable until mobile SHORAD systems improve and proliferate.

The conflict also provides yet another reminder about the importance of passive defense. In an age of highly proliferated sensors and shooters, militaries will need to consider new ways to camouflage and harden their forces. Ground force tactics on dispersal and deception ought to be reinvigorated. Soldiers should train to limit their electronic and thermal signatures for longer distances and times. The video and imagery available online suggest that neither Armenian nor Azerbaijani forces had adequate resources or training on passive defense. We see this time and time again with both sides operating out in the open, static or moving slowly; poorly camouflaged; and clumped in tight, massed formations.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict also illustrates that while individual weapons systems will not revolutionize the nature of warfare, the synchronization of new weapons makes the modern battlefield more lethal. Azerbaijan’s combination of drones and artillery effectively targeted Armenia’s high-value military assets, most notably in attacks on T-72 tanks and S-300 air defenses. In particular, strikes on air defense units constrained Armenia’s ability to counter Baku’s UAVs, amplifying their effectiveness. The use of UAVs and missiles to suppress and destroy air defenses gives greater validation to an observation of the U.S. Army’s Air and Missile Defense 2028 strategy: “The most stressing threat is a complex, integrated attack incorporating multiple threat capabilities in a well-coordinated and synchronized attack.”

The lessons here are not new. The importance of both full-spectrum air defense and passive defenses have been shown in battles across the Middle East and in planning for potential conflict with Russia and China. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict provides a small but important case study in the character of modern air and missile warfare.

Shaan Shaikh is a research associate with the Missile Defense Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Wes Rumbaugh is an associate fellow with the CSIS Missile Defense Project.

Critical Questions is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).


Armenpress: Car bomb explodes in Syrian border town: casualties reported

Car bomb explodes in Syrian border town: casualties reported

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 17:03, 2 January, 2021

YEREVAN, JANUARY 2, ARMENPRESS. A car bomb exploded in a vegetable market in the northeastern Syrian town of Ras al Ain close to the border with Turkey, with reports of several killed and wounded, Reuters reports citing Syrian state news agency SANA.

Two children were among those killed and their mother was wounded in the explosion, SANA reported, adding the blast also killed several Turkish-backed fighters.