Armenian CDC reports 715 new cases of COVID-19

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 11:04,

YEREVAN, APRIL 23, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian Center of Disease Control and Prevention says 715 new cases of COVID-19 were confirmed over the last 24 hours, bringing the cumulative total number of confirmed cases to 212,114.

4015 tests were performed in the past day.

1123 people recovered, bringing the total number of recoveries to 192,281.

15 patients died, raising the death toll to 3984. This number doesn’t include the deaths of 995 other individuals (4 in the last 24 hours) infected with the virus, who according to authorities died from other pre-existing illnesses.

As of April 23, 11:00 the number of active cases stood at 14,854.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Asbarez: Tufts University Art Galleries to Present ‘Connecting Threads / Survivor Objects’ Exhibit



Armenian, Saghavard (Liturgical Crown), 1751. Metal, sequins, gold metallic thread on velvet. Gift of Paul and Vicki Bedoukian, Courtesy of the Collection of the Armenian Museum of America.

“Connecting Threads / Survivor Objects” explores the kaleidoscopic world of Armenian liturgical textiles from the collections of the Armenian Museum of America and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Embroidered, block printed, and painted, these objects dating to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries show the multidimensional nature of liturgical textiles and bear witness to the vitality of Armenian communities during the Ottoman Empire and their influence along global commercial routes. While many Ottoman Armenian churches are now in ruins after successive waves of persecution from the 1890s to the 1920s, these fragile, beautiful textiles bear witness to the survival of a people, its identity, and faith.

Sought after and admired for their aesthetic qualities, ecclesiastical textiles played a central role in the celebration of the divine liturgy. These stunning works in linen, silk, and velvet pay homage to the long-standing Armenian tradition of weaving and needlework. Their rich imagery is a sophisticated reflection of Armenian art and of Byzantine, post-Byzantine, European, and Islamic sewing and painting traditions.

Under the Ottoman Empire, Armenian communities occupied a broad geographical area ranging from the Caucasus to the Anatolian peninsula, from Crimea to Russia and Western Europe, and from Amsterdam to East and South Asia. One of the first Christian civilizations, Armenia was a vital fulcrum for international trade routes and the circulation of visual ideas in the early modern period.

The textiles in this exhibition originated in the prosperous Armenian communities of Istanbul, Tokat, Talas, Kütahya, and Gümüșhane—all in modern-day Turkey—as well as in Armenian trading settlements in Surabaya, Indonesia. Their inscriptions provide invaluable information about craftsmen, patrons, and church foundations. These details offer a glimpse into the world in which the textiles were created and convey a sense of the connected and dynamic culture of the Armenian communities before the Hamidian Massacres of the 1890s and the Armenian Genocide of 1915 to 1922.

It is critical to acknowledge the history surrounding these objects and promote new academic research, particularly in the current climate, when violence in the Nagorno-Karabakh region threatens many Armenian cultural heritage sites. Once again, tangible and intangible Armenian patrimony is at risk of being lost forever.

The exhibition has been developed with undergraduate and graduate students from the seminar The Threads of Survival: Armenian Liturgical Textiles in Local Collections at Tufts University in spring 2021: Jeffrey Bui, Elettra Conoly, Claudia Haines, Andrea Horn, Sara McAleer, Atineh Movsesian, Grace Rotermund, Shirley Wang, Cas Weld, and Sofia Zamboli.

Many of these textiles received the scholarly attention they deserve for the first time as students engaged in close examination of each individual textile at the Armenian Museum of America alongside in-class discussions about the objects and relevant literature.The exhibition labels and educational material present the outcome of their extensive research.

The exhibit will be on display from August 30 to December 5, at the Aidekman Arts Center. Organized by Christina Maranci, Arthur H. Dadian and Ara Oztemel Professor of Armenian Art and Architecture, Tufts University, and Chiara Pidatella, TUAG Research Curator.

Housed within a research university and an art school, the Tufts University Art Galleries engage with artists, scholars, and works of art to provoke discourse around cultural and social contexts. Through exhibitions, programming, research, and collecting, we create a pedagogical platform for the Tufts community and wider publics.

Food: This 1990s Cooking Bible is as Relevant as Ever

Saveur
April 13 2021

Three decades before khachapuri was cool, Anya von Bremzen was extolling its virtues in “Please to the Table.”

Open Please to the Table to a random page, and you might land on a recipe for chicken Kiev, Armenian lamb dumplings, Uzbek cilantro buns, or Latvian cornmeal mush. Such dishes may appear to have nothing in common, but as this seminal cookbook on the cuisines of the Soviet Union reminds us, they once belonged to a rich culinary patchwork quilt that stretched 8.6 million square miles, from the Baltic Sea to Central Asia. 

That quilt came unstitched three decades ago with the collapse of the USSR, but the 400-some recipes in Please to the Table—the SAVEUR Cookbook Club pick for April and May—read as current as ever with dishes like rye cookies, tahdig, Georgian khachapuri, and foraged bitter-green salads in the mix. 

Shepherding us through the complex, variegated territories of the former Soviet Union is Anya von Bremzen, who was born in Moscow in 1963, and John Welchman, her coauthor. If von Bremzen’s name rings a bell, that’s because her byline has appeared in all the major food and travel magazines, as well as on award-winning books including The New Spanish Table and Mastering the Art of Soviet Cooking, her memoir. 

Almost as enticing as the recipes in Please to the Table are the essays and anecdotes peppered throughout, which offer colorful glimpses into topics ranging from geography and religion to the etymology of kasha (it originally meant “feast”) and the proper way to serve Uzbek pilaf (rice buried under the meat in serving bowls; tea and pickles on the side). Literature buffs will be pleased to find a bevy of food-related excerpts from greats like Pushkin, Dumas, and Chekhov interspersed among the recipes.  

Von Bremzen is a cookbook writer with an emphasis on the writer. Her prose is snappy and evocative, especially when she’s on a jag about gastro-cultural curiosities. In the chapter on Russian cuisine, for instance, she recounts the cross-cultural horror story of a Russian friend who was invited to an American’s apartment, only to be offered a bowl of ice cream. “It sometimes takes years for Soviet emigrés in the United States to understand that a casual invitation to someone’s home doesn’t necessarily mean a full-scale meal,” she writes. Later, in an explainer on Armenian cuisine (the book is organized by main ingredient with explainers interspersed throughout), she paints such a vivid picture of her first breakfast in Yerevan that you can almost smell it through the page: “We were greeted with eggs scrambled with ripe tomatoes and green peppers, local sheep’s cheese (chanakh), a delicious spicy sausage called sudjuk, and generous cupfuls of strong black coffee. And there were freshly prepared stuffed vegetables (dolma) awaiting us for later.” 

Even the sample menus in the margins manage to be transportive. You can keep your Pinterest moodboards and Instagram recipe reels—I’ll be getting my cooking inspo on page 452 with “A Rustic Luncheon for Eight,” which reads: “herring in sour cream sauce, my mother’s marinated mushrooms, beet caviar with walnuts and prunes, pumpernickel bread, vodka, schi, meat-filled pirog, Russian cranberry mousse.” 

Last week I had the privilege of chatting with von Bremzen about what it took to produce this 659-page behemoth and how the cuisines explored in the book have changed since its first print run.  

BK: You’ve lived a fascinating and rather peripatetic life. Tell me about it. 

AvB: I was born in Moscow in 1963 during the Brezhnev years. It was a time of Iron Curtain stagnation. Like every Soviet kid, I wanted jeans and foreign commodities and was obsessed with the idea of being abroad, being a foreigner. My mom and I immigrated to the U.S. in 1974 because she hated the regime and was Jewish. She felt trapped. Being Jewish in the USSR then, you weren’t persecuted but you were discriminated against.

We wound up in Philadelphia, but weirdly I wanted to be perceived as a foreigner still. This early fantasy of not belonging was very powerful to me, and immigration was hard. I felt homesick because our past was so complicated. We were cooped up in the Soviet Union under a terrible, repressive regime, and when we emigrated, it was without the right to return. We were traitors of the homeland. To our friends and family, it was like dying with a right to correspondence. 

BK: In Please to the Table, there are recipes for a staggering variety of dishes from across the former Soviet Union. Give me the lay of the land. 

AvB: When I was growing up, the mindset was, you can’t see Paris or Rome, so why don’t you have a holiday in Odessa or Uzbekistan or Georgia? For us, these were exotic destinations. As a child, you could call me a propagandist because I was obsessed with this idea of the Soviet Union and fascinated by its diversity. At the market in Moscow, you’d see Georgians with mustaches in hats and Uzbek ladies in braids that sold very expensive produce that could cost a month’s salary. 

I was obsessed with this idea of the Soviet Union and fascinated by its diversity. At the market in Moscow, you’d see Georgians with mustaches in hats and Uzbek ladies in braids that sold very expensive produce that could cost a month’s salary. 

Anya Von Bremzen

BK: Were you always a cook? 

AvB: God, no! I trained to be a concert pianist and went to Juliard. It was rigorous. But I got a hand injury in my 20s that forced me to look for another career. I spoke Italian from spending some time in Italy, and I wound up translating a cookbook from Italian to English. It made me think—shit, maybe I should write my own cookbook. My boyfriend was a British travel writer and a sort of academic type, and he and I wrote the proposal together in 1988. It got a James Beard Award the year they had started giving them, and the book [was] one of Amazon’s top 100 cookbooks. 

BK: 1988 was right when the Soviet Union started to disintegrate. 

AvB: Yes, and everyone was saying, right, a book about bread lines and shortages and herring? But I wanted to explore the whole diversity of Soviet cuisine. There were these Cold War stereotypes of gray clothing and people starving. Many Americans imagined the whole Soviet Union as a gulag, but the truth was, some of the food there was actually amazing. I think I was one of the first people to write about Georgian or Uzbek cuisine in such detail. In the end, Workman Publishing, which had just come out with The Silver Palate, bought the proposal. 

BK: What surprised you most in researching the book? 

AvB: Driving through Ukraine on Christmas, our car broke down. We wound up sleeping in a kind stranger’s hut, and there was this amazing salad of white beets, cracklings, and wild mushrooms. 

It was a long time ago now, but I remember other little things as well, like how in Uzbekistan they made pilaf with yellow carrots and quince and steamed cilantro buns that tasted almost Chinese. Other discoveries were Tatar wedding pie and an Azerbaijani pilaf with a chestnut and pumpkin crust. 

An array of Azeri sweets, including a starburst of almond-cardamom.

BK: A little birdie told me you’re working on a book about food and national identity.  

AvB: Yes, but I don’t have a name for it yet. It will look at how national identity is a social construct. We assume cuisines are primordial like languages, but we forget that nation states basically didn’t exist before the 19th century. The idea of cultural appropriation in food assumes an essentialist vision of a national cuisine, which is in fact a hybrid construction that is fluid. Take the current gastro-nationalist fight about borscht, for example, between Russia and Ukraine—it says a lot more about the state of geopolitics than the provenance of a dish that has been eaten in a wide geographical region. Dishes often existed long before current national borders did. So arguments about “whose hummus” or “whose baklava” are really about other issues. 

BK: So, food played—and continues to play—a role in post-Soviet nation-building?

AvB: Yes, but even today, there’s a pan-Soviet cuisine enjoyed across the region: Everyone makes salade olivier and vinegret [pickled vegetable salad] and kotlety [beef and buckwheat patties]. In Uzbekistan, the old Soviet dishes—herring, etc.—are still prestigious.  

BK: How has the way people eat in the region changed since you wrote the book? 

AvB: There are more ingredients available now. Some old breeds of goats and cows and vegetables are being revived. That’s different from the Soviet way, which favored monoculture—Uzbekistan made cotton, Moldova made wine. It’s a long conversation. 

And there is a new national consciousness around food that is not dictated by Moscow. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, food became more proprietary and gastro-nationalistic. Suddenly there were arguments in Samarkand over whose pilaf was better—the Uzbeks’ or the Tajiks’. Georgians were going on about Abkhazians having no cuisine and no culture. In Armenia, there’s an NGO that goes into the mountains to find 19th-century recipes; ditto for Azerbaijan, where they’re writing books about how Armenians plagiarized their cuisine. The thing is, cuisines don’t stand still—well, maybe except for in Brighton Beach in Brooklyn, where the food is still very 70s.   

BK: What Please to the Table recipes do you keep coming back to?

AvB: My mom’s borscht, of course, which is super quick and delicious. It’s the version she is teaching people to make in her new League of Kitchens online class. I also love the rice pilaf with almonds and orange zest—it’s my go-to side dish for everything. I make the Uzbek lamb and rice plov often. It’s a classic. Then there’s the beef stroganoff recipe, which is so good because it calls for filet mignon. 

BK: What are some popular springtime dishes or traditions? 

AvB: Winter was always so long, and the taste of the first dill or cucumber was always so special. People make cold borscht and soups this time of year. Maslenitsa, the blini and butter festival, just passed. There’s a whole section on Easter cooking in the book—we do a cheese mold that’s eaten with kulich coffee cake, but you can sub panettone. People love it. 

BK: For American food lovers planning post-pandemic travel, what country in the region should be at the top of the list? 

AvB: I was in Azerbaijan four years ago, and it has mind-boggling food. It’s sort of Persian with some Soviet influences. They have a million types of pilaf, some with tahdig. Many dishes are bright green with herbs—green stews and green meatballs and green omelets with green sauces. It all tastes so fresh. And because Azerbaijan has oil money, there’s a restaurant culture, and you can walk along the Caspian Sea and stop into tea houses where they serve teas with jams made from yellow cherries and figs.  

BK: Can I pick a bone? The title of the book is Please to the Table: The Russian Cookbook. That seems a bit narrow, right? 

AvB: It’s true: The book goes from Lithuania to Central Asia and gives you the full scope of the former empire. When I published it, I thought, I can’t call it a Soviet cookbook, so this was the next-best thing. But then I got angry letters from Ukranians and Armenians. Who knows, maybe you could put “USSR” in a cookbook title now and it would be a retro cool thing. 

Armenian President’s official visit to Georgia kicks off

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 15:10,

TBILISI, APRIL 15, ARMENPRESS. The official visit of President of Armenia Armen Sarkissian to Georgia kicked off today, the Presidential Office said on social media.

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The Armenian President was welcomed by Georgian deputy prime minister, minister of foreign affairs David Zalkaliani at the Tbilisi international airport.

During the visit the Armenian President is scheduled to have a private talk with his Georgian counterpart Salome Zourabichviliwhich will be followed by an extended-format meeting. The discussions will focus on the agenda of the bilateral relations and the opportunities of expanding the mutually beneficial cooperation in different areas. The regional affairs and developments will also be discussed.

President Armen Sarkissian will also meet with Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia Ilia II and Speaker of Parliament of Georgia Archil Talakvadze.

Mr. Sarkissian will also visit the St. George Church of the Georgian Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 04/12/2021

                                        Monday, 
Armenian Probe Of ‘Syrian Mercenaries’ Completed
Armenia -- The entrance to the Investigative Committee building in Yerevan.
An Armenian law-enforcement agency has completed a criminal investigation into 
two Syrian men who were captured during last year’s war in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Karabakh’s Armenian-backed army claimed to have captured the men during fierce 
fighting with Azerbaijani forces stopped by a Russian-mediated ceasefire 
November 10. They were handed over to Armenia to face a string of criminal 
charges, including terrorism.
Armenia’s Investigative Committee reiterated on Monday that the Syrians, 
identified as Muhrab al-Shkheri and Yusef al-Haji, are mercenaries who were 
recruited to “terrorize civilians” in Karabakh and commit other war crimes. The 
committee said it has asked a prosecutor overseeing the probe to formally 
approve its findings and pave the way for their trial.
It was not clear if the arrested suspects will plead guilty to the accusations.
In their testimonies shown on Armenian television late last year, they admitted 
being recruited and paid by Turkey. Armenian officials portrayed that as further 
proof that scores of Syrian mercenaries fought in Karabakh on Azerbaijan’s side.
The Armenian claims have been backed by France and, implicitly, Russia.
French President Emmanuel Macron accused Turkey of recruiting jihadist fighters 
from Syria for the Azerbaijani army shortly after the outbreak of large-scale 
hostilities in and around Karabakh on September 27. Russia also expressed 
serious concern about the deployment of “terrorists and mercenaries” from Syria 
and Libya in the Karabakh conflict zone.
Azerbaijan denied the presence of any foreign mercenaries in its army ranks. It 
dismissed the Syrians’ televised confessions as a fraud.
Multiple reports by Western media quoted members of Islamist rebel groups in 
areas of northern Syria under Turkish control as saying in late September and 
October that they are deploying to Azerbaijan in coordination with the Turkish 
government.
Armenian authorities said in December that the captured Syrians are not 
prisoners of war and cannot be covered by the ceasefire agreement that calls for 
the exchange of all POWs and civilian captives held by the conflicting parties.
Armenian President Objects To ‘Unconstitutional’ Bill On Courts
        • Nane Sahakian
Armenia - President Armen Sarkissian at a meeting in Yerevan, March 26, 2021.
President Armen Sarkissian has refused to sign into law a government-backed bill 
which Armenian opposition groups regard as a threat to judicial independence.
Sarkissian also asked Armenia’s Constitutional Court to rule on the legality of 
the package of amendments to several laws giving more powers to a state body 
that nominates judges and can sanction or fire them.
The amendments passed by the parliament late last month would empower the 
Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) to intervene in trials by changing judges 
presiding over them or evaluating their fairness. They would also limit the 
number of petitions that can be filed by lawyers during court hearings. In 
addition, citizens would be allowed to file complaints to the SJC against judges 
dealing with their cases.
Pro-government lawmakers said during a parliament debate on the bill that it is 
meant to strengthen due process of law. Opposition parliamentarians claimed the 
opposite, saying that the authorities are seeking more leverage against judges 
not willing to execute their orders.
Some judges and legal experts have also expressed concern about the bill, saying 
that it is at odds with articles of the Armenian constitution which define the 
SJC’s mission.
Sarkissian likewise suggested that the bill is unconstitutional when he 
announced on Monday his decision not to sign it into law and to appeal to the 
Constitutional Court. In a statement, Sarkissian’s office said the amendments 
are “contentious” in terms of their conformity with constitutional provisions on 
separation of powers and independence of the Armenian courts.
The president made the decision after holding a series of meetings with Justice 
Minister Rustam Badasian, senior lawmakers, members of the SJC, lawyers and 
civil society members.
Armenia - The Supreme Judicial Council meets in Yerevan, July 18, 2019.
Taron Simonian, a senior member of the opposition Bright Armenia Party (LHK), 
also questioned the constitutionality of the amendments to the Judicial Code and 
related laws.
“In a sense, the Supreme Judicial Council is a court for the courts,” Simonian 
told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “But it is not supposed to discuss substantive 
issues such as conclusions drawn by a judge during the examination of a 
particular case because the constitution guarantees the independence of the 
judges.”
Simonian said judicial independence would also be jeopardized by an amendment 
that allows the SJC to take disciplinary action against district court judges 
whose rulings are overturned by the Court of Appeals.
But Vladimir Vartanian, the pro-government chairman of the parliament committee 
on legal affairs and one of the bill’s authors, continued to defend the measure. 
He argued that the additional powers would be given not to the government or the 
parliament but the independent judicial body.
Armenia -- A court building in Yerevan, June 9, 2020.
Some critics of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian have linked the bill to his 
administration’s alleged efforts to gain control over the SJC and ultimately the 
judicial branch.
The SJC chairman, Ruben Vartazarian, faced a barrage of strong criticism from 
lawmakers representing Pashinian’s My Step bloc during a question-and-answer 
session in the National Assembly in early March. They accused Vartazarian of 
effectively siding with the Armenian opposition and encouraging courts to hand 
down anti-government rulings.
Vartazarian insisted that he never issued any politically motivated orders to 
courts.
In recent months, Armenian judges have refused to allow law-enforcement 
authorities to arrest dozens of opposition leaders and members as well as other 
anti-government activists. Virtually all of those individuals are prosecuted in 
connection with street protests sparked by the Pashinian administration’s 
handling of the autumn war in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Pashinian charged in December that the Armenian judiciary has become part of a 
“pseudo-elite” trying to topple him after the disastrous war.
The parliament’s pro-government majority installed two new members of the SJC in 
January. It denied opposition claims that Pashinian expects them to help 
increase government influence on courts.
Armenia Set To Start COVID-19 Vaccinations
        • Marine Khachatrian
Armenia -- Armenian Health Minister Anahit Avanesian holds a news conference, 
Yerevan, .
Armenia will start on Tuesday vaccinating a small percentage of its population 
against COVID-19, Health Minister Anahit Avanesian announced on Monday.
Avanesian said frontline workers, seniors and people suffering from chronic 
illnesses will be the first to be inoculated at government-funded medical 
centers across the country.
Those of them who are aged 55 and older will receive a vaccine developed by the 
British-Swedish company AstraZeneca because of lingering concerns about its 
safety for younger persons, she told reporters. The other people most at risk 
from the coronavirus will be offered the Russian Sputnik V vaccine, she said.
Armenia received on March 28 24,000 AstraZeneca vaccine shots from COVAX 
Facility, a global vaccine-sharing scheme. It went on to import 15,000 doses of 
Sputnik V on April 8.
Visiting Moscow last week, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian asked Russian 
President Vladimir Putin to help the Armenian government buy many more jabs for 
its vaccination program. “We need more than a million doses,” Pashinian said.
Avanesian said Yerevan is close to finalizing a deal with COVAX for the 
acquisition of a COVID-19 vaccine developed by the U.S. company Novavax. In 
addition, she said, China has “tentatively” agreed to donate vaccine shots to 
Armenia.
The minister did not specify the likely volume of these planned deliveries. But 
she did announce that the government’s objective is to have up to 700,000 
Armenians vaccinated within a year.
Armenia has been hit hard by the pandemic and is currently grappling with a 
third wave of coronavirus infections that began in late February. Critics blame 
the resurgence of the acute respiratory disease on the authorities’ failure to 
enforce their physical distancing and sanitary rules.
The Armenian Ministry of Health said earlier on Monday that 510 more people in 
the country of about 3 million have tested positive for the coronavirus in the 
past day.
The ministry also reported 18 new deaths caused by COVID-19, bringing the 
official death toll to 3,753.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2021 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
 

1915 Armenian Genocide persecuted Yishuv Jews, as well

Israel Hayom

Ottoman Turkish authorities aimed to Islamize the whole region by eliminating non-Muslim populations: Christians, Jews and Yezidis – groups that continue to be targeted in and outside of Turkey today.

By  Uzay Bulut and JNS

Bodil Katharine Biørn / National Archives of Norway

Armenian leader Papasyan views what remains after the murders near Deir-ez-Zor in 1915-1916 | Archives: Bodil Katharine Biørn / National Archives of Norway
– www.israelhayom.com

April 24 marks the 106th anniversary of the 1915 Armenian Genocide by Ottoman Turkey. As the Auschwitz Institute for the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities notes, “On April 24 of 1915, leaders and intellectuals within the Armenian community of Constantinople were detained and interned. This event initiated a longer series of arrests that resulted in the imprisonment, relocation, and/or murder of countless notable Armenians across the Ottoman Empire over the course of the subsequent months.

Soon thereafter, Ottoman authorities commenced internment, displacement, and deportation actions against the general Armenian population. For their part, Armenian men were most often put into servitude at a variety of forced labor camps before facing arbitrary executions. Women, children, and elderly members of the Armenian community, by contrast, were made to participate in ‘death marches.’ These forced marches led victims on protracted journeys through what is now the Syrian desert with many subjected to torture and rape in addition to death through attrition.

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“While estimates on the total number of those who perished can vary, between 1,000,000 and 1,800,000 Armenians are known to have lost their lives as a result of the genocide. This number amounts to approximately 70% of the region’s Armenian community. The scale and cruelty of the atrocities served as one of the principal inspirations for the creation of the word ‘genocide’ by Polish-Jewish lawyer Raphael Lemkin and, by extension, the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.”

A significant but widely unknown fact is that not only Greek and Assyrian Christians of Ottoman Turkey, but many Jews of pre-state Palestine were also targeted, persecuted and deported during the Armenian Genocide.

A thoroughly researched book by Dr. Andrew Bostom, The Legacy of Islamic Antisemitism: From Sacred Texts to Solemn History, exposes the persecution and mass expulsions that the Jewish population in Palestine endured as a result of the orders of Djemal Pasha, an Ottoman military leader. He was also one of the three Pashas who ruled the Ottoman Empire during World War I and organized the genocide. He writes:

“During World War I in Palestine, between 1915 and 1917, The New York Times published a series of reports on Ottoman-inspired and local Arab Muslim-assisted anti-Semitic persecution that affected Jerusalem and the other major Jewish population centers. For example, by the end of January 1915, seven thousand Palestinian Jewish refugees – men, women and children – had fled to British-controlled Alexandria, Egypt. Three New York Times accounts from January and February 1915 provide these details of the earlier period.

‘On Jan. 8, Djemal Pasha ordered the destruction of all Jewish colonization documents within a fortnight under penalty of death. … In many cases land settled by Jews was handed over to Arabs, and wheat collected by the relief committee in Galilee was confiscated in order to feed the army. The Muslim peasantry are being armed with any weapons discovered in Jewish hands. … The United States cruiser Tennessee has been fitted up on the lines of a troop ship for the accommodation of about 1,500 refugees, and is plying regularly between Alexandria and Jaffa. … A proclamation issued by the commander of the Fourth [Turkish] Army Corps describes Zionism as a revolutionary anti-Turkish movement which must be stamped out. Accordingly, the local governing committees have been dissolved and the sternest measures have been taken to insure that all Jews who remain on their holdings shall be Ottoman subjects. … Nearly all the [7,000] Jewish refugees in Alexandria come from Jerusalem and other large towns, among them being over 1,000 young men of the artisan class who refused to become Ottomans.’

“By April of 1917, conditions deteriorated further for Palestinian Jewry, which faced threats of annihilation from the Ottoman government. Many Jews were in fact deported, expropriated, and starved, in an ominous parallel to the genocidal deportations of the Armenian dhimmi communities throughout Anatolia. Indeed, as related by Yair Auron,

‘Fear of the Turkish actions was bound up with alarm that the Turks might do to the Jewish community in Palestine, or at least to the Zionist elements within it, what they had done to the Armenians. This concern was expressed in additional evidence from the early days of the war, from which we can conclude that the Armenian tragedy was known in the Yishuv [Jewish community in Palestine].’

“A mass expulsion of the Jews of Jerusalem, although ordered twice by Djemal Pasha, was averted only through the efforts of the Ottoman Turks’ World War I allies, the German government, which sought to avoid international condemnation. The eight thousand Jews of Jaffa, however, were expelled quite brutally, a cruel fate the Arab Muslims and the Christians of the city did not share. Moreover, these deportations took place months before the small pro-British Nili spy ring of Zionist Jews was discovered by the Turks in October 1917 and its leading figures killed. A report by United States consul Garrels (in Alexandria, Egypt) describing the Jaffa deportation of early April 1917 (published in the June 3, 1917 edition of The New York Times), included these details of the Jews’ plight:

‘The orders of evacuation were aimed chiefly at the Jewish population. Even German, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian Jews were ordered to leave the town. Mohammedans and Christians were allowed to remain provided they were holders of individual permits. The Jews who sought the permits were refused. On April 1 the Jews were ordered to leave the country within 48 hours. Those who rode from Jaffa to Petach [sic] Tikvah had to pay from 100 to 200 francs instead of the normal fare of 15 to 25 francs. The Turkish drivers practically refused to receive anything but gold, the Turkish paper note being taken as the equivalent of 17.50 piastres for a note of 100 piastres.

‘Already about a week earlier 300 Jews had been deported in a most cruel manner from Jerusalem. Djemal Pasha openly declared that the joy of the Jews on the approach of the British forces would be short-lived, as he would make them share the fate of the Armenians.

‘In Jaffa, Djemal Pasha cynically assured the Jews that it was for their own good and ‘interests that he drove them out. Those who had not succeeded in leaving on April 1 were graciously accorded permission to remain at Jaffa over the Easter holiday.

‘Thus 8,000 were evicted from their houses and not allowed to carry off their belongings or provisions. Their houses were looted and pillaged even before the owners had left. A swarm of pillaging Bedouin women, Arabs with donkeys, camels, etc., came like birds of prey and proceeded to carry off valuables and furniture.

‘The Jewish suburbs have been totally sacked under the paternal eye of the authorities. By way of example, two Jews from Yemen were hanged at the entrance of the Jewish suburb of Tel Aviv in order to clearly indicate the fate in store for any Jew who might be so foolish as to oppose the looters. The roads to the Jewish colonies north of Jaffa are lined with thousands of starving Jewish refugees. The most appalling scenes of cruelty and robbery are reported by absolutely reliable eyewitnesses. Dozens of cases are reported of wealthy Jews who were found dead in the sandhills around Tel Aviv. In order to drive off the bands of robbers preying on the refugees on the roads, the young men of the Jewish villages organized a body of guards to watch in turn the roads. These guards have been arrested and maltreated by the authorities.

‘The Mohammedan population has also left the town recently, but they are allowed to live in the orchards and country houses surrounding Jaffa and are permitted to enter the town daily to look after their property, but not a single Jew has been allowed to return to Jaffa.

‘The same fate awaits all Jews in Palestine. Djemal Pasha is too cunning to order cold-blooded massacres. His method is to drive the population to starvation and to death by thirst, epidemics, etc., which according to himself, are merely calamities sent by God.’

“Auron cites a very tenable hypothesis put forth at that time in a journal of the British Zionist movement as to why the looming slaughter of the Jews of Palestine did not occur – the  advance of the British army (from immediately adjacent Egypt) and its potential willingness ‘to hold the military and Turkish authorities directly responsible for a policy of slaughter and destruction of the Jews – may have averted this disaster.”

Jews were not the only non-Christians targeted during the genocide. “In addition to the Armenians,” writes Dr. Maria Six-Hohenbalken, “demographically smaller groups of Christian denominations, as well as non-Christian groups such as the Yezidi, were targeted by the politics of annihilation. It is nearly impossible to know the number of the victims; about 12,000 Yezidis managed to find refuge in Armenia, where they established a diasporic community in the Soviet realm.”

During the genocide, Ottoman Turkish authorities aimed to Islamize the whole region by eliminating non-Muslim populations: Christians, Jews and Yezidis. These groups continue to be targeted both in and outside of Turkey today. An effective way to end these abuses and create a region where persecuted communities are safe and equal is for Turkey and international governments to recognize the 1915 genocide, and honor all of its victims and their descendants.

Uzay Bulut is a Turkish journalist and political analyst formerly based in Ankara. She is currently a research student at the MA Woodman-Scheller Israel Studies International Program of the Ben-Gurion University in Israel.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org

Asbarez: Open Letter Urges Release of Armenian POWs

April 9, 2021



A change.org petition calls for the immediate release of Armenian POWs

The British Armenian Group, which has spearheaded the engagement of the international community in efforts to release Armenian prisoners of war and other captives being held in Azerbaijan, has addressed an open letter to the OSCE and the organization’s Minsk Group co-chairmen, calling on them to take a more active role in the process.

Below is the text of the open letter.

Addressed to:
H.E. Helga Maria Schmid, Secretary-General of the OSCE
OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs:
H.E. Ambassador Andrew Schofer to the OSCE
H.E. Igor Popov Ambassador of Russia to the OSCE
H.E. Stephane Visconti,Ambassador of France to the OSCE
Vienna, Austria 7 April 2021

Ref: Second Appeal to free ALL Armenian POWs held in Azerbaijan

Excellencies,

“May He grant that prisoners of conflicts, especially in Eastern Ukraine and Nagorno-Karabakh, return safely to their families,” Pope Francis remembered Armenian prisoners of war during his traditional Easter message this week.

Five months since the Ceasefire that ended military activities in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), over 230 Armenian POWs and civilian captives are still held in Azerbaijan. Unlike Azerbaijan, the Armenian side, adhering to Article 8 of the trilateral Ceasefire Statement between the Russian, Azerbaijani, and Armenian Heads of State of 9 November 2020, manifested a constructive approach and promptly returned all Azerbaijani POWs held in Armenia. However, Azerbaijani authorities blatantly break international law by obscuring the actual number of Armenian POWs from the ECtHR and other international bodies. Furthermore, Azerbaijani authorities are continually obstructing the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) accessing Armenian POWs in captivity and prohibiting comprehensive reports on their health and conditions of their detention to their families.

Excellency, as a Co-Chair of the OSCE Minsk Group, we request your immediate intervention in this ongoing humanitarian crisis traumatizing not only POWs and their families but the entire Armenian population. The Azerbaijani government led by Ilham Aliyev, continues distorting the tragic reality on the ground and spreading misinformation to the world. By preventing the repatriation of Armenian captives and POWs to their families, Aliyev’s regime grossly violates international laws on human rights, the Third Geneva Convention on POWs of 12 August 1949. Furthermore, their lack of compliance blatantly and conveniently ignores the tripartite Ceasefire Statement of November 9, 2020 in which Article 8 specifically makes clear that all POWs must be promptly exchanged.

The Human Rights Watch recently published evidence confirming that ethnic Armenians in captivity have been victims of barbaric treatment, physical and mental abuse. The overwhelming evidence on the reprehensible maltreatment of Armenian POWs by the Azerbaijani military produced by the independent press and international organizations.  Additionally, in the latest AD HOC Report by the Armenian Human Rights Ombudsman Arman Tatoyan in January 2021 brought to light unlawful treatment, abuse and humiliation of Armenian POWs. ISIS-style beheadings, capturing civilians, destroying the cultural and religious heritage of ethnic Armenians in Artsakh is happening right now. Neither Azerbaijani perpetrators of those despicable crimes nor the authorities ordering them, have been brought to justice or condemned by the international community until today.

Further discrediting the Armenian authorities’ right to demand the repatriation of POWs, President Ilham Aliyev declared that the remaining detainees captured after the Ceasefire, did not fall into the category of ‘prisoners of war’. He falsely purported that the remaining Armenian hostages, particularly 62 servicemen from the Shirak province of Armenia, were ‘terrorists’ and ‘saboteurs’ captured in December 2020 during an ‘anti-terrorist operation ‘carried out by the Azerbaijani military. The Armenian captives in question have been confirmed by the Human Rights Ombudsman as ‘prisoners of war’, as they were servicemen in the Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) defence army fulfilling their constitutional duties and were there on legally mandated military service, all of whom were taken hostage and had no chance to escape following the sudden Ceasefire Agreement.

By delaying the return of Armenian POWs, Azerbaijan pursues political objectives of manipulating the negotiation process and gaining additional concessions from the Armenian government. The lack of appropriate response from the international organizations to Azerbaijan’s criminal actions leads to further abuse by the latter of the legal procedures, rejection of obligations of the international law, prosecution of prisoners, causing incessant suffering to the families of captives and missing persons and to the Armenian nation in homeland and across the diaspora.

We urge the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship – holding the unique mandate for the negotiation process over Artsakh recognized by the international community – to multiply all viable diplomatic efforts to:

  • confirm the number of ethnic Armenian POWs and captives including all female captives detained in Azerbaijan;
  • ensure urgent access of international bodies, including the ICRC, to all Armenian POWs to provide their families with full accounts on their health and detention conditions;
    increase pressure on President Aliyev for the immediate and unconditional release and the repatriation of ALL Armenian POWs and captives.

We take this opportunity to forward you the link to our global petition with around 20,000 signatures demanding the release of all Armenian POWs and captives addressed to the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs, decision makers of the United Nations and the Council of Europe.

Due to the urgency of the crisis of Armenian POWs, we anticipate your prompt reply to the present letter.

Yours faithfully,

Members of the British Armenian group

Armenia’s PM’s godfather appointed governor of Tavush

Aysor, Armenia
April 8 2021

Hayk Ghalumyan has been appointed governor of Armenia’s Tavush province.

The decision has been made at the cabinet sitting today.

“I convince that I will not spare anything for the economic development of Tavush province and welfare of our people,” Ghalumyan said addressing the cabinet after the appointment.

Hayk Ghalumyan is Armenia’s PM Nikol Pashinyan’s godfather. He has been appointed acting mayor of Ijevan from September 14, 2019.

It has been reported that ex-governor of Tavush province Hayk Chobanyan has been appointed minister of high tech industry after resignation of Hakob Arshakyan.

Determination of the Artsakh status will serve as a basis for lasting peace and stability in the region – Foreign Ministry

Panorama, Armenia
April 2 2021

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry has issued a statement upon the 5th anniversary of the Azerbaijani aggression against Artsakh unleashed in April, 2016.

According to the text released by the ministry press department, five years ago, on the night of 1 to 2 April, 2016, the Azerbaijani authorities, in flagrant violation of the commitment on ceasefire, launched a large-scale military offensive against Artsakh, attempting to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through the use of force.

It reminds that during the offensive, the armed forces of Azerbaijan deliberately targeted the civilian population and infrastructure. The four-day war against Artsakh was accompanied by cruel murders and torture of the servicemen and civilians of Artsakh, as well as mutilation of the bodies of the victims. Those who committed these crimes on the grounds of national hatred were later awarded by the Azerbaijani authorities at the highest level.

“In the aftermath of the April war, inspired by the impunity of the committed war crimes and violations of human rights, the Azerbaijani authorities intensified their bellicose rhetoric and propaganda of hatred against Armenians.

This policy resulted in unleashing new military aggression by Azerbaijan against Artsakh in 2020  with the direct involvement of Turkey and the latter’s affiliated foreign terrorist fighters causing numerous irreversible human and material losses. Considerable part of Artsakh’s territory fell under the Azerbaijani military occupation, tens of thousands of citizens became refugees,” the statement said. 

It noted that The large-scale wars unleashed against Artsakh in April, 2016 and September, 2020, as well as the war crimes committed by Azerbaijan during those hostilities, demonstrated that Artsakh cannot be under the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan with any status.

“Only addressing the consequences of the Azerbaijani aggression against Artsakh and the determination of the status of Artsakh will serve as a basis for lasting peace and stability in the region. Armenia and the Armenian people will make every effort to fully restore all the rights of our compatriots in Artsakh for a free and dignified life in their historical homeland,” concluded the text.