Members Of PAP And Heritage Party Blame Each Other For Breaking Of E

MEMBERS OF PAP AND HERITAGE PARTY BLAME EACH OTHER FOR BREAKING OF ELECTORAL PROCESS

ARMINFO
Friday, May 3, 17:51

The ruling Republican Party of Armenia is distributing bribes in
Achapnyak district of Yerevan, press-secretary of “Barev Yerevan”
bloc, David Sanasaryan, said at today’s press-conference.

“We have got a signal that RPA and Prosperous Armenia Party have
already started distributing electoral bribes. In particular, RPA
was distributing 10 000 drams bribes in Achapnyak district, and
today citizens are waiting for bribes from the PAP”, – he said. He
called on policemen to follow the data of these incidents. He said
that policemen do not hinder RPA members to commit crime, but become
very much active in case of the opposition.

However, press-secretory of the Prosperous Armenia Party, Tigran
Urikhanyan, disproved Sanasaryan’s such statement and called it black
PR. He said that there are parties which seem to be for the high
quality of the election, but their seats in the electoral commissions
are occupied by the RPA members. If there is somebody from the “Barev
Yerevan” bloc ready to disprove it, I invite him to the open debates,
he said and added that those which are truly concerned about the
quality of the election, will take specific steps and will not sell
their seats in the commissions.

Armenian politician forecasts new challenges for authorities

Armenian politician forecasts new challenges for authorities

13:40 – 04.05.13

Considering the direct links between foreign and domestic policies,
the president of the Armenian Political Scientists’ Union says he
strongly doubts that the coming couple of years will be a period of
ease for the ruling authorities.

`There are foreign policy challenges, with the regions close to our
borders facing a high tension. Iran is about to hold a presidential
election, and we don’t know what the situation will be then,’ Hmayak
Hovhannisyan told Tert.am, when asked to comment on the opposition’s
remarks that Armenia is unlikely to hold political elections for four
or five years to come.

The expert gave little importance to the reactivated talks over
Nagorno-Karabakh, saying that the process has acquired a formal
character over the recent period. Hovhannisyan noted that Russia is
now trying to recover the process from a state of agony.

`And it’s clear why, because if the sides are negotiating there is a
greater unlikelihood of a renewed war. If they are not negotiating and
facing a deadlock, that likelihood increases. And that naturally
troubles Russia because it will have to be directly involved in war
operations in case they resume,’ he said.

The expert noted that Armenian FM Edward Nalbandian left for the
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic upon his return from Russia to negotiate
with the country’s president, Bako Sahakyan.

He further pointed out to the increasing tensions in Syria,
considering it yet another cause for keeping the Armenian authorities
in trouble.

All the processes, according to the expert, will be accompanied by
possible exacerbations with the United States.

And last but not the least, he spoke of the Russian factor. `2015 is a
symbolic [year] not only for us but also for Russia. While we are
going to mark the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, Russia
will be celebrating the 70th anniversary of victory in the Great
Patriotic War, which it achieved at a high sacrifice. So Putin would
wish to symbolize the anniversary with serious achievements marking
progress in integration projects,’ he said, adding that the Eurasian
Union efforts could offer a good format for realizing the plan.

Hovhannisyan added that Armenia’s possible integration is of great
importance to Russia as the country’s agreement to join the Union
would imply the South Caucasus’s involvement in the project.

Armenian News – Tert.am

Armenia’s ice cream production triples

Armenia’s ice cream production triples

May 04, 2013 | 01:51

YEREVAN. – A total of 422,000 liters of ice cream were produced in
Armenia in the first quarter of 2013, the National Statistical Service
informs.

Ice cream production in the country increased by 3.3 times, as
compared to the year past. In all probability, the hot weather has
contributed to this indicator.

Armenia’s ice cream consumption during the first three months of this
year made up a monthly average of about 50 grams, per person.

There are nine companies in Armenia that produce ice cream.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

Armenia’s sheep export gathers momentum again

Armenia’s sheep export gathers momentum again

May 04, 2013 | 01:03

YEREVAN. – According to Armenia’s customs statistics, approximately
19,000 sheep were exported from the country in the first quarter of
2013.

Sheep exports increased by about fifty times, as compared to the first
quarter of last year.

To note, the export in sheep had sharply declined in 2012 and made up
around 61,000 sheep, per year. In the previous three years, however,
it stably exceeded 100,000 sheep.

The sheep are primarily exported to Iran.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

If Opposition Forces Unite, Authorities To Become Political Corpse –

IF OPPOSITION FORCES UNITE, AUTHORITIES TO BECOME POLITICAL CORPSE – ARF-D REP

13:14 ~U 03.05.13

Head of Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutyun (ARF-D)
faction head Armen Rustamyan is convinced that in case opposition
forces unite in post-election period, the authorities will become a
political corpse and an end will be put to their political career.

“I do not think that a sensible force that will enter the City
Council will not unite. I am sure with it the political career of
the authorities will end and they will become a political corpse. If
we once again disappoint people with our wrong behavior, it will be
another big blow,” he said speaking at the NA briefing today.

Rustamyan stressed that out of eight political forces, 4 are opposition
and this time it will be easier to overcome it. “We have opened a
hot line for registering the election frauds. A lot depends on how
free the elections will pass,” he said.

“If it is possible to control, it is clear that the authorities will
not manage to reproduce themselves,” he said, convincing that ARF-D
will do everything for the establishment of post-election alliance.

At the same time the ARF-D MP registered that there was no joint
statement yet.

“It is not good. Each seems to leave a room for future which may
disorient the voter. The voter must understand that by giving vote
to the opposition his/her vote will not be lost,” he stressed.

Asked whether the ARF-D is ready to concede the office of the mayor,
Rustamyan said that still in pre-election period they were ready to
put their ambitions aside and have an opposition mayor.

“We have normal relations with all, the bridges are not burnt and we
will do everything for uniting, if not, it will be clear for us that
they are interested in leaving the field to the authorities,” he noted.

Armenian News – Tert.am

Armenie Prospère Se Mobilise Pour Prevenir La Fraude Electorale

ARMENIE PROSPÈRE SE MOBILISE POUR PREVENIR LA FRAUDE ELECTORALE

Selon Hraparak, citant le N°2 de la liste d’Armenie prospère, Gourguen
Arsenian, cette formation politique aurait l’intention d’installer dans
chaque bureau de vote deux cameras, l’une a l’interieur et l’autre
a l’exterieur afin de filmer tout electeur et prevenir ainsi le vote
des habitants des regions [que le parti Republicain est suspecte de
faire venir]. M. Arsenian a par ailleurs confirme qu’Armenie prospère
a remplace plusieurs de ses representants au sein des commissions
electorales locales du fait des pressions et tentatives de corruption
exercees a leur encontre. Le jour du vote, Armenie prospère comptera
pas moins de 4 partisans dans chaque bureau de vote, dont un membre de
la commission electorale locale, 1 observateur et deux representants.

L’alliance ” Bonjour Erevan ” a egalement declare qu’elle surveillera
minutieusement le deroulement du scrutin ” afin de prevenir la
repetition des fraudes du 18 fevrier “.

Extrait de la revue de presse de l’Ambassade de France en Armenie en
date du 2 mai 2013

vendredi 3 mai 2013, Stephane ©armenews.com

Film: The Other Genocide

THE OTHER GENOCIDE

Al-Ahram Online, Egypt
May 1 2013

Avant-garde cinema and the Armenian genocide: on seeing her last
documentary, Nora Koloyan-Keuhnelian listens to Suzanne Khardalian
tell her story

Grandma’s Tattoos is a mysterious documentary in which taboos are
broken. In it the director, Suzanne Khardalian, struggles to put
together the pieces of the puzzle of the story of her childhood and
her cold relationship with her grandmother, whom she describes as
wicked. No one wants to tell her the reason behind her grandma’s
silence, no one is brave enough to speak the truth. Then again,
only a few family members know much of the story. Khardalian has to
find out for herself about Grandma Khanum’s mysterious tattoos – the
secret behind those blue marks on her hands and face. It is her way of
finding out about the massacres of Armenians by Ottoman Turks in 1915.

More than a million people died in a genocide that Turkey still
denies. One aspect of the story that goes largely unrecorded is the
fate of women survivors of the genocide who were deported out of
Ottoman Turkey during World War I and released into the deserts of
Syria to be forced into prostitution. This is the reason she embarked
on the journey of this film, the story of her own family. On a recent
visit to Egypt to prepare for a new documentary on the region,
Khardalian attended an Aremenian-community screening of Grandma’s
Tattoos.

The film opens in the Syrian desert, near Deir Al-Zor, where the
journey following deportation ended. In the background is the voice
of a sheikh saying his prayers. Lying about in the desert, Khardalian
starts to dig into the sand to find human remains… “It’s here that my
ancestors were buried,” she says. The scene shifts to the family house
in Bourj Hammoud, Beirut, where she was born. “This is where I spent
my childhood,” she goes on. “We used to live here, the seven of us.”

The statement is followed by a close-up of her grandmother’s tattooed
hands. “I was frightened by Grandma and by those signs on her hands,
I disliked her” is intercut with the beautiful and warm voice of
Lena Shammamian, the Syrian-Armenian singer, telling of the mountains
separating Armenians from their homeland: “Sareri hovin mermen…”

Khardalian says, “Strange questions bothered my head. Is there
something my mother and sisters know that I don’t?” Now living in
Sweden, Khardalian is on her way to Anjar, Lebanon to attend her
nephew’s wedding. In the following scene, on arrival, she introduces
us to her four sisters gathered in the kitchen for Armenian coffee
and a chat about their grandmother’s life. They had little to say
about their grandmother beyond stray impressions: “We never felt
her presence”; “She didn’t like her husband, grandpa, she was even
physically detached from him”; “I remember how she loved listening
to Farid Al-Atrach’s love songs on the radio,” Khardalian says;
“Grandpa got upset and shouted at her every time she listened to a
Arabic songs,” one sister replies.

The next scene takes place in Los Angeles, where Khardalian goes to
meet her grandma’s sister Lucia, knowing that she too had tattoos on
her hands, but all Lucia has to say about it is the patently false
story that there were marks made while playing as children. Suddenly
we are back in Syria, on the banks of the Euphrates in Deir Al-Zor –
a dark point on a dark map, called Red Run River by Armenians – where
Armenians were thrown into the water and watched: if they did not
drown they were shot as they struggled to swim to safety. The corpses
are said to have floated down the river for months. The director is
seen inside the Deir Al-Zor Armenian Genocide Martyrs’ Church museum,
inspecting the personal belongings of Armenians found en route to the
desert, wondering if her grandmother’s belongings could be among them.

On the road she meets Syrian women with tattoos on their hands and
faces. Asked about them in Arabic, they say they symbolise the wheat
harvest and were made using charcoal. Could it be that her grandma had
the tattoos made so that she could hide her (religious) identity? “All
I had in my mind were questions, unanswered questions…” Back in
Beirut, she tries to answer them with her sisters. “We used to be rude
to our grandma; we didn’t know she suffered that much, we never knew
the details of her youth. Now we regret that, what if it had something
to do with honour, with shame…” The sisters break down in tears.

Invited to come along to Margadeh, Syria, they are either too busy,
not interested or perhaps fearful of what they might discover. In
the desert, she digs out human remains. “I have teeth in my hands,”
she says.

Eventually she locates another tattooed genocide survivor, Mariam,
104, who lives in Armenia. In Yerevan, Mariam sits legs crossed on a
sofa to recall how “the houses on our street were made into bordellos:
the government used to come and take away the beautiful girls living
in the district… and the girls never came back. I hate to remember
this,” Mariam keeps weeping. But what about her tattoos? She never
tells Khardalian. It is Khardalian’s aunt Mary who recalls how “your
grandma hated any physical contact with her husband, they never had
sex.” Grandma Khanum did her best to prevent the shame from spreading
among the family, that’s why she was silent all through her lifetime.

Suzanne Khardalian’s grandmother is believed to have appeared in Beirut
in 1922 when she was 19 years old. She used to weave carpets and sell
olive pickles. In the last scene we are taken to a beautiful village
in Armenia where Khardalian feels secure among the apricot trees,
drinking a toast with her friends while Shammamian continues to sing,
“…Im yari boyin mernem, boyin mernem”. Suzanne was 25 when her
grandmother passed away at the age of 88.

Suzanne Khardalian is an independent documentary filmmaker and writer,
as well as a researcher at the Dramatiska Institute in Stockholm. Born
in Lebanon, she studied journalism in Beirut and Paris. Khardalian
holds a Masters degree in international law and diplomacy from Tuft’s
University. Among the films she has directed are Back to Ararat (1988),
Unsafe Ground (1993), The Lion from Gaza (1996), Her Armenian Prince
(1997) and Words and Stones: Gaza (2000). In Egypt she explained the
reason for her visit: “I am a documentary filmmaker and I usually
work in the Middle East, and of course what’s happening in the Arab
world is of the utmost importance. We’re planning to make a new
documentary on the region and we’ve chosen a specific angle: it’s
going to be through the eyes of a foreign correspondent and what is
important for me in this case is how she is transmitting the message
to the West and how the information is received there. She’s a very
important radio journalist, every morning 800,000 people listen to
her. It’s not a small number and in this way she’s shaping opinion so
through her we’re going to present what’s happening in the Arab world.

Today we’re in Egypt, tomorrow we may be going to Gaza or Libya –
and hopefully we’ll be in Syria soon…”

Khardalian was told that her grandma’s father was a judge and her
mum was a secondary school teacher – at that time in 1908-1909. But
the family never cherished the fact, they tried to forget everything
because the judge and the teacher’s daughter, Khardalian’s grandma,
was illiterate, she never attended school. It was a big loss, and not
the only one: several generations that were born after the genocide
were robbed of the chance of education, of producing or realising
themselves. The judge would probably have had children who would
themselves become judges but that was never to be, it took three
generations until the children started going to university again. The
genocide did not stop it, it went on, they paid the price…

The 58-minute documentary was released in September, 2011 in Sweden.

The Qatari channel Al-Jazeera bought the right to screen it for five
years and up to the present it has been screened eight times. On
YouTube, where it was posted, many comments in Turkish, Arabic and
English were offensive – so much so that the option to comment is no
longer available.

The film was shown in Sweden and Istanbul. Istanbul’s screening was
during a festival, afterwards it was screened three times there.

Grandma’s Tattoos documentary was translated into English, French,
Spanish but not Arabic yet, something the filmmaker is looking
forward to.

*** “My grandma had the tattoos all the time but as children, because
she was a very weird person, because she was a very cruel person,
we had a weird relationship with her, we didn’t ask. She never hugged
us and we never responded with love. It was reciprocal, we were even
evil to her sometimes because when you see someone who doesn’t love
you, you do the same. So her tattoos were there all the time but what
was interesting to me to discover was that I didn’t see them until I
actually discovered the photos at the archives of the Near East Real
Foundation, and when I saw the photos of those young girls who had
tattoos I said, ‘My God, I’ve seen them somewhere,’ and it took me
a while to realize that my grandma had them. How come I have never
even thought about them? All these questions of course just exploded
when I saw these pictures. It was fascinating and very awkward to
realise that the genocide had been so close to my family. It impacted
us directly and I had no idea. It’s so different when you realise it
happened to your own flesh…

“When I first started to ask about it, people said they were for
beauty. Today tattoos are accepted, everybody can have tottoos,
so if you look at them in today’s context you see it as something
nice. But the thing is that we’re talking about another time, when
tattoos more often had a function. In the context of my research I
came to realise that these tattoos were ownership marks: at the end of
the genocide the survivors were dispersed and forced into the desert,
and in the desert there are Turkish, Kurdish and Arab tribes where
it is common to tattoo women, because traditionally these tribes were
fighting each other and, since kidnapping women is a very common thing
– that’s the first thing you do, you take the women of the enemy –
by marking women you can see permanently who they belong to. So when
the Armenian women were taken from the desert because they were there –
they had no one to take care of them, people could just come and pick
them up, nobody would say anything; you could choose, you could take
her home, use her and sell her again, like any commodity – they were
marked so that nobody could take them away. So that’s what happened:
they took my grandma, they marked her, forced her to be part of that
society. And this genocidal process is something that we’ll never
talk about, we only talk about the killing but we never talk about
the living people, the survivors, what price they paid, how that they
were forcibly taken from one national group to another. Nobody was
asking their permission to tattoo them and for me that means nothing
but slavery.

“I have to admit it’s very difficult to find tattooed women because
it’s been so long, it will be 100 years soon, and many who were let’s
say 15 will be 115 years old now. They’re not alive any more but
what is stunning is that I waited until now, that all those people
who came before me waited until now; how come we never thought about
these questions, about these women. So my guess is that if I was not
interested in women’s issues I probably wouldn’t look at the question
in this way, because the tattooing is one aspect of what happened to
the women and it happened to my grandma. It wasn’t one or two or five
or six cases, it was thousands upon thousands of women, but it was
very difficult to find the women themselves. There are very funny
stories, many of these women who were rescued, actually ended up
in California, Frezno, a very well known place for Armenians. These
women were so common in Frezno at the time when they arrived that the
Americans started calling them ‘the blue-lips’ because of the blue
colour of the tattoo, it was that common. I’ve met their children and
their grandchildren and it is amazing to see how the trauma is just
transmitted from one generation to the next, there’s no stop to it.

Maybe we should wonder why, that’s another question, but how this
was transmitted and how you as a person growing up in the shadow of
these tattooed women became someone else. I actually met a well known
journalist in Sacramento, who was in her seventies, and I was told
that her mum was one of those tattooed women. Everybody knew her, so
people advised me to talk to her to hear her mum’s story, and when we
went to see her, she was so hostile that when I asked her to tell me
the story of her mum’s tattoos, she said, ‘Who told you that my mum
was tattooed? My mother was never tattooed.’ Such denial in so many
ways saddens me. The same happened with Lucy, she simply denied it…

She probably thought, ‘For God’s sake, why should I tell this, what’s
the use telling it now.’ She certainly had those traumas. How would
you continue your life? You have to find a way of survival, so either
it’s denial or you find a nice story to tell instead, a less painful
story. What I find funny is how denial is shared by the victim and
the perpetrator: just as the Turks are denying they did it, so too
are we denying that it was done to us. Because it hurts so much.

“Both tattooed and non-tattooed women were raped, according to the
archives. The woman I interviewed in Armenia, Mariam, who was 104 years
old, was kept as a prostitute until 1937, when she finally escaped
to Aleppo and back to Armenia. Actually when she went to Aleppo she
brought with her two embroideries that belonged to the Armenian church
in Malatia and donated them to the church in Aleppo so those two are
still there, that was the only thing she could hang onto for a sense
of identity, that this is what I am, pieces of clothing are my pass,
that’s where my identity is. There are very heartbreaking stories
like that, where women tried to make it, and also you’re only a human
being, there’s so much demanded from you, you were raped, you have
children, not once, not twice, you give to this man three or four
children sometimes, but you haven’t chosen him, they’ve taken you,
and in the end these are your children. It’s heartbreaking to see how
these women were put in a situation, do I stay with my children or do
I leave and go back to Armenia? What a choice to make. Those who died,
those who were murdered, they were murdered. But those who stayed
alive were being killed everyday, each and every day in their lives.

“I will not make guesses but I have numbers, the archives that I
found: a compilation of girls who were rescued, or somehow brought
back to decent homes or to orphanages. There were at least 2,000 names
documented already. But there are documents that talk about 97,000
other women, either tattooed or kidnapped. The phenomenon of women
as a commodity in war time, during the genocide, how women become
the target of the genocidal process. Usually if you look to Rwanda or
Darfur today, or even what happened in Yugoslavia, what you do to the
women first of all is you rape them, it’s such a horrible thing they
do, they take your dignity away, rape you and then make you nothing,
you become nothing, they crush you in that way. And often these women
were raped in front of their children, in front of their husband,
in front of their father or mother, it was even more humiliating. If
your children see you being raped, I don’t know what to do, how do you
look into their eyes again? Of course, we have to treat these women as
heroes, they were doing heroic things, just surviving and giving birth
to children. We shouldn’t blame them, all of us in the whole diaspora,
we are the children of these women, they were the ones who gave birth
to you – grandparents, parents. If they weren’t there we wouldn’t be
here today, so thanks to them we have an Armenian nation again but at
the same time we have tried to close our eyes and pushed them away,
but even when we accepted them we never looked into the details. Only
as a professional in my work did I have to pose all those questions.

“I was looking at the archives, let’s take 1919 as an example: I found
photos of women carrying babies in their hands. Who were those babies?

The husbands of these women were killed four-five years before.

Somebody made them pregnant, right? Who? Not their husbands. So these
were the children of the raped, and it’s the same if you look around
today, women who live with the product of the rape, it’s their child,
whatever they do to you, we never pose that question: who are these
babies they’re carrying? That’s us, we have to remember, it’s hard to
accept, it’s a very harsh reality. And I think if you’re not a woman
you don’t pose that question, I don’t think an Armenian man would look
at it that way. When I was planning for the film I met a very educated
Armenian gentleman with a high position and when I told him about the
film he said, ‘No, you cannot make this film, you shouldn’t make this
film.’ And when I asked why he said. ‘How can you? It’s so disgraceful,
what about us? The men? We couldn’t protect them, it’s so degrading for
us.’ So I understand their position as well, but I want to tell the
world about this, because it is not only my grandma, it’s happening
today, it’s happening everywhere, keeping silent will not help. If I
don’t personalise my grandma I will never reach your heart, in this
way I talked to your heart and mind, because I am building my story
on real evidence. At the same time I want to bring up the emotional
part of it, how these women could handle the situation. It’s so sad,
if you’re hungry and you want a piece of bread for yourself, for your
mum, son or daughter, just to make them survive, as life is precious,
and if I have to live and survive by prostitution, I will do it.

“Look around us, women are doing their utmost so that they can stay
alive, feed their children and maybe in that way they’re hanging onto
life. So I don’t blame them, I am proud of them, I am more proud of
them than those who jumped off the bridge and committed suicide during
the genocide, those were more egoistic by thinking of themselves: I
will not make my enemy win, it’s either me or them, and I am going to
win. In this respect, maybe people would not share my view, these women
with their harsh attitude made us win and continue having an Armenian
life. Of course my family was the biggest obstacle, because as I said
in almost all Armenian families the majority never talked about it,
it’s a sensitive issue. Instead of keeping this killing underwater,
I prefer to bring it to the surface, talk about it. It will embolden
us as women, it will make us prouder of who we are and today it makes
me walk with a greater sense of security. This feeling of insecurity
that I had all my life which I inherited from the family is something
that I wanted to get rid of and I think I have done that, because I
know who I am, and I am not ashamed of what I inherited, this is part
of my identity. When I started shooting the film my family members
kept telling me what are you doing? Why are you doing this? You
always come up with strange and problematic ideas. They didn’t want
to be part of it, my mum as the film shows was never cooperative. My
sisters too always tried to avoid me, but I insisted, it took a while
but when they understood what was going on they finally accepted it.”

And still many questions remain unanswered for the filmmaker and for
the Armenian nation in general.

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/2444/23/The-other-genocide.aspx

Sarkisyan Becomes Prime Minister Again

SARKISYAN BECOMES PRIME MINISTER AGAIN

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
May 2 2013

Susanna Petrosyan, Yerevan. Exclusively to Vestnik Kavkaza

On April 19 President Serzh Sargsyan signed a decree to reappoint
Tigran Sarkisyan to the post of prime minister. The new government
should be announced after the elections to the Yerevan City Council
on May 5.

Despite the backlash against Sargsyan from some circles of the
Republican Party of Armenia and the generally ambiguous attitude to
the figure within the ruling elite, the government, as usual, has
responded to the decision by the President unanimously. Member of
the Board of the Republican Party, Deputy Speaker Eduard Sharmazanov
stated that “the current government is imperfect”, but “Sarkisyan was
able to fulfill the order of the President to provide the 7 percent
economic growth.”

However, the reassignment of Sarkisyan has caused public
dissatisfaction and opposition, expressing the sentiments of the
majority of citizens who, because of the severe socio-economic
status, are dissatisfied with the government and feel the need to
effect change in the country. For instance, the representative
of the “Dashnaktsutiun” opposition party Hrant Markarian said:
“I think this is an important signal; our party has twice expressed
disbelief to the prime minister. The presidential election denounced
the people’s discontent with the socio-economic status. In not making
any conclusions, the President made a big mistake.

The secretary of the parliamentary faction of “Prosperous Armenia”
Naira Zohrabyan pointed to a large outflow of population from the
country and the high threshold of poverty: “Our estimates remain
the same: the current government led by the Prime Minister failed to
address the serious social and economic problems the country faces.”

The opposition believes that Sargsyan failed most of the points of the
government’s program for 2008-2012, including both GDP and promises
to reduce poverty and unemployment. According to the opposition,
there is regression in all areas, and the growth of 7.2% was obtained
by fraud and is a bluff.

The prime minister does not agree with the negative assessments of
the opposition and does not consider the activity of the Cabinet to
be a failure: “Sure, there were a lot of omissions and errors over
the years; the one who does nothing does not make mistakes. Naturally
we feel guilty for these mistakes like all normal people. ”

Meanwhile, according to the Director of the Caucasus Institute,
Alexander Iskandaryan, reappointing the Prime Minister is quite
logical: “Both the elections of local authorities and parliamentary
and presidential elections showed that there is no serious opposition
in Armenia. The opposition today is in ruins, and a major force that
can pose a threat to the Republicans does not exist. Accordingly,
the Republican Party has no rival. And if they do not exist and there
is no one that can force them to change the team, the authorities do
not see any special reason for this.”

However, the question of reappointing Sarkisyan should be considered
not only in the political sphere, but also in terms of his work
since the early days, that is, from April 2008. Even the official
figures are not in favor of the government. During this time,
external debt increased more than 2.5 times, which in 2008 amounted
to 1.4 billion, and today is close to $4 billion. In spite of the
fact that the government declared there was economic growth in the
country, migration outflow is not reduced, and the number of poor,
even according to official statistics, has increased; the minimum
wage is $85. At the peak of the global economic crisis, Armenia was
the first one in terms of external financial support per capita,
but in 2009 in Armenia there was an unprecedented economic decline
of 14%. The Armenian Prime Minister choked small and medium-sized
businesses in favor of monopolies. According to the World Bank, about
40% of the economy is in the shadows, the rise in prices is continuing,
including for staple foods, and investment in the Armenian economy
has decreased. It turns out that the ruling Republican Party and its
leader, President Serzh Sargsyan, ignored this information.

“The Armenian government and Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan were
constantly criticized by society, and their reappointments show that
criticism of the authorities does not mean anything,” political analyst
Armen Badalyan said. Local observers agree that the appointment of
Sarkisyan was expected. This confidence comes from Serzh Sargsyan’s
statement that he “now sees no reason to implement major changes.” In
addition, Sarkisyan is acceptable to the international financial
institutions. Finally, Sarkisyan does not pose any threat to the
president himself, as opposed to, for example, Robert Kocharian,
whose appointment as prime minister was discussed since the beginning
of the first term of President Sargsyan.

Reassigning Tigran Sargsyan in the presence of more than a third of
the poor, the continuing migration outflow, prices unreasonably high in
relation to incomes, rising debt and the ongoing rule of the monopolies
is likely to mean that there will not be any significant adjustments
made in the composition of the government and its activities. Social
and economic policies are on the backburner, and the authorities give
priority to the political aspect.

http://vestnikkavkaza.net/analysis/politics/39896.html

Vahan Shirkhanyan: Armenia’S Economic Development And Integration Pr

VAHAN SHIRKHANYAN: ARMENIA’S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND INTEGRATION PROSPECTS MAY BE CONNECTED WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION ONLY VIRTUALLY

Interview with Vahan Shirkhanyan, member of the Social Democratic
Hnchakyan Party, former vice premier Armenia

by David Stepanyan

Thursday, May 2, 17:35

Azeri mass media have recently reported Azerbaijan’s decision to stop
all negotiations for buying new arms from Russia and a simultaneous
decision by some European producers to soften their arms sale terms
for the South Caucasus. Has Baku an opportunity to refuse the Russian
military equipment indeed?

Azerbaijan will refuse Russian equipment and weapon only when
Russia refuses to deliver it. Otherwise, that will not happen. In
this context, everything depends on Moscow, not Baku as some people
try to present. I think that Moscow has already refused to deliver
certain types of weapon to Baku. And today Azerbaijan is trying to
present the situation in a favorable light, saying that it refuses
to purchase Russian weapon.

Why might Russia have refused such beneficial cooperation given that
over the past 5 years Baku has purchased from Moscow weaponry worth
1.7 bln USD?

There are certain problems in the relations between Baku and
Moscow that need to be settled. The first is about close military
cooperation between Baku and Ankara and purchasing of the Turkish
weapon by Azerbaijan. The second is about pretensions of Azerbaijan
to the Caspian basin. Moscow worries about aspiration of the Aliyev’s
regime to help the West to dispose of Iran, as well as about Baku’s
actions at the southern borders of Russia. The matter concerns illegal
training of terrorists, treatment of wounded terrorists, delivery of
weapon from the territory of Azerbaijan since the beginning of the
1990s. The aspiration of Baku and Ankara to destabilize the situation
in the North Caucasus has been proved for several times. Finally,
Israel really could offer Azerbaijan to deliver weapon at the damping
prices. This must not be ruled out either. So, 1.7 billion of the oil
dollars cannot play the key part in the relations between Moscow and
Baku. Here there are many more serious and expensive problems.

Ho much do you think the relations between Baku and Tehran may
deteriorate? The situation is aggravating with every passing day…

The hysteria of Aliyev’s regime against Iran is directed only at local
usage. Azerbaijan is guided by the feudal development model, in which
the Alyev’s clan has been conducting an anti-people policy. In this
context, the clan extremely needs frightening its own people by the
external threat from the side of Armenia, Iran and even Turkmenistan
from time to time. This is a political line, an instrument used by
the Aliyevs for many years. They have no other way, because to go
the normal civilized way of development will mean for them to lose
everything gained illegally.

Today experts speak much about Armenia’s dilemma between the Customs
Union and the EU Association. It is noteworthy that the issue is
raised in the political context mostly and only few speak of its
economic component…

Armenia has passed a rather difficult period of history in the
conditions of conducting foreign complementary policy. As a result
of such a policy, our country took numerous duties against the
opposing force centers. And it is quite natural that the republic
cannot immediately get rid of these duties and start conducting
the new foreign policy. However, creation of the Customs Union and
the prospects of the Eurasian Union creation are new opportunities
for the foreign policy of Armenia. I think that Armenia’s interests
are obvious just in these two structures. At the same time, I think
that the republic will go on developing the same way clearing out
its opportunities and prospects of possible membership in these two
integration unions. Joining the Customs Union will help Yerevan to
resolve specific economic problems, whereas the European Union is
still very far away and it is a practically impossible future for
Armenia. Today, it is unreal for Armenia to see in the EU specific
potential of the economic development and integration processes.

What specific benefits may there be?

Armenia’s joining the Customs Union will first of all open a huge and
endless market for the country, where Armenian goods will feel more
comfortable than at the European market. This is very much relevant
today, taking into account the fact that the present production
capacity of Armenia was created just at the Russian market. Secondly,
joining the Customs Union will open new integration opportunities
for Armenia, including with its neighboring countries. As I know,
dozens of countries, including Iran, have already displayed their
interest in joining the Customs Union. Many customs points on the way
of goods importing to Armenia cannot but affect their final cost. In
this context, joining the CU will result in dropping of prices
of the goods imported to Armenia. As for the political component,
he thinks that the military-political and strategic relations with
Russia have no alternative for Armenia, and the history has proved
that many times since 1990. These relations will go on developing at
least for the next dozens of years ensuring Armenia’s security.

Armenia will soon mark the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide
in the Ottoman Empire. Do you think Armenia conducts a correct policy
on international recognition of the Armenian Genocide?

Armenia’s policy in the matter of international recognition of the
Armenian genocide has grown much for the last 4 years. Earlier the
authorities of the republic used to come forward from the extremely
uncertain positions which were damaging international recognition of
this human tragedy. At the same time, it is natural that day by day
we come across changes and new challenges around the issue. I think
that the moment has come when the Armenians should demand from Turkey
what they lost as a result of the genocide. Armenians will not be
satisfied even with the Turks’ apology, compensation for the moral
damage and recognition of their forefathers’ mistakes. The Armenians
lost their true motherland and the time has come to demand what was
taken from them. It may be and should be done only on the basis of
the UN conventions and all the internationally recognized machineries,
documents and legal basis. This is enough to reach historical justice
on the basis of the consolidated right of the people of Armenia.

One of the key issues being discussed in the republic is the election
to the Yerevan Elders’ Council. Which of the 7 political forces
participating in the election is most likely to win?

I don’t think that the upcoming elections to the Elders’ Council
of Yerevan will differ from the previous ones. I think one of the
pro-governmental parties will win. Afterwards, we can expect certain
changes in the life of Yerevan and the citizens of Yerevan. Time
sets new requirements to the public and the authorities. Therefore,
the newly elected Elders’ Council will have to seriously approach the
basic problems of Yerevan. It is high time to resolve the problems
in the city.

Do you mean the candidates from not only the Republican Party of
Armenia but also the Orinats Yerkir Party?

Yes, I do. Armen Yeritsyan is a respectful person and his victory is
also quite possible.

What political consequences will this victory have given the serious
public discontent with the results of the presidential elections held
in February?

The post-election tensions are normal not only for Armenia and the
CIS, but also for the world. Force-majeur situations are hardly
possible in the country. Anyway, a new wave of public discontent is
undesirable as it harms the public rather than the authorities. Any
domestic political shocks affect the country’s image in the world,
and consequently, the economy. Many power centers pursue their own
interests in Armenia due to the country’s geopolitical and strategic
position. In this light, one cannot rule out also a direct connection
of the recent internal processes in Armenia and those power centers.

At the same time, the public’s large-scale discontent with the heavy
social situation in the country is more than obvious. Either together
or apart, these two factors can become a fruitful soil for domestic
political destabilization.

http://www.arminfo.am/index.cfm?objectid=59C3CA80-B32D-11E2-A46BF6327207157C

‘Plunderer’ Mayor Or ‘Clean Anc’ – Armenian Opposition Rep

‘PLUNDERER’ MAYOR OR ‘CLEAN ANC’ – ARMENIAN OPPOSITION REP

14:40 ~U 03.05.13

Levon Zurabyan, Head of the Armenian National Congress (ANC)
parliamentary group, addressed the upcoming elections to Yerevan’s
Council of Elders at a press briefing in Armenia’s parliament.

According to him, Yerevan residents have to decide between a
“plunderer” mayor and “a clean political force, the ANC.”

The ANC has informed Armenia’s society and prosecutor’s office of
the crimes allegedly committed by Yerevan Mayor Taron Margaryan.

“In fact, they themselves presented a list which shows that the mayor,
who has for years held government offices, has amassed an enormous
fortune – estimated at six to ten million dollars. He has neither
inherited nor has it been his salary or his income. This is glaring
evidence of plundering,” Zurabyan said.

The problem is actually the ruling Republican Party of Armenia (RPA)
rather than Taron Margaryan himself.

“It is the RPA, which has nominated him against the people. They have
laid down their cards,” he said.

“Do the people want to put an end to this plunder and trust the state
power to a political force like the ANC, a force with an unblemished
reputation, which is nominating a clean candidate and young people,
who are not afraid of police batons, committed to democracy and fair
government principles,” Zurabyan said.

Armenian News – Tert.am