Abp. Barsamian on 25th anniversary of Armenia earthquake

Abp. Barsamian on 25th anniversary of Armenia earthquake

Published: Sunday December 29, 2013

It is truly humbling to realize that a quarter-century has elapsed
since the earthquake struck Armenia on December 7, 1988. It has been
25 years since large areas of Armenia were destroyed; 25 years since
tens of thousands of our countrymen perished in the blink of an eye;
25 years since the life of the worldwide Armenian community was
transformed, forever.

And it has also been 25 years since we witnessed that beautiful
outpouring of goodwill from the world, directed towards our people in
their hour of profound need.

The repercussions of that time were so great that they can hardly be
enumerated. For the people of Armenia, it was a time of the deepest
grief, when the external signs of death and destruction appeared
inescapable.

For Armenians in our Diocese-and around the world-it was a time for
decisive action, which drew us away from our long-held parochial
divisions, and sharply focused our united hearts and minds on the
greater cause of our homeland.

For all of us, it was a time of beginning as much as an ending: a
moment to discover a common purpose, and to embrace anew the faith
that had given hope to the Armenian nation in earlier times of peril-a
hope so powerfully symbolized in those images of our great Catholicos
Vasken I consoling the people amidst the rubble: a father among his
beloved children.

In times of such catastrophe, the purposes of almighty God are deeply
mysterious. But with hindsight, we can attest that all of us emerged
from the earthquake and its aftermath changed. Armenia itself, once a
Soviet republic, was reborn in freedom and independence. The bond
between homeland and diaspora was strengthened, and travel to
Armenia-once fraught with difficulty-became common and fluid.

A new generation of Armenians-in our homeland, here in America, and
around the globe-was decisively shaped by both the tragedy of a
catastrophe, and the blessing of so many helping hands in a time of
need.

And it is not too much to assert that our own souls were deepened in
the wake of the earthquake. In the 25 years following 1988, the memory
of our sorrow would be re-awakened whenever similar natural disasters
struck our fellow human beings in other corners of the world. A sense
of solidarity in suffering has inspired our people to provide relief
and comfort to these fellow victims of devastation.

These were not new lessons for the Armenia people. Indeed, they are
the lessons our Lord taught us through his holy cross, and his empty
tomb; the lessons we embraced as a nation 17 centuries ago; the
lessons we carried through the valley of the shadow of death in 1915.
They are lessons of suffering and redemption; of the sanctity of life
and the power of hope; of the unpredictability of events, and the
constancy of faith.

The earthquake was the way those eternal lessons were asserted in our
generation. It falls to us to transmit those lessons to our children,
so they may draw strength in their own times of affliction.

Most of all, we must not lose heart when we feel, 25 years after such
an event, that some of those lessons have been forgotten. For they are
not lost. The response of our people to the earthquake shows that
those lessons and their associated godly virtues are always waiting to
be reborn in us, at the right moment, according to God’s will.

Surely the Armenian people have been instruments of His will, through
our great afflictions and our great achievements, from the depths of
our beings as individuals and as a nation. On this solemn anniversary,
we pray that God will remember the precious souls He drew to His
kingdom 25 years ago, and that He will bless the land and the people
who emerged from, and were changed by, that time of trial.

May His guiding hand be upon our people now and forever. Amen.

http://www.reporter.am/go/article/2013-12-29-abp–barsamian-on-25th-anniversary-of-armenia-earthquake

A Strasbourg, la communauté turque s’organise pour former ses imams

REVUE DE PRESSE
A Strasbourg, la communauté turque s’organise pour former ses imams

Le Ditib, fédération européenne de mosquées liée à la Turquie, ouvrira
à la rentrée 2014, à Strasbourg, une « faculté libre de théologie
islamique » pour former en France ses cadres religieux, ainsi qu’un
lycée confessionnel.

Ses promoteurs se félicitent de la souplesse de la législation
française, mais le projet n’en suscite pas moins bien des passions.

Alors qu’en Allemagne, la théologie musulmane ne s’envisage que dans
le cadre de l’université publique, sous la houlette d’universitaires
diplômés, la législation française en matière d’enseignement supérieur
privé se montre bien plus souple. C’est ainsi que devraient ouvrir
leurs portes, Ã la rentrée 2014, dans le quartier de Hautepierre, Ã
Strasbourg, une faculté libre de théologie islamique et un lycée
privé, tous deux gérés par le Ditib, le relais en Europe du
secrétariat d’État turc pour les affaires religieuses.

« L’objectif de la faculté libre est de former en France nos cadres
religieux pour répondre aux besoins des fidèles, par exemple sur les
rapports entre hommes et femmes. Actuellement, sur nos 250 mosquées,
150 ont un imam venu de Turquie et les autres n’en ont pas », raconte
Murat Ercan, président de la faculté et vice-président du conseil
régional du culte musulman en Alsace. Quant à l’idée du lycée, elle
est venue plus tard, quand un btiment voisin s’est libéré. « Notre
lycée leur permettra d’avoir le niveau nécessaire d’arabe et les bases
de la religion musulmane pour intégrer la faculté. »

Des cours de « sociologie », de « philosophie » en plus des matières
traditionnelles Tout est parti d’une convention signée en 2010 entre
les gouvernements français et turc, destinée à favoriser la formation
d’imams francophones, bons connaisseurs du contexte français. Preuve
de son soutien, la mairie de Strasbourg a accepté de modifier le plan
d’occupation des sols pour autoriser les activités d’enseignement dans
le quartier. Depuis, les travaux sont en cours dans le premier des
cinq immeubles achetés. En attendant, une trentaine d’étudiants déjÃ
inscrits – 15 garçons et 15 filles de toute la France – apprennent
l’arabe « Ã Nantes, Ã Lyon, un peu partout », dans le réseau du Ditib.

Soucieux de montrer leur « ouverture », les responsables du projet
assurent qu’en plus des matières traditionnelles – fondements de la
foi, interprétation et commentaire du Coran, science des hadiths – les
étudiants se verront proposer des cours de « sociologie », de «
philosophie », mais aussi « d’histoire des religions, si possible
fournis par des représentants de ces dernières ». Des contacts ont été
noués avec l’université de Strasbourg pour qu’ils suivent en parallèle
le diplôme universitaire « Droit, société et pluralité des religions
». Quant au lycée, le maximum réglementaire de quatre à six heures par
semaine d’enseignement religieux « sera respecté » et ses responsables
misent sur la signature d’un contrat avec l’État d’ici à cinq ans.

La crainte d’une mainmise d’Ankara Le projet n’en suscite pas moins
bien des passions, au point que rares sont ceux qui acceptent de
s’exprimer publiquement. Le financement de la quasi-totalité du projet
(15 millions d’euros) par la Turquie, de même que l’envoi des
professeurs par l’université d’Istanbul font craindre une mainmise
d’Ankara. « Après tout, il y a des écoles françaises partout dans le
monde, y compris en Turquie, a souligné il y a quelque temps
l’historien et politologue Samim Akgönül dans les colonnes du Monde.
Mais le problème commence si ces institutions deviennent des outils
pour empêcher le sentiment de pluri-appartenance, pour dresser des
barrières entre les Turcs de France et la société française dans son
ensemble et enfin si elles sont des instruments entre les mains d’un
État dogmatique. » « Nous aurions bien aimé financer le projet de
manière autonome, rétorque Saban Kiper, secrétaire général de la
faculté, mais la mairie nous a dit qu’elle ne nous donnerait pas un
sou. Quant aux enseignants, ils viendront d’Istanbul jusqu’Ã ce que
nos étudiants soient en mesure de prendre la relève. »

Se pose également la question de la qualité académique des
enseignements dispensés et de l’articulation – encore à construire
dans l’islam – entre enseignements dogmatiques et sciences humaines.
L’idée selon laquelle l’ouverture de cette faculté libre serait née du
refus de l’université de Strasbourg de former des théologiens
musulmans – comme son président Étienne Trocmé l’avait ardemment
défendu à la fin des années 1980 – fait hurler les universitaires. «
L’objectif de Trocmé était de former des savants, des spécialistes des
sciences humaines de l’islam, pas des imams », glisse l’un d’eux.

« Les responsables montrent un réel désir de reconnaissance »

Vice-président du conseil régional du culte musulman en Alsace,
aumônier national des hôpitaux, Abdelhaq Nabaoui se dit convaincu qu’y
sera enseigné « un islam du juste milieu ». Tout juste souligne-t-il
son espoir « que la langue française s’impose dans les cours, parce
qu’elle est le gage d’un enseignement en phase avec le contexte
français ». Sans nier le « fossé académique » qui sépare cet institut
de l’université voisine, d’autres proches du dossier se veulent
également optimistes, rappelant que de tels établissements existent
déjà dans d’autres cultes (yeshivot juives par exemple)? : « Les
responsables montrent un réel désir de reconnaissance, dit l’un d’eux.
L’idéal serait qu’ils s’orientent vers une validation des diplômes en
France et un contrat avec l’État pour le lycée. Un contrôle étatique
serait positif. »

LA CROIX

dimanche 29 décembre 2013,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

Turquie : la police disperse les manifestants antigouvernementaux

TURQUIE
Turquie : la police disperse les manifestants antigouvernementaux

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan fragilisé par une crise
sans précédent, faisait face vendredi à la contestation dans la rue
dans plusieurs grandes villes de Turquie où des manifestations étaient
organisées pour réclamer sa démission. Son gouvernement est éclaboussé
par un scandale politico-financier sans précédent qui a provoqué une
vague de démissions dans son camp.

Six mois après la fronde qui a fait vaciller son pouvoir, plusieurs
organisations avaient appelé à des rassemblements de masse à Ankara et
Istanbul, sur l’emblématique place Taksim, pour exiger le départ de M.
Erdogan et de son gouvernement islamo-conservateur.

La police turque a dispersé vendredi soir des centaines de personnes
qui tentaient de se réunir sur l’emblématique place Taksim d’Istanbul
pour exiger la démission du Premier ministre. Présentes en nombre, les
forces de l’ordre sont intervenues peu avant 19h00 locales (18h00,
heure belge) avec des canons à eau et des balles en plastique pour
repousser les manifestants dans les rues qui mènent vers la place
Taksim, c`ur de la fronde antigouvernementale qui avait fait vaciller
le gouvernement islamo-conservateur de M. Erdogan en juin. De 500 à
600 manifestants étaient par ailleurs réunis à Ankara aux cris de «
gouvernement, démission » et « La corruption est partout ».

La police est intervenue vendredi soir à Ankara pour disperser une
manifestation de plusieurs centaines de personnes réunies dans le
quartier de Kizilay, au centre-ville. « La démission de trois
ministres n’est pas suffisante. Nous exigeons que le gouvernement dans
son ensemble et le Premier ministre démissionnent eux aussi », a
indiqué un des organisateurs de la manifestation dans la capitale,
Hasan Yildiz « On en a assez des sales affaires de Erdogan et de son
gouvernement. Il faut qu’il parte », a déclaré un manifestant
stambouliote, Tolga. A quelques dizaines de kilomètres de là, M.
Erdogan, inflexible, a continué à se défendre bec et ongles en
dénonçant encore une fois, à l’aéroport international Atatürk puis
dans le quartier d’Uskudar, le « complot » ourdi contre lui. L’armée
refuse de s’engager dans la crise

L’armée turque qui a pris plusieurs fois dans le passé le pouvoir en
Turquie, a jugé bon d’affirmer publiquement qu’elle refusait de
prendre parti dans cette crise.

« Les forces armées turques (TSK) ne veulent pas être impliquées dans
les débats politiques », selon un communiqué en ligne.

La crise politique a également provoqué une forte nervosité sur les
marchés. La devise nationale est tombée à 2,1661 livres pour un dollar
vendredi, soit un nouveau plus bas historique, en dépit
d’interventions de la banque centrale. La Bourse d’Istanbul a reculé
de 2 %.

« Complot ! »

M. Erdogan a de nouveau affirmé vendredi être la victime d’un «
complot » de « lobbies des taux d’intérêts et du chaos », exploitant
son pays et ses richesses.

« Ce complot est une opération pour empêcher l’avènement de la
nouvelle Turquie », a-t-il martelé lors d’une allocution à Sakarya
(nord-ouest), s’en prenant fermement à l’action de certains procureurs
et magistrats qui ont mis au jour le scandale. « Le peuple va les
juger », a-t-il lancé.

Le remaniement gouvernemental d’urgence qu’il a opéré après la
démission de trois ministres éclaboussés, n’a pas suffi à étouffer
l’onde de choc. Justice vs. Exécutif

L’annonce jeudi du dessaisissement d’un des procureurs en charge de
l’enquête a mis en lumière le bras de fer qui oppose la justice turque
et l’exécutif.

Dénonçant des « pressions » de la police et de sa hiérarchie, ce
procureur a accusé la police d’avoir refusé d’appréhender une
trentaine de personnes, notamment des personnalités proches du Parti
de la justice et du développement (AKP) du Premier ministre, et des
hommes d’affaires connus.

Le Conseil d’Etat, la plus haute juridiction administrative turque, a
asséné un camouflet à l’exécutif en bloquant vendredi un décret
gouvernemental controversé publié dans la foulée du scandale,
obligeant la police à informer sa hiérarchie avant toute arrestation.

La presse a vu dans cette épreuve de force entre le gouvernement et la
police d’un côté, la magistrature de l’autre, une atteinte flagrante à
l’indépendance de la justice. La presse turque a confirmé par ailleurs
que l’enquête s’intéressait de près à l’un des deux fils du Premier
ministre, Bilal Erdogan, président d’une fondation, soupçonné de
trafic d’influence.

Le chef du gouvernement aurait lui-même admis son inquiétude. « La
cible principale de cette opération, c’est moi », aurait-il dit à son
entourage.

Purge au sein de la police

Vendredi deux rassemblements étaient prévus à Ankara et Istanbul dans
l’après-midi, un mouvement qui fait ressurgir le spectre de la fronde
antigouvernementale qui a défié l’autorité de M. Erdogan en juin
dernier.

La police, au centre de la controverse, est soumise à une purge
inédite depuis le coup de filet anticorruption du 17 décembre. Le chef
de l’exécutif a entamé une chasse aux sorcières en sanctionnant plus
d’une centaine de hauts gradés. Il reproche à ces officiers de ne pas
avoir mis le gouvernement au courant de l’enquête qui le vise.

Trois députés du parti gouvernemental, menacés d’expulsion pour s’être
prononcés en faveur de l’indépendance de la justice, ont d’autre part
annoncé vendredi leur démission.

« Il n’est plus possible de faire entendre quoi que ce soit au parti
au pouvoir », a indiqué l’un d’eux, Ertugrul Günay, un ancien ministre
de la Culture, qui a accusé son ancien parti d’« arrogance » et
d’entraver les actions de la justice. En dix jours, l’AKP a perdu cinq
députés

Si aucun nom n’a été cité, selon les spécialistes, derrière la
découverte des affaires de corruption, il y a la confrérie de l’imam
Fethullah Gülen, qui avait soutenu le Premier ministre à son arrivée
au pouvoir.

Mais, depuis deux ans, des désaccords sont apparus entre le régime et
la confrérie. Récemment, la décision du Premier ministre de fermer les
établissements de soutien scolaire, principale source de revenus de la
confrérie, a été perçue par le clan Gülen, omniprésent dans la police
et la magistrature, comme une déclaration de guerre.

De l’avis général, l’ampleur du scandale est capable d’affecter le
score de M. Erdogan aux élections locales de mars et à la
présidentielle d’août qui, pour la première fois, aura lieu au
suffrage universel direct.

dimanche 29 décembre 2013,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

l’UEFA intervient pour éviter une rencontre Arménie contre Azerbaïdj

ARMENIE
Football : l’UEFA intervient pour éviter une rencontre Arménie contre
Azerbaïdjan

L’Arménie ne sera pas face à l’Azerbaïdjan dans le tour de
qualification de l’UEFA du Championnat d’Europe des U-19 en dépit d’un
« tirage aveugle ».

Après le tirage au sort dans lequel les équipes arméniennes et
azerbaïdjanaises sont apparus dans le même groupe, l’instance
dirigeante du football européen l’UEFA a décidé de modifier les
résultats des tirages pour éviter que les deux nations qui sont dans
un état de fait de guerre se rencontrent.

Maintenant l’Arménie est incluse dans le groupe 9 avec l’Italie, la
Serbie et Saint-Marin. Les matchs qualificatifs auront lieu du 10 au
15 Octobre 2014 en Serbie. L’Azerbaïdjan est dans le groupe 4 avec la
Slovaquie, la Hongrie et la Slovénie.

dimanche 29 décembre 2013,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

Karabakh unrelated to Armenia’s accession to Customs Union – PM

Interfax, Russia
Dec 27 2013

Karabakh unrelated to Armenia’s accession to Customs Union – Armenian PM

YEREVAN. Dec 27

The problem of Nagorno-Karabakh should not be an obstacle for Armenia
in joining the Belarusian-Kazakh-Russian Customs Union, Armenian Prime
Minister Tigran Sargsyan said.

“The issue of Karabakh has been discussed in the context of Armenia’s
accession to the Customs Union. Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev
has raised this subject and received an answer from Armenian President
Serzh Sargsyan that there are no and cannot be checkpoints between
Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh,” Sargsyan said at a press conference on
Friday.

Speaking about Armenia’s accession to the Customs Union earlier,
Nazarbayev pointed to the problem of a border between Armenia and
Nagorno-Karabakh in connection with the unsettled conflict.

The Armenian prime minister said in commenting on this, “It is wrong
to mix political matters with the matter of Armenia’s accession to the
Customs Union and economic issues.”

The issue of Nagorno-Karabakh was not raised and was not discussed
during negotiations on Armenia’s accession to the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and negotiations on a deep and comprehensive free
trade area with the EU, he said.

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IMF sends positive signal for a potential 38-month loan to Armenia

IHS Global Insight
December 27, 2013

IMF sends positive signal for a potential 38-month loan to Armenia

by Lilit Gevorgyan

The IMF’s latest statement indicated that Armenia was on the right
track to receive a new 38-month credit facility to help with
structural reforms and fiscal deficit, projected to rise in 2014.

“Competition, competitiveness, and connectivity”

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) mission issued a statement after
concluding its nine-day visit to Armenia to discuss a new 38-month
Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangement. The mission held high-level
meetings with the country’s top officials responsible for economic
policy formation and implementation. The follow-up statement briefly
recognised the progress that Armenia has made since the global
economic crisis, including some structural reforms in financial
sector, pensions and social welfare, civil aviation and business
environment.

However, the Fund took the opportunity to highlight again the
challenges that the country currently faces. These include slowing
real economic activity in 2013, receding private and foreign direct
investment, high levels of unemployment and poverty. The current
account deficit has been closing, mainly due to decline in imports,
which overall the gap remains high. More importantly, IMF once again
pointed out that structural reforms need to be deeper and the
government has to work on three main areas: “competition,
competitiveness, and connectivity”.

These recommendations and assessment come in addition to an earlier
statement made by the IMF on 18 September 2013. Then, the Fund
indicated that it expected the Armenian economy to slow down in 2013
compared to the impressive growth in 2012, when real GDP expanded just
under 4.0% in 2013. However, the IMF is hopeful that with consistent
implementation of structural reforms as well as an improvement in the
external environment, Armenia’s economic performance is likely to
improve, with GDP growth rising to 5% annually in the medium term.

Tackling inflation will also be another challenge in the near term.
The IMF has recognised Armenian monetary authorities’ successful
inflation targeting policy, as they managed to keep inflation within
the target band of 4%, with +/-1.5% fluctuation during most of the
2013. However, nearly 60% increase in gas prices, which partially were
introduced in July as well as surge in food prices were the main
culprits for inflation overshooting the target set by the Armenian
Central Bank (CBA). The CBA has already introduced rate increases in
August and December to combat inflationary pressures, which averaged
at 6.0% year-on-year during the third quarter of 2013. The Fund also
commended Armenia’s efforts to shore up international reserves in
recent months due to better-performing exports. This has in turned
helped the central bank to limit upward pressure on the Armenian dram.

EFF to assist reforms

The new multi-year concessional lending from the IMF will help the
Armenian government to carry out further structural reforms that will
help Armenia to “transition to a dynamic emerging market economy”. In
its previous recommendations, the IMF had suggested that the Armenian
government needed to increase its capital spending as well as address
some social issues. Hence the 2014 budget deficit is expected to be
higher than in 2013. Earlier in September, the IMF stated that
Armenia’s fiscal deficit in 2013 is projected to be below 2% of total
GDP, and 2.6% of the budget. During the latest discussions, the IMF
has recommended the Armenian government to remain on the course of
improving tax collection to maintain the country’s fiscal deficit
under 2% of GDP in 2014.

The EFF is expected to help the government to cover the shortfall
while starting from 2015 the government will have to also start
looking into investing more in capital spending but at the same time
address fiscal deficit. The latter can be achieved with improvement of
tax collection which in turn will generate revenues for government
fixed investment, social spending and poverty reduction. Tax reforms
need to go in the locked step with continued improvement of regulatory
and law enforcement environment, to aid Armenia’s attractiveness as an
investment destination.

The talks are ongoing but it is clear that the Armenian government has
incorporated the IMF’s recommendations in its economic development
plan for 2014-17, which in turn has prompted the Fund to state that a
possible new EFF arrangement would be put in place to assist Armenia
with the implementation of this multi-year plan.

Outlook and implications

Given Armenia’s very close relations with international donors and its
strict adherence to the IMF’s recommendations for over two decades,
the country is likely to secure a new credit line. Still, Armenia has
to make a serious effort to ensure that the structural reforms, which
were also highlighted by the IMF, do not remain a mere pledge. It also
appears from the Fund’s conclusions that the Armenian government had
decided in favour of fiscal consolidation, including a serious
reduction in capital spending. While this has helped to keep the
budget deficit under control, it also masked, although not
successfully, the failures to increase tax collection, especially when
it comes to government linked large private businesses.

Providing level field for all economic agents, improving tax
collection from big and government related businesses, protection of
business and property rights remain serious issues. This is also
affecting the competitiveness of Armenian exports, especially due to
losses to corruption and dominance of large businesses. Conversely,
the reduction in capital spending by the government has also curtailed
economic performance in 2013, while cuts in social spending have
worsened social inequality. Hence the IMF’s recommendation to the
Armenian government is to replace severe austerity measures with
improved tax collection and business environment, which will then
generate revenues to fund government spending on welfare and
investment.

The Armenian government’s efforts to develop its exports sector
appears to bear results as well but once again Armenian exports have
yet to diversify away from mining and food tradables to be more
resilient to external shocks. In the meantime Armenia is facing the
repayment of two large loans in 2014. But with external demand looking
weak, particularly in Russia- Armenia’s largest trading partner,
generating strong foreign-exchange income in 2014 is unlikely. Hence
Armenia would need to raise funds on financial markets and also borrow
from international donors to replenish its international reserves and
meet its foreign debt repayment obligations.

Armrosgazprom Voting Recognized Invalid

ARMROSGAZPROM VOTING RECOGNIZED INVALID

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Dec 27 2013

27 December 2013 – 8:49am

Artsvik Minasyan (Dashnaktsutyun), Tigran Urikhanyan (Prosperous
Armenia), Lyudmila Sarkisyan (Armenian National Congress) and Tevan
Pogosyan (Heritage) have attended a special session of the counting
commission today. The commission recognized the voting results for
purchase of Armrosgazprom as being invalid, Armenia Today reports.

Secretary of the commission Lyudmila Sarkisyan said that they wanted
the gas agreements on Armrosgazprom between Russia and Armenia to
become a subject of talks at the parliament.

The counting commission decided that no votes were counted at the
parliament on December 23.

Artsvik Minasyan (Dashnaktsutyun), Tigran Urikhanyan (Prosperous
Armenia), Lyudmila Sarkisyan (Armenian National Congress) and Tevan
Pogosyan (Heritage) have attended a special session of the counting
commission today. The commission recognized the voting results for
purchase of Armrosgazprom as being invalid, Armenia Today reports.

Secretary of the commission Lyudmila Sarkisyan said that they wanted
the gas agreements on Armrosgazprom between Russia and Armenia to
become a subject of talks at the parliament.

The counting commission decided that no votes were counted at the
parliament on December 23.

Karabakh Conflict Won’t Prevent Armenia From Joining Customs Union,

KARABAKH CONFLICT WON’T PREVENT ARMENIA FROM JOINING CUSTOMS UNION, RUSSIAN MP SAYS

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Dec 27 2013

27 December 2013 – 6:47pm

The ongoing conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh won’t prevent Armenia from
joining the Customs Union of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus, the head
of the State Duma’s Committee for CIS Affairs, Leonid Slutsky, says.

“The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict isn’t an obstacle to Armenia joining
the Customs Union. However this issue will by all means be taken into
consideration,” he is quoted as saying by RIA Novosti.

Kasbarian: Building On The Totality Of ARF’s Ideals

KASBARIAN: BUILDING ON THE TOTALITY OF ARF’S IDEALS

By Antranig Kasbarian // December 27, 2013

With its rich history and diverse involvements, the ARF has played a
unique and often vital role in the life of our nation. Indeed, if we
look at the party’s resume broadly, we find a remarkable versatility
that is unusual for any one organization. Think, for a moment, of
the different roles the party has played-across time and space-in
pursuit of our national ideals:

– It has been a party of resistance, rebellion, even
revolution. Think of the role it played in enlightening, organizing,
and arming the Armenian masses of Eastern Anatolia, during the
repressive final decades of Ottoman rule. More recently, think of
the role it played as catalyst for the national self-determination
movement in Mountainous Karabagh.

– It has been a party of state. The most prominent example, of
course, is the formative role it played in the first Independent
Republic of Armenia (1918-1920).

– It has been a community-builder. Think of the enormous
role it played in organizing, orienting, and sustaining our
diaspora-essentially communities in exile-following the successive
upheavals of Genocide and Sovietization.

– It has been a protector and promoter of national ideology and
culture. Whether battling against cultural assimilation or keeping
alive the ideals of national sovereignty, the ARF has led the effort
to uphold Armenian nationalism, most prominently in Diaspora during
the long years of Soviet rule.

– It has been a lobbyist toward foreign powers. Whether as
government-in-exile, or more recently, as an advocate operating in its
host countries, the ARF has led the drive to influence decision-makers
and opinion-makers who wield power vis-a-vis the Armenian Cause.

– It has been at the forefront of social movements, within and beyond
Armenia’s borders. Think of the various roles it has played, e.g. as an
integral part of the Iranian Revolution and Ottoman reform movements
of the early 20th century, as a leader within the multi-ethnic Baku
Commune of 1918, and as a dissident force in Armenia at various points
during Soviet rule.

– It has been a party of justice. Whether punishing czarist officials
for pitting Armenians against Muslims, avenging the atrocities
of Talaat and his comrades, or more recently pressing claims for
reparations, ARF activists have sought-through all possible means-to
gain justice for the lives, lands, and rights of which Armenians have
been dispossessed.

An ARF campaign billboard from the 2012 parliamentary elections in
Armenia (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian)

Taken together, such roles tell the story of a party that has remained
resilient, adaptable, open to change, and ready to meet the challenges
of the day. And yet, such diversity is not always celebrated; indeed,
sometimes it is cause for confusion, criticism, or both. How so?

First, such a dazzling array of positions has led some to assert a
lack of coherence, an ARF tendency to “be all things to all people.”

Indeed, critics have asked how any party can maintain integrity of
vision and belief when it has housed under one roof anglophiles
and russophiles; socialists and Cold Warriors, pragmatists and
revolutionaries, those who wear suits and those who wear khakis,
and so forth. This is a valid concern, and deserves separate treatment.

Second, some critics assert that the abovementioned variety no longer
exists; that it was a hallmark of the ARF during its early and middle
decades of activity, whereas today the party has settled into more
predictable and routine functions. This, too, cannot be dismissed
and must be treated under separate cover.

Here, however, I wish to deal with a third set of concerns; concerns
that are perhaps more immediate and worrisome. It is the tendency
among many supporters-even party members themselves-to mistake the
part for the whole, to take a piece of the ARF’s resume, magnify it,
and assert its primacy at the expense of other pieces that are equally
vital and necessary.

On numerous occasions, we have heard comments about what the ARF’s real
mission is or should be. I’m not talking about hypothetical straw-men,
but actual comments made in the ebb-and-flow of our community
life. For some, today’s ARF should stick to lobbying-especially in the
West-instead of involving itself in community affairs which presumably
fall in the domain of the church and other organizations. For others,
the dividing line is found elsewhere: Some assert that the ARF’s
primary focus is naturally Hai Tahd (Armenian Cause), and that social
issues, especially in Armenia, are really a secondary concern. Others
argue exactly the reverse.

Still others say that the ARF’s focus should be on the Diaspora
because, well, Armenia may be our homeland but it has its own
government and society while we sit thousands of miles away with more
immediate preoccupations.

How does one respond to such assertions? With great difficulty, I
suppose, because all of the proposed foci are important. And perhaps
that is the point, i.e. that there are no shortcuts, no easy solutions,
because the ARF ultimately is not about this instead of that, but
rather aboutthis and that simultaneously. True, there should remain
a sense of priority about what matters most at a given time or place,
but we must remember that the ARF is distinctive among organizations
precisely because of its commitment to the totality of our national
ideals. If I had to boil these ideals down to their essence, I’d
cite three fundamental pillars that have been present throughout the
history of the party:

a) A commitment to Armenia’s sovereignty: This includes a wide
range of goals, from autonomy for Armenians in the Ottoman Empire
and Transcaucasia, to the drive to attain and maintain Armenia’s
independence, to a pro-independence position during the long years
of Soviet rule, to a more recent commitment to bolster Armenia’s
newfound independence. (The latter would include, by the way, not
only foreign policy and national security issues, but matters of
social justice and the rule of law, which are equally part of the
fabric of a sovereign Armenia.)

b) Pursuit of the Armenian Cause: This includes all of those efforts,
over so many years, to gain justice/redress for historical grievances,
including but not limited to the Armenian Genocide.

Obviously, the methods have varied – governmental lobbying, publicity,
international legal claims, armed struggle, as well as efforts on
the ground – but the overarching goal has been the same.

c) Armenopreservation (Hayabahbanum): This covers all of the various
efforts to keep Armenians Armenian. This ranges from the reawakening
of Western Armenia in the late 19thcentury, to keeping language,
culture, and history alive in Diaspora, to current efforts to forge
new and vital links between homeland and diaspora.

Many organizations embrace one, even two, of these programmatic foci.

But the ARF alone has been the one to embrace all three, which
accounts for much of its drawing power among the masses. Imagine,
for a moment, an ARF that pursued Hai Tahd alone, without regard for
Armenia’s current polity, society, and economy; such an ARF would
risk becoming dry and devoid of all social relevance – a narrow,
single-interest lobby. Conversely, imagine an ARF that solely embraced
the Armenia we have today, without regard for the Armenia that we’ve
lost; such an ARF would risk falling out of touch with our roots,
with the Western Armenian history and culture that have nourished us
through Genocide and into our current predicament in Diaspora.

In sum, the ARF by its nature embraces a diverse whole. It is the
totality of its vision, above all else, that has inspired legions to
join its ranks or follow its path. True, this path may seem cluttered
or overburdened at times, but that is a small price to pay for a
legacy of this kind. Such a legacy should not be ignored, nor should
it be simply upheld; rather, the ARF’s legacy must be understood,
built upon, and ultimately guided with care and intelligence.

This article is adapted from an ARF Day speech delivered in Detroit,
Mich. on December 7, 2013.

http://www.armenianweekly.com/2013/12/27/arfs-ideals/

European Commission Welcomed Turkey’s Council Of State’s Decision An

EUROPEAN COMMISSION WELCOMED TURKEY’S COUNCIL OF STATE’S DECISION ANNULLING CONTROVERSIAL REGULATION

20:45 â~@¢ 27.12.13

The European Commission welcomed Turkey’s Council of State’s decision
to annul a controversial regulation on judicial police, obliging
those carrying out investigations to inform superiors, the Hurriyet
Daily News reports.

“In recent days, the change introduced to the judicial police
regulation has undermined the independence of the judiciary and
its capacity to act. The application of this regulation has been
suspended by the Council of State. I welcome this suspension and
hope the Council’s decision will be quickly finalized,” European
Commissioner for Enlargement Å tefan Fule said Dec. 27.

Fule recalled through his spokesperson he had already highlighted the
need to guarantee the independence and impartiality of investigations
by the judiciary into any allegation of wrongdoing, including
corruption. “I have also stated my concern about the removal of a
large number of police officers from their duties,” he added.

“I urge Turkey, as a candidate country committed to the political
criteria of accession, including the application of the rule of law,
to take all the necessary measures to ensure allegations of wrongdoing
are addressed without discrimination or preference in a transparent
and impartial manner,” said Fule.

The regulation was issued amid a graft scandal and increased concerns
among lawyers that the government was intervening into the judiciary.

Armenian News – Tert.am