Author: nina hovnanian

THE CAPTIVE, CANNES FILM FESTIVAL – FILM REVIEW

The Evening Standard, UK
May 16 2014

This intriguing film from Atom Egoyan is a truly nasty-minded thriller
about a paedophile ring

Cannes has its favourites. The Captive is the sixth film by
Armenian-Canadian director Atom Egoyan (Exotica, The Sweet Hereafter,
Felicia’s Journey) to have been accepted into competition for the
Palme d’Or, although his reputation doesn’t stand so high elsewhere.

Set in snowy Niagara, it’s a truly nasty-minded police procedural
thriller about a paedophile ring and initially intrigues because it
discloses its narrative quite deviously, switching back and forth in
time so that the sequence of events takes a while to emerge.

Cute nine-year-old Cass is kidnapped when her father Matt (Ryan
Reynolds) leaves her briefly unattended in a car outside a diner. A
gifted detective specialising in paedophilia, Nicole (Rosario Dawson,
so lush in her looks, so humdrum as an actress), and her hard-charging
sidekick Jeff (Scott Speedman) investigate, initially suspecting Matt.

The case is unsolved.

Eight years later, mysterious clues that Cass (played by 21-year-old
Alexia Fast) may still be alive start appearing in the hotel rooms
where Cass’s mother Tina (Mireille Enos), now separated from the
girl’s father, works as a maid.

For not only has Cass been the captive of a paedophile ring for all
these years, now that she has outgrown their interest herself she is
collaborating with them — helping to lure new child victims online.

Her captor, an opera-loving pervert with a very haughty manner
(Kevin Durand), is also a techno-wizard and he has surveillance
cameras everywhere for secretly savouring her mother’s agony. Now
he’s targeting Nicole for getting on his case.

So what we have here is “a whole new class of freaks” as one of the
cops exclaims, impressed.

As this paedophile-paranoia exploitation pic unravels, its elaborate
set-up grows more and more preposterous, the villain especially
laughable, unfortunately. To have made such a thriller out of this
material is tasteless, if not in actively bad taste.

The Cannes Film Festival runs until Sun May 25, festival-cannes.com

NOTHING SHOULD BE OFF THE NEGOTIATION TABLE

Friday, May 16th, 2014

Armenian and Turkish foreign ministers Eduard Nalbandian and Ahmet
Davutoglu sign the Turkish-Armenian protcols in Geneva in 2009

BY VARANT MEGUERDITCHIAN

In April this year, French President Francois Hollande declared that
“genocide” was the only word that could appropriately characterize the
events of 1915; the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations passed a
resolution affirming the historical reality of the Armenian Genocide;
Australia’s newly appointed Human Rights Commissioner condemned
the perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide; Members of the European
Parliament declared that the attacks on Kessab were reminiscent of
the historic deportation and massacre of Armenians; and the American
Jewish Committee urged Turkey to address the Armenian Genocide. These
were some of the political developments that marked the commemoration
of the Armenian Genocide this year.

The shift in the media’s positioning toward Armenian Genocide
recognition, however, was more significant than the political
affirmations. Al Jazeera noted that Turkey has lost the battle of
truth on the Armenian Genocide; CNN denounced Obama’s broken promise to
use the “G” word; and Al Monitor ran the story of one popular Turkish
political commentator who rejected years of denial to finally accept
the Turkish state’s responsibility in the Armenian Genocide.

Going even further, The Jerusalem Post and other news outlets
criticized Erdogan for referring to the “shared pain” of Armenians
and Turks in his first ever official statement on the occasion of
the April 24 commemoration.

There have been many instances of third party recognition of the
Armenian Genocide over the years and it is likely that the next round
of political affirmations are just around the corner; on the 100th
anniversary of 24 April 1915.

A number of commentators have remarked that recognition is not
necessary for reparations and this has been proven to be true at
least in the cases of AXA and New York Life insurance claims.

However, if we accept that recognition is not necessary to bring
about the beginning of reparations, we must equally accept that
reconciliation will bring about their end. This is the reason why
Turkey has been seeking to “reconcile” with Armenia as quickly and
as expediently as possible. This year Turkey again attempted to
position itself as a promoter of reconciliation. Erdogan’s statement
and Davutoglu’s subsequent opinion piece in The Guardian offered
condolences to the descendants, while stopping short of recognizing
the Genocide and accepting ownership of its consequences. As the
Armenian Genocide Centenary approaches, we should expect Turkey to
make numerous similar attempts to water down its historical reality
and present-day implications.

This year, more than in previous years, brave Turkish citizens gathered
to publicly commemorate the Armenian Genocide in various cities across
Turkey. It is encouraging to see that internal pressures are now adding
to the mass of external pressures. Ultimately, it is the combination
of these two forces that will eventually lead Turkey to acknowledge
the Armenian Genocide, and it will be critical for Armenia and the
Armenian Diaspora to be prepared.

While reparations can be achieved through the court of law, a
negotiated resolution is more likely to deliver enduring peace.

Lasting reconciliation between the two nations is conditional upon
the fulfillment of three key deliverables: that substantive justice
is done to address the crimes committed; that the Armenian and Turkish
states agree to the outcome; and that the respective societies, through
dialogue and direct engagement with each other, accept these outcomes.

The 2009 Turkey-Armenia protocols were particularly unpopular in
Armenia and eventually failed because they did not satisfy the first
and third deliverables. In reality, the protocols should not have
been satisfactory to the Armenian government either.

Today, the Armenian state is landlocked and blockaded. It is unable to
fully cater to some of the basic societal needs of its citizens or the
cultural and political needs of the Armenian Diaspora. It is plagued
by emigration, it is militarily and economically vulnerable, and as
a consequence, it is heavily reliant on Russia, with its domestic and
foreign policies closely tied to the Kremlin. The fragility of Armenia
today traces its roots back to the Genocide and as such Armenia should
be the primary beneficiary of reparations offered for the Genocide.

As a state, Armenia is more vulnerable to pressure to reach a
negotiated solution without substantive justice. It is critical,
therefore, for the people of Armenia and the Diaspora to support the
Armenian state in its undeniable right to reparations.

In this regard it is most important to consider what we want. A
balanced stakeholder consultation process with the participation
of Armenian advocacy organizations, political parties, church
denominations, cultural, business and legal groups from Armenia and
the Diaspora alongside representatives of the Armenian state should
guide the establishment of Armenian expectations. It may even be that
Armenian Diaspora organizations need to lead this activity.

In negotiating a just resolution of the Armenian Genocide, nothing
must be off the negotiation table.

Everything that Armenia is entitled to, everything that the Armenian
Diaspora is entitled to, everything that the descendants of Armenian
Genocide survivors in Turkey are entitled to, must be placed on the
negotiation table.

This includes: Return of lands, return of churches, the right of return
for Armenians, the right of hidden Armenians to live freely and openly,
monetary compensations to Armenia, our churches, Diasporan institutions
and individuals who choose to seek it. Additionally, there must be an
unreserved apology by Turkey for the crime and for years of denial,
a repeal of anti-Armenian laws in Turkey, the placement of Armenian
Genocide memorials in Turkey, and a correction of the Turkish account
of history in the country’s education system.

We must also seek a reduction in Turkish military presence on the
Armenian border, an acknowledgement that Azerbaijan’s anti-Armenian
agendas in Nagorno Karabakh and Nakhichevan have been the result of the
long-standing absence of a just resolution of the Armenian Genocide,
and a commitment by Turkey to apply pressure on Azerbaijan to recognize
the right of the people of Nagorno Karabakh to self-determination.

These are the top-line demands that Armenia and Armenians are entitled
to in the form of reparations and none of these rights should
be compromised prior to negotiations. Undoubtedly a stakeholder
consultation process among Armenians would lead to the development
of a far more comprehensive list of rights.

What the final outcome of negotiations would be is, of course,
uncertain. It is important to keep in mind, however, that when US
President Woodrow Wilson was asked to draw the border between Turkey
and Armenia, his primary consideration was that Armenia be secure
and sustainable.

Ultimately whatever the outcome of the negotiation, Armenia must
be sustainable, independent of reliance on other countries for its
defense and economic security and be able to fulfill its purpose of
serving the needs of Armenians both at home and in the Diaspora.

“I AM AGAINST’ DISSATISFIED WITH CHANGES TO ACCUMULATIVE PENSION LAW

Friday,May 16

The Armenian government-submitted amendments to the Law on Accumulative
Pensions are the result of a persistent struggle, the member of ‘I
am against’ civil movement David Khazhakyan said at a meeting with
journalists today.

In his words, despite this achievement, there are some reservations
causing problems.

“It is illogical that citizens should file an application for refusal
to participate in the compulsory accumulative pension system. If 80%
are against, then why 80% and not the remaining 20% should write an
application?” D. Khazhakyan asked.

According to him, under the law passed by the parliament, a person’s
participation became voluntary, but the system remains compulsory.

As regards the payments made to pension funds, he said that the
government has decided to use a mechanism declared unconstitutional by
the Constitutional Court. “It means that the struggle should continue.

We must struggle so that these controversial points could be improved,”
the activist said.

As for the refund of already transferred payments, the member of
‘I am against’ initiative Lusine Vatyan said the recently amended
and adopted law does not envisage a refund of contributions so the
demands were not met.

“We made constitutional demands. The demands were not met fully. Some
vulnerable points remain and they cannot be solved today, although
they were expected to be solved by the new bill,” she said.

The initiative members urged citizens to file applications and try
not to be subjected to pressure.

“The form of applications will be developed and printed. Those who
chose their funds may file an application and their contributions
will not be paid from the current months. Everyone should realize
that applications received legal force,” L, Vatyan said.

” AUCUNE ECISION DEFINITIVE ” SUR LA STATUE D’UN LEADER SOVIETIQUE A EREVAN

ARMENIE

Les hauts fonctionnaires ont affirmé vendredi que les autorités
arméniennes n’ont pris aucune décision définitive afin d’ériger
un monument a Erevan pour Anastas Mikoyan, un dirigeant soviétique
d’origine arménienne qui a joué un rôle dans les purges massives
ordonnées par Joseph Staline.

Taron Markarian maire d’Erevan a minimisé la décision de la semaine
dernière par le conseil municipal de la ville de permettre de placer
la statue de Mikoyan dans le centre de la capitale arménienne. Il
a dit qu’elle doit être approuvé par le gouvernement d’Arménie.

La décision a suscité un tollé auprès des membres de la société
civile et des utilisateurs des médias sociaux. Ils font valoir
que Mikoyan a personnellement supervisé les arrestations et les
exécutions de milliers de personnes en Arménie soviétique qui ont
commencé en 1937.

Ils disent que sa statue serait donc un affront a la mémoire des
Arméniens tués lors de la Grande Purge de Staline.

Les autorités municipales n’ont toujours pas donné une raison claire
au sujet d’ériger cette statue.

Taron Markarian n’a fait aucun commentaire sur les motivations
en parlant au service arménien de RFE / RL (Azatutyun.am) lors
des célébrations officielles du 69e anniversaire de la victoire
soviétique dans la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

Taron Markarian a seulement déclaré que le gouvernement consultera
le public avant de prendre une décision finale. ” Les historiens
devraient également peser ” a ajouté le maire, dont le défunt
père, l’ancien Premier ministre Andranik Markarian, est devenu un
prisonnier politique en 1974, quatre ans avant la mort de Mikoyan.

La Ministre de la Culture Hasmik Poghosian a donné des assurances
similaires. ” Je pense que les historiens devraient s’asseoir et
discuter de cette question en détail ” a-t-elle dit.

Hasmik Poghosian a toutefois précisé en même temps que c’est le
bureau du maire d’Erevan qui finalement décidera ou non de construire
le monument. ” Je pense que la municipalité prendra la décision
finale ” a-t-elle dit.

La ministre n’est pas d’accord avec ceux qui pensent que ” Mikoyan n’a
aucun mérite ”. Mais se demande si le chef de l’ex-Union soviétique
mérite d’avoir sa statue a Erevan, dit-elle, ” je ne peux pas donner
une réponse sans équivoque a cette question ”.

Né dans un village dans le nord de l’Arménie en 1895, Mikoyan a
rejoint le Politburo de Staline en 1935 et a occupé d’autres postes de
haut niveau a Moscou pendant le long règne du dictateur soviétique.

Malgré la signature de listes de mort dans les années 1930 et 1940,
il a soutenu en 1956 le discours historique du dirigeant soviétique
Nikita Khrouchtchev dénoncant le culte de la personnalité et les
atrocités de Staline. Mikoyan est resté un membre du Politburo après
Khrouchtchev ait été déposé en 1964. Il a été chef nominal de
l’Union soviétique en 1964-1965.

vendredi 16 mai 2014, Stéphane ©armenews.com

GEORGIA SHOULD BITE THE BULLET

Editorial, 14 May 2014

What do Ashugh Jivani, Stepan Malkhasyants, Hovhannes Kachaznouni,
Terenig Demirjian, Vahan Derian, Cardinal Krikor Aghajanian, and
Lucine Zakaryan have in common?

They were all born in Javakhk.

Javakhk became part of Great Armenia in 8th century B.C., under King
Argishti I of Urartu. Armenia lost the region in 428 A.D. Thus the
region was part of Armenia for more than 1,200 years. In the Middle
Ages it was occupied by, among others, Arabs and the Ottoman Turks.

When Russia conquered it in the late 1820s, the majority of the
population was Armenian. Due to the slaughter of Armenians by the
Turks (1827-28), more Armeniansâ?”mostly from Erzerum–settled
in Javakhk. Despite the Treaty of Sevres, in 1921 Javakhk became
part of Georgia. But no matter who ruled, the population remained
overwhelmingly Armenian.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991), Javakhk, for a brief
period, became a de facto semi-independent entity. But in November
of that year Tbilisi took over and began a virulent policy of
“Georgianization”. Rather than integrate ethnic groups, Tbilisi tried
to assimilate them. Georgia forced the Georgian language on Armenians,
public administration forcibly became Georgian, it shut Armenian
churches, isolated the impoverished subsistence farmers (potato and
livestock) by neglecting the repair of primitive roads. Javakhk has
the highest unemployment rate and the least amount of investment in
Georgia. Infrastructure is non-existent. There is no industry.

Although Javakhk is only three hours away from Tbilisi, it’s like
the other side of the moon for Georgians.

The Kars-Javakhk-Tbilisi-Baku Railway, which bypassed Armenia, is a
sore point for Javakhk Armenians, just like the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil
pipeline and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum natural gas pipeline. In recent
years a Turkish university has been established in Akhlakalak–a city
where 90% of the population is Armenian. Turkey has also proposed to
Tbilisi to allow Mskhetian Turks to settle in Javakhk.

The above have made Javakhk Armenians more than nervous about their
future. Some have demanded autonomy and several leaders were imprisoned
by the government of Saakashvili. They were released last year when
the erratic leader was replaced.

Despite Tbilisi’s depredations, Yerevan has been silent. According
to Armenia authorities, the Javakhk conflict is an internal Georgian
matter. The lone support for Javakhk Armenians has come from the
Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) and its Red Cross social
assistance branch.

One doesn’t have to be a political, military, and economic strategist
to know why Armenia’s response has been muted. Blockaded in the east
and the west by Turkbeijan (“Two states, one nation” according to
the Turkic partners) and with a weak link to Iran which itself is
struggling with Western sanctions, Georgia is Armenia’s only bridge to
Russia and to the sea. It’s no big logical leap to conclude Tbilisi is
pressing Javakhk Armenians because boxed-in Armenia is in no position
to interfere.

“Georgia for Georgians” policy continues. Javakhk Armenians believe
“Georgianization” could become “Nakhichevanization” as Tbilisi puts
on the screws to encourage Armenians to emigrate.

A decade ago there was a popular euphemism in the Western business
community. Rather than dismiss an employee and perhaps bear the
financial consequences of that decision, managers would make working
conditions so difficult that employees would quit on their own. The
ploy’s euphemism was tagged “constructive dismissal”. It seems Tbilisi
is doing something similar. By economically isolating Javakhk, by
changing language rights, by allowing increased Turkbeijan presence
in Javakhk, Georgia is encouraging Armenians to migrate, usually to
Russia. Every Javakhk family has family members in Russia. Due to
emigration, the percentage of Armenians in the region has shrunk.

Recent developments in Crimea’s and Eastern Ukraine have become of
major concern to Georgia. Tbilisi is worried Javakhk Armenians might
imitate Crimians and ask Russia to take over their region. A few weeks
ago there was a rumor that Javakhk Armenians were rushing to obtain
Russian passports. But Javakhk Armenians have said they have no desire
to become part of Russia. They merely want to be an autonomous region.

Recently Melik Raisian, a former member of the ruling Georgian Dream
political party, said: “We are Georgian citizens. Why do we always
have to prove we’re not separatists for wanting our rights?”

But the warning to Tbilisi is implicit: if Armenians are not granted
autonomy, they could follow the Crimean example. Such a decision
would be welcomed by Russia: Javakhk isn’t too far from Russian
South Ossetia.

Georgia is eager to join NATO. If it is admitted, Javakhk Armenians
fear NATO will establish a military base there, probably staffed by
Turks. Some Javakhk Armenian leaders have said if Georgia joins NATO,
Armenians will declare independence.

If Georgian authorities are serious about retaining the integrity of
their country, they should allow Javakhk become an autonomous region.

The alternative is too dismal for Georgia to contemplate.

CHORRORD ISHKHANUTYUN: NEW OFFSHORE SCANDAL BREWING IN ARMENIA

12:08 14/05/2014 ” DAILY PRESS

Chorrord Ishkhanutyun writes citing media reports that a new offshore
scandal is brewing in Armenia, with David Sargsyan, former Finance
Minister, godchild of former Prime Minister, being the key actor. The
newspaper adds that the matter concerns hundreds of thousands of
dollars, which, instead of entering Armenia, were placed in a bank
account in Cyprus.

ARMENIA STAYS NEUTRAL ON SYRIAN WAR

Institute for War and Peace Reporting, UK IWPR Caucasus Reporting
#735 May 14 2014

Despite attack on ethnic Armenian village, officials in Yerevan say
it is vital to avoid getting drawn into conflict.

By Arpi Harutyunyan – Caucasus

People in Armenia are increasingly concerned about the fate of their
ethnic kin in Syria, but their government says there is little it
can do as it must maintain neutrality in the conflict.

“Armenia cannot take anyone’s side in the Syrian situation,” said
President Serzh Sargsyan at an April 11 meeting of the ruling
Republican party.

Sargsyan was responding to a question about an attack on Kessab,
a mainly Armenian village in Syria. On March 21, the village was
captured by rebel forces who reportedly came in from Turkey across
the nearby border.

Around 400 Armenian families fled to the Syrian city of Latakia. They
were met by six members of parliament from Armenia who took the
opportunity to condemn Turkish policy on Syria, and demanded
international action to defend civilians in the country.

Some Armenian diaspora organisations have accused the Turkish
authorities of aiding the Syrian rebels who carried out the Kessab
attack – allegations the Turks deny.

Armenian representatives at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council
of Europe (PACE) lobbied for a formal condemnation of the Kessab
attack, calling it a terrorist act.

“The… attacks were carried out by al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist
groups across the border from the territory of Turkey,” said a
statement signed by 22 PACE members, five of them from Armenians. “The
brutal actions, which targeted largely the civilian population,
resulted in forced displacement of the local population. The
extremist groups have desecrated Kessab’s Armenian churches and caused
significant damage to property of inhabitants.”

Kessab is especially treasured as it has one of the last remaining
populations that can be traced back to the medieval Armenian kingdom
of Cilicia.

Vicken Cheterian, a research associate at London University’s School
of Oriental and African Studies, warned against Yerevan taking sides
in the Syrian conflict.

“It looks like we support one side and see the as our enemy,” he said.

“And that means we are drawing all Armenians into the conflict.”

Vahan Badasyan, a member of parliament in Armenian-controlled Nagorny
Karabakh, suggested recruiting irregular forces to go and fight on
the government side in Syria. Badasyan fought in the Karabakh war of
the early 1990s, and said he was prepared to go to Kessab himself to
defend ethnic Armenians.

“Armenia can’t send regular military units to fight in someone
else’s civil war,” he told a press conference. “But it would be very
good… if just a few dozen people from Armenia and Artsakh [Nagorny
Karabakh] extended a hand of friendship to our brothers in Syria and
took up arms against the Turks and those Armenian-hating Islamists.”

On April 21, five volunteers were stopped at Yerevan airport and
prevented from travelling to Beirut and on to Latakia.

President Sargsyan made clear he viewed Badasyan’s proposal as
extremely irresponsible.

“This would be reckless, a really serious step that would put our
country in danger. Even the Armenians living in Syria must maintain
neutrality,” he said.

While avoiding taking sides in the Syrian conflicts, Yerevan has
opened its doors to Armenian refugees.

According to the ministry for diaspora affairs, 10,000 Armenians have
arrived from Syria since the start of 2012. The Armenian population
in Syria is estimated at between 60,000 and 100,000.

Most of the new arrivals have somewhere to live thanks to international
and local aid organisations, and officials are discussing building a
whole district for the refugees in the town of Ashtarak, to be named
New Aleppo.

The National Centre for Developing Small and Medium-Sized Businesses
has included 56 Syrian nationals in its assistance programme, offering
them subsidised loans. Another 25 businesses are in the pipeline.

Among the new arrivals, 71 are doctors who have registered with the
health ministry, and 54 of them already have jobs in Armenia.

“Of course it’s good that Armenia is extending the hand of friendship
to our ethnic kin from Syria,” said Cheterian. “If they want to come
to Armenia, it’s essential to do everything to make that happen.

However, it’s important to do it in such a way that if security is
restored, they can return and ensure the survival of their community.”

Arpi Harutyunyan is a reporter for Armnews television in Armenia.

MINASYAN: EMPLOYER HAS NO RIGHT TO PUT PRESSURE ON EMPLOYEE

Thursday,
May
15

A citizen’s opportunity to refuse to make a compulsory accumulative
contribution means that the law envisages a voluntary component and
cannot be mandatory, the deputy of ARF-Dashnaktsutyun faction Artsvik
Minasyan today during discussions of the Armenian government-submitted
bill on amendments to the Law on Accumulative Pension at the second
reading.

Addressing Minister of Labor and Social Affairs Artyom Asatryan, A.

Minasyan said the minister has to state from the parliament rostrum
that no employer has the right to put pressure on an employee.

“You have to state that if a citizen has written an application about
refusal to pay the compulsory pension contribution, the employer has
no right to put pressure on that employee,” the ARFD deputy noted.

In his words, with the bill’s adoption, Armenian citizens should
start defending their rights.

Minasyan also asked the parliament heads and the Armenian president
to draft the law and to sign it as soon as possible because the law
is adopted through bilateral concessions and “numerous citizens of
the republic await it”.

The Constitutional Court of Armenia suspended on January 24 two clauses
of the Law on Accumulative Pensions – parts 3 of Articles 76 and 86
pending the court decision.

On April 2 the Constitutional Court announced its 64-page decision,
under which a number of articles of the Law were recognized as
unconstitutional and null.

14.05.2014, 18:50

Aysor.am

PENSION DEBATE: PARLIAMENT MINORITY SPLIT ON GOVERNMENT-DRAFTED AMENDMENTS TO CONTROVERSIAL LAW

PENSIONS | 13.05.14 | 14:24

By GAYANE MKRTCHYAN
ArmeniaNow reporter

This week at the NA extra sitting ARF (Dashnaktsutyun) party
expressed its positive opinion about the amendments to the law of
funded pensions, explaining that these changes omit the compulsory
element of the law.

Under Armenia’s new pension law all citizens born after 1973 must
pay an additional five to 10 percent of their salaries to privately
owned pension funds. Dem.am civil campaign members claim that the
compulsory element of the law violates Armenia’s Constitution and is,
therefore, unacceptable.

The fight against the new law speeded up ever since the Constitutional
Court on April 2 ruled that some portions of the law on funded
pensions were unconstitutional. The court, however, decided that
the unconstitutional provisions should remain valid until the end of
September, meanwhile the government and the National Assembly must
bring changes to the law.

Later the newly appointed Prime Minister Hovik Abrahamyan announced
that the government-drafted bill canceling penalties for failure to
make pension contributions at least until September 30 thereby de
facto suspends the compulsory element of the law.

According to ARF MP Artsvik Minasyan, in the new law a preamble is
added, which suggests canceling article 76, which means that there is
or there can be no responsibility for those who have not been paying
since January 1.

“In case of receiving a respective application from an employee the
employer is released from the responsibility to make pension payments,”
the newly amended version suggests.

Head of the parliamentary committee on social issues, republican
Hakob Hakobyan mentioned that the applications can be submitted by
the participants of the mandatory pension system. The state, however,
will continue paying the 5 percent set by the law regardless of it.

“The citizens who have deducted the money and changed their mind,
according to the new law, have to submit an application, thus their
money is not transferred, but the government continues paying. The
employers who have deducted their employees’ money and haven’t
transferred starting from the day they submit the application can
receive their money back,” Hakobyan said, adding that by the suggested
changes the government doesn’t, however, give up the compulsory
element and that the reform is still in force.

ANC faction head Levon Zurabyan thinks by the amended bill of the
law the government doesn’t give up the compulsory element.

“Why do you think Hovik Abrahamyan attended the meetings of the
quartet [four minority factions] and tried to win all political
powers’ support? It’s an easy math: behind the public back he is
trying to sign a separate deal and receive a tool which will allow
them to win more time and to weaken the Dem.am campaign, as well as
other civil movements’ and powers’ pressure. And we announce that we,
ANC, will not share the responsibility for this fraud. We won’t turn
to a separate deal, we will go till the end to realize the public’s
justified demands.”

PAP member Mikael Melkumyan demanded clarifications from the government
saying, “Is it constitutional to demand that a person come and submit
an application for receiving back his own property? Many portions in
the project are already unconstitutional.”

Eventually, on Tuesday, the parliament passed the bill in its first
reading by a vote of 68 to 12, with 36 abstentions.

FRANCOIS HOLLANDE CELEBRE L’AMITIE FRANCO-ARMENIENNE

RFI, France
13 mai 2014

Après l’Azerbaïdjan, Francois Hollande poursuit sa tournee dans le
Caucase, sur fond de crise ukrainienne. Le president francais est
arrive lundi après-midi en Armenie, une visite de 24 heures pour
celebrer notamment l’amitie franco-armenienne.

Avec notre envoye special a Erevan, Florent Guignard

La liste est longue des liens indefectibles entre la France et
l’Armenie. Le groupe de resistants Manouchian pendant l’occupation
allemande, l’importante communaute d’origine armenienne en France –
un demi-million de personnes (et ce sont des

electeurs), sans parler de Charles Aznavour, qui fait presque partie
du folklore. Et hier, Francois Hollande a eu droit a son concert,
comme tous les presidents francais qui viennent en Armenie. Et bien
sûr, y a la loi de 2001, qui reconnait le genocide armenien. Le
president francais a rappele sa promesse de revenir, ici a Erevan,
pour le 100ème anniversaire du genocide.

L’Armenie ancree dans l’espace d’influence russe

Et pourtant, en depit de ses liens avec la France, l’Armenie reste
solidement ancree dans l’espace d’influence de la Russie. Deux mois
avant l’Ukraine, l’Armenie faisait volte-face, et renoncait a l’accord
d’association propose par l’Europe, un peu sous la contrainte de
Moscou, l’ex-grand frère sovietique. Alors, dès son arrivee a Erevan,
Francois Hollande a plaide la cause europeenne auprès de son homologue
armenien. Mais la France, elle, ne demande pas a l’Armenie de tourner
le dos a Moscou. Dans l’esprit de Francois Hollande, ce fut d’ailleurs
une erreur d’obliger l’ex-president ukrainien Ianoukouvich a choisir
entre l’Europe et la Russie – une erreur lourde de consequences…

Alors en Georgie, en revanche, la dernière etape de la tournee
caucasienne de Francois Hollande, ce sera cet après-midi. Le choix
de l’Occident est fait, et assume, depuis longtemps. Et c’est donc un
message de soutien que viendra apporter Francois Hollande a Tbilissi,
en rappelant un principe, celui de l’integrite territoriale des Etats.

Mais sans jeter d’huile sur le feu, on n’est pas dans une tournee de
>, explique l’Elysee, alors que la Georgie, aux premières
loges, ne cache pas ses inquietudes face a la crise ukrainienne,
elle qui a subi de la part de Moscou en 2008 l’annexion de deux
de ses provinces. On s’en souvient, Nicolas Sarkozy, a l’epoque,
s’etait demene. Il fait d’ailleurs presque figure de heros a Tbilissi
et son ombre ne manquera pas de peser sur la courte visite de Francois
Hollande.