Armenian President Congratulates Jean-Claude Juncker On His Election

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT CONGRATULATES JEAN-CLAUDE JUNCKER ON HIS ELECTION AS EUROPEAN COMMISSION PRESIDENT

YEREVAN, July 16. /ARKA/. Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan
congratulated today Jean-Claude Juncker on his election as European
Commission president and wished him effective activity, the press
office of the Armenian president reports.

Sargsyan expressed hope that under Juncker’s presidency the European
Commission would continue its partnership with Armenia, and new
grounds for mutually beneficial cooperation would be found.

“Cooperation with the European Union has contributed a great deal
to implementation of administration-improving, human rights and
legislation reforms in Armenia, and we appreciate this very much,”
he said in his message.

The Armenian president confirmed his country’s compliance with its
EU commitments. -0—-

– See more at:

http://arka.am/en/news/politics/armenian_president_congratulates_jean_claude_juncker_on_his_election_as_european_commission_presiden/#sthash.iA6hcYIc.dpuf

Appeals Court Rejects Appeal Of Family Picked Up By Police On Day Of

APPEALS COURT REJECTS APPEAL OF FAMILY PICKED UP BY POLICE ON DAY OF PUTIN’S VISIT TO ARMENIA

07.16.2014 14:36 epress.am

Armenia’s Court of Appeal today dismissed Etchmiadzin residents
Ashot Khudoyan and Heghine Makaryan’s appeal to overrule the ruling
of a lower court which refused to launch criminal proceedings against
police for removing the couple and their children from their place of
protest across the street from the presidential palace on December 2,
2013, the day of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Armenia.

The appeals court, basically, agreed with the ruling of the lower
instance court, regardless of the plaintiffs’ attorney, Helsinki
Citizens Assembly Vanadzor Office representative Tatevik Siradeghyan’s
remark that the Special Investigation Service (SIS) was clearly
biased. According to her, prior to rejecting the demand to launch
criminal proceedings against the police, SIS investigator H.

Harutyunyan took into account only police officers’ testimonies and
paid no attention to the plaintiffs’ remarks of the plaintiffs, as
well as those of another protestor, Emma Sahakyan, who was present
at the scene of the incident.

Also ignored were media reports, including news articles in which
an Ombudsman’s Office employee states that Khudoyan was subjected
to violence.

Emma Sahakyan and Heghine Makaryan, in particular, said that 15
police officers in plainclothes, through the use of force, removed
Ashot Khudoyan from outside the presidential palace then came back
for his wife and children. Police officers left behind the couple’s
youngest child (a baby), later sending someone to come pick him up.

According to the appeal, SIS investigator Harutyunyan also didn’t take
into account any testimony related to the injuries Khudoyan sustained
and was satisfied only by the results of the medical examination,
which, however, was carried out about 2 months after the incident when,
for example, Khudoyan’s head wound had healed.

http://www.epress.am/en/2014/07/16/appeals-court-rejects-appeal-of-family-picked-up-by-police-on-day-of-putins-visit-to-armenia.html

Russian Company Given Monopoly In Armenian Market: Zhoghovurd

RUSSIAN COMPANY GIVEN MONOPOLY IN ARMENIAN MARKET: ZHOGHOVURD

07.16.2014 12:21 epress.am

Russian companies are granted privileges beyond the limit of Armenia’s
Constitution: they occupy a monopoly position in the Armenian market,
reports local daily Zhoghovurd.

As proof, the newspaper cites RA Deputy Minister of Energy and Natural
Resources Iosif Isayan’s statement yesterday that until October 2014,
Armenia will discuss and approve the new 2015 indicative balance
of Russian petroleum products without customs duties. This customs
privilege will apply to the Russian company Rosneft, which will
import gasoline, diesel fuel, and oil. Isayan also said that no one
has forbidden other companies from supplying additional volumes of
petroleum products, but they will be charged customs duties.

“Such statements perhaps from now on shouldn’t be considered unusual
but the logical continuation of the process of Armenia’s colonization,”
reports the paper.

http://www.epress.am/en/2014/07/16/russian-company-given-monopoly-in-armenian-market-zhoghovurd.html

Artillery Units Of Russian Base Participate In Maneuvers In Armenia

ARTILLERY UNITS OF RUSSIAN BASE PARTICIPATE IN MANEUVERS IN ARMENIA

July 16, 2014 | 12:45

YEREVAN. – Over 300 servicemen and 40 pieces of equipment of artillery
unit participated in the maneuvers of Russian military base stationed
in Armenia.

With the alert signal, Russian servicemen marched for the distance
of 100 kilometers at the Alagyaz training complex.

During the two-week field tactical training, young soldiers will make
their first shots from the artillery guns and mortars in the highlands.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

Les Kurdes Se Mobilisent Contre L’EIIL

LES KURDES SE MOBILISENT CONTRE L’EIIL

SYRIE

De violents combats se deroulent depuis plus de semaines entre les
combattants kurdes et l’Etat islamique en Irak et au Levant (EIIL)
dans la region de Kobani, au Kurdistan syrien. Le PKK a lance un
avertissement ferme au gouvernement turc, accuse de soutenir l’EIIL.

Alors que le monde entier a les yeux tournes vers l’Irak et la
Palestine, les Kurdes syriens continuent de subir les attaques
sauvages de l’EIIL, une organisation connue pour ses crimes massifs
contre l’humanite et crimes de guerre. Aujourd’hui comme hier, les
gouvernements occidentaux jouent aux trois singes. La communaute
internationale qui disait etre très inquiète face a la montee
des djihadistes en Irak, garde toujours le silence qui semble > face aux attaques djihadistes contre les Kurdes syriens
qui combattent depuis près de deux ans l’EIIL.

La copresidence de l’Union des communautes du Kurdistan (KCK), le
système politique du PKK, mouvement populaire et arme qui combatte le
regime d’Ankara depuis plus de 30 ans, a declare que la revolution de
Rojava (Kurdistan syrien) est celle de tout le Kurdistan. > a dit la KCK, dans un communique, faisant
reference au lancement de la revolution en juillet 2012 a Kobani.

L’AKP ET L’EIIL SE SONT MIS D’ACCORD !

OCALAN APPELLE A LA MOBILISATION

Le 10 juillet, le leader kurde emprisonne Abdullah Ocalan a egalement
appele depuis la prison d’Imrali le peuple kurde a defendre >.

utilisent des
armes lourdes dont des chars et des obus, transportees depuis l’Irak
où une large zone est tombee presque sans combat aux mains de l’EIIL.

Plusieurs anciens officiers de Saddam Hossein coordonneraient les
attaques.

Les combats se sont etendus sur une large zone jusqu’a la frontière
avec le Kurdistan de Turquie. Selon des sources proches des Unites de
Defense du Peuple (YPG), armee kurde constituee de femmes et d’hommes,
plus de 300 membres de l’EIIL ont ete tues, tandis que nombreuses
armes et vehicules militaires ont ete saisis. 36 combattants et
combattantes kurdes ont en outre perdu la vie lors des combats.

Des temoignages publies par les agences kurdes, DIHA et ANF, sur les
morts dans les rangs de l’EIIL confirment egalement ce bilan.

Dans la nuit du 11 au 12 juillet, une attaque des >
a ete menee depuis la frontière de la Turquie. L’armee turque aurait
laisse passer les > pour attaquer les Kurdes, selon
des sources locales.

Source : ?id=660

mercredi 16 juillet 2014, Stephane (c)armenews.com

http://www.actukurde.fr/haberayrinti.php

Des Kurdes Affluent De Turquie Pour Combattre Les Jihadistes En Syri

DES KURDES AFFLUENT DE TURQUIE POUR COMBATTRE LES JIHADISTES EN SYRIE

Syrie

AFP- Des centaines de combattants kurdes de Turquie ont afflue en
Syrie ces derniers jours pour combattre les jihadistes de l’Etat
islamique (EI), qui assiègent la ville kurde d’Aïn al-Arab, a rapporte
l’Observatoire syrien des droits de l’Homme (OSDH).

“Pas moins de 800 combattants kurdes venus de Turquie ont franchi la
frontière syrienne au cours des derniers jours pour preter main-forte
a leurs frères a Aïn al-Arab, qui est (…) assiegee par les jihadistes
de l’EI”, a explique a l’AFP Rami Abdel Rahmane, directeur de l’OSDH.

“Cette mobilisation a ete lancee après l’appel du PKK” — le Parti
des travailleurs du Kurdistan, interdit en Turquie –, a precise
M. Abdel Rahmane. Outre la Turquie, le PKK a des branches en Iran,
en Irak et en Syrie.

“Ils se preparent a un assaut eventuel de l’Etat islamique”, a
poursuivi M. Abdel Rahmane.

Selon Havidar, un militant kurde originaire de Aïn al-Arab, “il y a eu
des celebrations la nuit dernière a Kobane (nom kurde d’Aïn al-Arab)
et les combattants tiraient en l’air alors qu’ils arrivaient” dans
la ville.

Situee a la frontière avec la Turquie, Aïn al-Arab/Kobane est la
troisième ville kurde de Syrie après Qamishli (nord-ouest) et Afrine
(Alep).

“Les Kurdes qui participeront au combat viennent de partout : Turquie,
Iran, Syrie et ailleurs”, a ajoute Havidar, precisant que les ordres
etaient venus “de la direction du PKK”.

Pour les jihadistes de l’EI, qui cherchent a etablir leur autorite
du nord-ouest de la Syrie jusqu’a l’est de l’Irak, la prise d’Aïn
al-Arab permettrait d’obtenir une continuite territoriale sur une
grande partie de la frontière entre la Syrie et la Turquie. “C’est
une bataille vitale pour les Kurdes, car s’il prend Aïn el-Arab,
l’EI avancera plus rapidement a l’est vers les autres regions kurdes
de Syrie comme Hassaka (nord-est)”, dit M. Abdel Rahmane.

Depuis l’apparition de l’EI en Syrie en 2013, les combats font rage
entre Kurdes et jihadistes, les premiers defendant a tout prix leurs
zones où ils avaient instaure une sorte d’autonomie depuis le debut
de la guerre en Syrie.

“C’est la première fois que les jihadistes semblent avancer alors
que les Kurdes subissent un reel revers”, selon Havidar.

AFP, 15 juillet 2014

mercredi 16 juillet 2014, Jean Eckian (c)armenews.com

http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=101648

Des Centaines De Kurdes Affluent De Turquie Pour Combattre Les Jihad

DES CENTAINES DE KURDES AFFLUENT DE TURQUIE POUR COMBATTRE LES JIHADISTES EN SYRIE

IRAK

Des centaines de combattants kurdes de Turquie ont afflue en Syrie ces
derniers jours pour combattre les jihadistes de l’Etat islamique (EI),
qui assiègent la ville kurde d’Aïn al-Arab, a rapporte l’Observatoire
syrien des droits de l’Homme (OSDH).

“Pas moins de 800 combattants kurdes venus de Turquie ont franchi la
frontière syrienne au cours des derniers jours pour preter main-forte
a leurs frères a Aïn al-Arab, qui est (…) assiegee par les jihadistes
de l’EI”, a explique a l’AFP Rami Abdel Rahmane, directeur de l’OSDH.

“Cette mobilisation a ete lancee après l’appel du PKK” — le Parti
des travailleurs du Kurdistan, interdit en Turquie –, a precise
M. Abdel Rahmane. Outre la Turquie, le PKK a des branches en Iran,
en Irak et en Syrie.

“Ils se preparent a un assaut eventuel de l’Etat islamique”, a
poursuivi M. Abdel Rahmane.

Selon Havidar, un militant kurde originaire de Aïn al-Arab, “il y a eu
des celebrations la nuit dernière a Kobane (nom kurde d’Aïn al-Arab)
et les combattants tiraient en l’air alors qu’ils arrivaient” dans
la ville.

Situee a la frontière avec la Turquie, Aïn al-Arab/Kobane est la
troisième ville kurde de Syrie après Qamishli (nord-ouest) et Afrine
(Alep).

“Les Kurdes qui participeront au combat viennent de partout : Turquie,
Iran, Syrie et ailleurs”, a ajoute Havidar, precisant que les ordres
etaient venus “de la direction du PKK”.

Pour les jihadistes de l’EI, qui cherchent a etablir leur autorite
du nord-ouest de la Syrie jusqu’a l’est de l’Irak, la prise d’Aïn
al-Arab permettrait d’obtenir une continuite territoriale sur une
grande partie de la frontière entre la Syrie et la Turquie.

“C’est une bataille vitale pour les Kurdes, car s’il prend Aïn el-Arab,
l’EI avancera plus rapidement a l’est vers les autres regions kurdes
de Syrie comme Hassaka (nord-est)”, dit M. Abdel Rahmane.

Depuis l’apparition de l’EI en Syrie en 2013, les combats font rage
entre Kurdes et jihadistes, les premiers defendant a tout prix leurs
zones où ils avaient instaure une sorte d’autonomie depuis le debut
de la guerre en Syrie.

“C’est la première fois que les jihadistes semblent avancer alors
que les Kurdes subissent un reel revers”, selon Havidar.

mercredi 16 juillet 2014, Stephane (c)armenews.com

Do Not Compel Me To Sing

DO NOT COMPEL ME TO SING

Ahram Online, Egypt
July 15 2014

‘I Left My Shoes in Istanbul’ (2013), is a personal take on an enforced
Armenian absence in Istanbul

Anthony Alessandrini, Tuesday 15 Jul 2014

I Left My Shoes in Istanbul, directed by Nigol Bezjian. Lebanon/Turkey,
2013.

Nigol Bezjian’s I Left My Shoes in Istanbul begins with its protagonist
protesting that he has no desire to go on the journey that lies at
the heart of the film. It ends with the haunting voice of a singer,
begging the listener, “Do not implore me, I will not sing.”

Between these two attempts to escape from a story that nevertheless
must be told, Bezjian presents us with a vision that is deeply
personal, not always coherent, but remarkably unsparing in documenting
the presence of an enforced Armenian absence in Istanbul. Bezjian,
who has written, directed, and produced for film and television
and is perhaps best known for the 1992 film Chickpeas, has made an
experimental documentary whose form provides us with an insistently
personal take on the effects of the traumatic history carried by
Armenians into the diaspora.

In a sense, the film is the story of a double displacement and a
double return. Bezjian is himself a member of the Armenian diaspora,
and clearly his intention was to make a film about returning to
Istanbul, a place of family history that he comes to as a stranger.

But the protagonist of the film is not Bezjian himself–he never speaks
or comes out from behind the camera–but the poet Sako Arian. Arian
and Bezjian share similar biographies: both are descendants of
Armenian families forced to become refugees by the genocide of 1915;
both were born and raised in Beirut and are generally identified as
Armenian-Lebanese artists. So Bezjian mediates his own return to
Istanbul through the figure of Arian, who is on screen for nearly
the entire film.

>From the film’s opening, Arian proves to be an ambiguous figure. We
first see him at home in Beirut, surrounded by maps and travel
guides (some contemporary, some decades old), arguing with a
friend over whether or not this trip is in fact a good idea. “In
the last few years, Istanbul started to move frequently inside me,”
he says plaintively, “but now, to go or not to go?” “If you’re not
going, all this is useless,” his friend fires back. “You, being a
diaspora Armenian, how can you not go?” But Arian remains unconvinced:
“there is a wound inside preventing me at every step from deciding to
go.” If there is anything that ultimately sways Arian towards making
the trip, it is less the entreaties of his friend or a sense of his
responsibility as a member of the diaspora, and more the desire to see
the city he has read so much about, for example in the satirist Hagop
Baronian’s book A Tour of the Neighborhoods of Istanbul. Baronian’s
name, along with that of many other Armenian writers, reverberates
throughout the film; at one point, when Arian is shown a church and
told of an Armenian charitable organization founded there in 1880,
he replies, a propos of nothing, that this was right at the time when
Baronian wrote his book.

In the event, of course, Arian does go. The first shot of Istanbul is
not an auspicious one: we see a cemetery, with a road running through
it. It is raining, and the only figure in the shot is a stray dog that
has wandered across the road. We will be visiting this cemetery again,
but for now, the camera simply holds the shot for several seconds
before fading to black. A title in the subsequent sequence reads,
simply, “Istanbul,” and what follows is Arian’s tour, guided by a
large cast of characters, none of whom are formally introduced. Part
of what makes the film, on first viewing, a somewhat opaque experience
has to do with the character of Arian himself; he is affable, given to
quiet smiles, and clearly a fine listener, but his reactions provide
little by way of access to the thoughts behind the smiles–until we
reach the film’s stunning conclusion, when Arian’s own poetry finally
gives us access to these thoughts and feelings.

Still from “I Left My Shoes in Istanbul”

For the greater part of the film, though, Bezjian leaves us with little
by way of emotional guidance. We see what Arian sees, largely without
comment. We watch, for example, as a competing film crew from the
Turkish state television network films an Armenian woman performing
a song for a show called “Living Memories”; Bezjian then invites
in the Turkish correspondent to talk about her own goal in making a
television special about the “thousand year old story of Armenians
and Turks.” “They are telling a similar story with a different point
of view,” she says, referring to Bezjian and his crew, although both
have had to stop shooting, since the electricity has gone out. At
other moments, we simply catch snippets of conversation (“He writes
in Turkish, but he is not Turkish in his literature…”). We visit an
Armenian school, where Arian stands awkwardly before a class talking
about Armenian provincial literature, and are then addressed by a young
student, speaking directly to the camera and addressing himself to
“diaspora Armenians,” who declares that “Armenianism is not only about
the genocide.” We visit the offices of Agos, the Armenian-Turkish
newspaper founded by Hrant Dink, and listen to a journalist who
declares, “Turkish identity is founded atop Armenian martyrs.” We
meet Arian’s friend, the writer Sevan Deyirmenjian, and the two men
lovingly make their way through Deyirmenjian’s extensive library of
Armenian literature while Arian struggles to describe his feelings
about Istanbul, only able to suggest, “Internally I’m all mixed up.”

In fact, Arian only seems to be at home in literature: wandering
through bookstores, reciting poems and playing word games, talking
books with fellow writers, visiting the tombs of his beloved poets.

One of the most powerful scenes has Arian reading a passage from
Baronian’s Tour of the Neighborhoods of Istanbul while we watch
passers-by make their way through the busy streets of Taksim. The
passage describes the very Armenian presence that has now all but been
destroyed in the modern city, giving an account of a neighborhood
containing more than five hundred Armenian households. But what
is striking is that the scene from Baronian is a satirical one: he
describes the fact that, when approached from the water, what is most
notable about the neighborhood is the existence of six public urinals
with their unmistakable odor, and points out that those with noses
in good working order are thus at a disadvantage. Far from setting
an elegiac tone, Bezjian and Arian seem to be following the lead
of Baronian’s satirical muse in calling to mind the lost Armenian
presence in the city.

When he is not involved in literary pursuits, Arian wears the dutiful
but slightly weary face of the tourist intent upon checking off
the necessary stops as set out by his travel itinerary. What is he
feeling, for example, as he makes his way alone through his dinner
in a touristy restaurant? He seems to eat and drink with relish,
but Bejian does not linger over the food with the sort of rhapsodic
shots that would suggest that some deeper communing is taking place;
we simply watch a man pausing in his travels to eat dinner, slightly
mechanically. The overall feeling is one of being adrift, with only
a few sharp reminders of what has brought our protagonist to this
city–when, for example, Bezjian cuts suddenly from an official dinner
featuring a children’s chorus singing an anodyne pop song with the
repeating phrase “you are getting closer to me” to a shot of Hrant
Dink’s tomb, and then to Arian laying flowers before it.

Still from “I Left My Shoes in Istanbul”

In its most quiet and opaque moments, I Left My Shoes in Istanbul is
reminiscent of another documentary about a poet’s return to a place
that had been stripped away from him by history: Simone Bitton’s 1997
film Mahmoud Darwish: As the Land Is the Language. Bezjian’s film,
like Bitton’s, takes pains to remind us that its representation of the
return of the poet is mediated by the filmmaker’s own sense of return
(in Bitton’s case, this is further complicated by her own identity as
an Israeli filmmaker who has chosen to live and work in France). But
what came back to me most strongly in watching I Left My Shoes in
Istanbul was a moment from Bitton’s that was pointed out to me by my
colleague Sinan Antoon. We see Darwish being carried along in a car,
with the landscape passing by outside the window as he talks about his
poetic connections to Palestine. At a certain point, Darwish pauses
and looks out the window for several seconds. Finally, he murmurs,
almost under his breath, “It’s beautiful, Palestine.” It is a quiet
but heartbreaking moment, a moment when the poet who has been forced,
by the heavy hand of history, to turn his homeland into a source of
metaphor in his poetry is suddenly able to quietly commune with the
place itself, rather than its metonymic substitution in words.

Bezjian’s film does something similar (though, it must be said,
somewhat less artfully than Bitton’s). Istanbul has, for Arian the
poet (and for Bezjian the filmmaker), a sort of brute reality that
is separate from its symbolic meaning. The film represents a form of
wandering through this reality without any real attempt to either
aestheticize it or to turn it into a source of metaphor, or indeed
into a coherent narrative about returning to (never mind reclaiming)
the lost Bolis, as Istanbul is called by Armenians. If the viewer is
sympathetic to this form of storytelling, then the experience of the
film, in the form itself, doubles the sense of puzzlement and loss
that we feel Arian himself experiencing.

When the film had its New York premiere recently, in front of a small
audience at the City University of New York, there was a sense that
many in the audience did not feel this sort of sympathy for the film’s
approach. Indeed, I was surprised by the strong reactions it provoked.

Many of these tended towards the negative, voiced either hesitantly
or in a full-throated manner. Some blasted the film for its aesthetic
choices: if you wanted to make a beautiful film about the city of
Istanbul, as one audience member noted, this would seem to be an
easy thing to do; and yet Bezjian’s film cannot be called beautiful,
in the usual sense of the word. We see the city largely as Arian
sees it, through a series of quotidian moments, visits to houses and
offices, and meals both home-cooked and restaurant-procured. Indeed,
the overall effect is of watching scenes from a business trip.

Other members of the audience had a different complaint: that the
film did little to provide a context for viewers unfamiliar with the
Armenian Genocide, or with subsequent moments in Armenian-Turkish
history.[1] There is no primer offered at the beginning, no
voice-over or title sequence providing us with what might seem to be
the necessary background information. Events are alluded to in the
course of the film without being explained. For example, towards the
end of the film, Arian stands before the grave of Sevag Balıkcı,
an Armenian-Turkish soldier who was killed by a Turkish soldier on
the remembrance day of the Armenian Genocide in 2011; many have seen
this as an intentional hate crime, although the killer was acquitted
and the death ruled accidental. However, none of this information is
provided in the film. None of the figures with whom Arian converses
are identified, neither his fellow writers, nor the elderly Turkish
leftist who talks about the shame Turks feel towards their history,
nor the elderly Armenian shopkeeper who makes dubious comments about
the Kurds. This is true even when those onscreen might be familiar
names for some viewers, such as the photographer Ara Guler–although
this does not prevent Guler from gleefully stealing his scene with a
full-throated monologue about the unparalleled status of Istanbul as
a world city (“Imagine that this soil has been an empire three times.

Three of them, what do you want? Tell me another land that had three
empires? What’s New York? Not even a shit. Toothpicks stacked on top
of each other and raised up.”)

It is certainly the case that I Left My Shoes in Istanbul is not a
film interested in beguiling us with beautiful images of its titular
city. There is an achievement in this, I think: it provides us with a
powerful sense of how the city looks and sounds and feels to someone
like Arian for whom it is a source of deep ambivalence and confusion.

But it is equally the case, for audiences that might encounter the
film in the United States (at film festivals, for example), that the
film refuses to allow for quick and easy forms of connection to or
empathy with Armenian suffering. The opacity of the film’s historical
and political references leave the viewer on the outside, without
access to a too-easy sense of sharing the pain being represented by
Bezjian through the wanderings of Arian. There is something courageous
in this refusal, and, I would add, something necessary–since, as
Elizabeth Kolbert pointed out a few years ago, while Americans (and
especially American politicians) have been quick to embrace from afar
the Armenian narrative, the genocide committed against native peoples
in the Americas puts an American audience in an uncomfortably similar
place as that of the Turks in such a narrative.

Still from “I Left My Shoes in Istanbul”

This question of audience in fact comes to the fore in the film’s
conclusion, which provides a bracing shock. Arian sits in a café,
writing, we think, postcards; but it turns out that we are witnessing
him transmuting the experience we have been watching into a poem whose
anger and bitterness (and beauty) caused me to gasp. I won’t spoil it,
as it deserves to be seen and heard, but the question raised by the
poem (and, through it, by the film), addressed to Istanbul itself, is:
What sort of a story do you expect me to tell you about the pain that
you yourself have inflicted upon me? It is the question that faces all
artistic attempts to represent a traumatic history: Does the artistic
creation in some way transform or ameliorate the pain of history, or
is it just a redoubling of that pain–and a source of entertainment
for those who have inflicted the pain in the first place? And then
comes the voice of the singer, bringing the film to its end:

Do not implore me, I will not sing My sadness so enormous >From its
voice…heartbroken Your soul will be crushed…

But of course, this refusal to sing, and this warning about the effects
of a song this sad, comes in the form of a song. Bezjian’s film is the
song that he wishes he did not have to sing; in its stubborn refusal
to be the film we might prefer it to be, he invites us to partake of,
and thus acknowledge, the enormity of the sadness, so that perhaps
different songs might someday follow.

NOTES

[1] As Emrah Yildiz reminded me in his reading of this review, part of
the larger history alluded to by the film, without being explicitly
addressed, involves questions of mobility in the modern context of
Armenia-Turkey, questions that can get lost in an exclusive focus upon
the binary of diaspora/homeland. Among the larger points that underlie
the film, in addition to the specific historical events of 1915,
include the stalling of the border normalization process and the (soon
to be) one hundredth year of official denial of recognition of the
Armenian Genocide. Although the making of the film preceded the Gezi
Protests, its emphasis on memorializing the loss of Armenian Istanbul
(and its many shots of graveyards) echoes the claiming of Gezi Park
by Armenian citizens of Turkey as the site of a double hijacking and a
double destruction–since, long before the current attacks on the park,
the park itself was founded on a destroyed Armenian cemetery, with
the gravestones becoming the park’s marble steps. All this, and more,
forms the field of allusion for the film, without ever being explicitly
mentioned or addressed. I am grateful to Emrah for raising all these
points, which I admit are beyond the bounds of this review (and of
my capacity to address them with the full complexity they deserve)
but are at the very heart of the challenge set out by the film.

This article was originally published in Jadaliyya.

http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/5/32/106315/Arts–Culture/Film/Do-Not-Compel-Me-to-Sing.aspx

Carrefour Retail Hypermarket To Open Doors In Armenia In Fall

CARREFOUR RETAIL HYPERMARKET TO OPEN DOORS IN ARMENIA IN FALL

CISTran Finance
July 15 2014

July 15, 2014 6:30 AM
By Ryan Barnett

Armenia’s first Carrefour retail hypermarket is expected to open this
autumn, according to French Ambassador to Armenia Henri Reynaud.

Reynaud, speaking at a press conference last week, said he recently
met with French entrepreneurs interested in doing business in Armenia.

A preliminary agreement was signed in May between Yerevan Mall and
Carrefour, with Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan and French President
Francois Hollande present for the signing, ARKA reports.

The Armenian Carrefour hypermarket in the Yerevan Mall territory
will total more than 710,000 square feet of space built to Carrefour
standards.

The French retail trade company Carrefour, operated by Carrefour SA,
is the world’s second largest chain of hypermarket after Wal-Mart,
according to ARKA.

http://cistranfinance.com/news/carrefour-retail-hypermarket-to-open-doors-in-armenia-in-fall/3875/

Future Of Turkish Democracy: Committee – House Foreign Affairs

FUTURE OF TURKISH DEMOCRACY: COMMITTEE: HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS

CQ Congressional Testimony
July 15, 2014 Tuesday

SUBCOMMITTEE: EUROPE, EURASIA, AND EMERGING THREATS

CAPITOL HILL HEARING TESTIMONY

TESTIMONY-BY: DR. ELIZABETH H. PRODROMOU, VISITING ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR
AFFILIATION: VISITING ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR

Statement of Dr. Elizabeth H. Prodromou Visiting Associate Professor
of Conflict Resolution The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,
Tufts University

Committee on House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia,
and Emerging Threats

July 15, 2014

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee,

Good afternoon. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee. Allow
me to thank you for the invitation to brief you today on the future of
democracy in Turkey. I respectfully request that my written comments,
from which I will draw for this testimony, be submitted into the
Congressional Record.

As a former Commissioner and Vice Chair of the US Commission on
International Religious Freedom and as a current member of the
Secretary of State’s Religion and Foreign Policy Working Group, I
am heartened by the Subcommittee’s recognition that media freedom,
the rights of religious minorities, and the vitality of civil society,
are crucial issues for the health and quality of democracy in Turkey,
as well as for Turkey’s capacity to play a consistent, positive,
and effective role in partnership with the United States and NATO in
confronting serious threats to stability in Europe and Eurasia.

In an effort to respect the time limitations on this hearing and
well aware of the expertise of my fellow panelists, let me offer
some general remarks and, then, specific data points, that focus on
the rights of religious minorities in Turkey. The most constructive
way of thinking about the rights of religious minorities in Turkey,
as part of an overall assessment of democracy in Turkey, is within
the context of international human rights standards established in
foundational documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
amongst others.

International human rights standards unequivocally identified the
right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, including
the freedom to change one’s religion or belief, as well as freedom,
either alone or within a community, in public and private, to manifest
religious belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.

(Paraphrase from the UDHR and ICCPR).

Measured against these international human rights standards, it is
fair to say that there is evidence of some progress in Turkey during
the period since the AKP (Justice and Development Party) was elected
into government. The progress has come largely in two areas: the
first is what I would call discursive improvements, in the form of
a breaking of the long-held taboos in the Turkish government, media,
and civil society, on discussions regarding systematic and egregious
violations in the rights of religious minorities in Turkey (e.g.

discussion of the Armenian Genocide, cleansing of Greek Orthodox
Christians and the suffocation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate,
through mechanisms of violence and non- violence); and the second is
what I would call remedial efforts designed to loosen restrictions
on religious freedom for Turkey’s religious minority communities,
particularly the rights of the country’s tiny Christian minority
communities (they comprise less than 1 percent of Turkey’s overall
population).

The progress in these two areas has been widely reported, particularly
when it comes to the 2011 liberalization in the law regulating property
rights (return and compensation) for the country’s religious minorities
(return and compensation of vast amounts of property expropriated
and/or transferred by the Turkish state from the Greek, Armenian,
and Syriac Christian communities), and when it comes to permission by
the Turkish state authorities for celebrations at well-known Christian
religious sites, such as the Greek Orthodox Sumela Monastery and the
Armenian Apostolic Monastery of Akhtamar. The invitation to leaders of
the country’s religious minority communities (e.g. Ecumenical Patriarch
Bartholomew, Kuryakos Ergun, head of the Syriac Mor Gabriel Monastery)
to address the Turkish Parliament as part of the constitutional reform
process, also suggested the possibility for improving the rights of
religious minorities in Turkey.

However, despite signals, suggestions, and hopes for improvements
in religious freedom conditions for Turkey’s religious minority
communities, the facts on the ground reveal a sobering picture of
no substantive change by that, I mean the failure to make legal
and institutional changes necessary to ensure that all of Turkey’s
citizens are treated equally before the law and, indeed, worrisome
changes of deterioration in the rights of religious minorities.

Indeed, put simply, if one uses religious freedom for Turkey’s minority
communities as a metric for the overall robustness and quality of
democracy in Turkey, there is cause for grave concern.

Three issues illustrate my point:

An Islamization strategy built on the conversation of Christian
Churches into mosques (e.g. St. Sophia in Trabzon and Iznik/Nicaea,
and the declared commitment of the AKP government to convert the
Byzantine Cathedral of Aghia Sophia a UNESCO World Heritage site)
into a mosque, and on the destruction of any physical footprint of
the religious patrimony of Christianity in Turkish-occupied Cyprus.

The continuing interference in the internal governance structures
of Christian and Jewish minorities in Turkey (e.g. imposition of
arbitrary citizenship requirements for election to the Ecumenical
Patriarchate and the Armenian and Syriac Patriarchates).

Prohibitions on religious education and, especially, training of
clergy, which ensures the disappearance of hierarchs and priests and,
therefore, the annihilation of Christian communities which, by their
nature, depend on religious orders. Especially emblematic is the
ongoing closure of the Greek Orthodox Theological School of Halki
(40-plus years closed) on the Island of Heybeliada, a reality that
is purely political and unrelated to legal limitations (e.g. public
statements to this effect last year, by both PM Erdogan and members
of his government).

Failure to bring to justice and/or to prosecute and/or convict
perpetrators of violence against members of Turkey’s Christian
communities, and the troubling rise of anti-Semitism in Turkey (e.g.

statements by members of the government, in Turkish state and private
media outlets).

Turkish state’s use of racial coding system for religious minorities:
Ancestry Codes of Greeks, Armenians, Jews, Syriacs, Others (Roman
Catholics and Protestants) as 1 through 5, by the Ministry of
Education, Ministry of Information, and the Population Directorate.

6. The comprehensive religious cleansing policy perpetrated by
the Turkish Armed Forces, with support from the Turkish Cypriot
authorities, in Turkish-occupied Cyprus. July 20th marks the 40th year
of Turkey’s occupation of northern Cyprus, and the systematic cleansing
of any Christian presence in Turkish- occupied Cyprus proceeds
apace. Eg.s: desecration of Greek, Armenian, and Maronite Christian
religious sites, the looting and black-marketeering of religious icons
and art, the arbitrary limitations on rights of worship for the tiny,
surviving community of Greek Orthodox enclaved in the Rizokarpassos
area in the northern part of Cyprus, as well as systematic denial
of requests by the Turkish military and Turkish-Cypriot authorities,
for religious services by Christians seeking to cross the Green Line.

Measured against the symbolic and episodic improvements in the
rights of religious minority communities in Turkey over the past
11-or-so years, there is a broader pattern of continuing policies of
economic/property disenfranchisement of Christian (and, more recently,
Jewish) minorities, state interference in the internal governance and
education of religious communities, institutionalized and informal
racist bias and discrimination against religious minorities, and
continuing religious cleansing of Christians from Turkish-occupied
Cyprus. In a word, religious freedom is a sobering metric of the
democracy deficits in Turkey’s institutions of governance and Turkey’s
political leadership (both Islamist/AKP and Kemalist/CHP/MHP).

Consequently, I respectfully suggest that this Subcommittee consider
ways to encourage improvements in the legal and institutional
frameworks necessary to ensure that all of Turkey’s citizens enjoy
full equality before the law. Freedom of thought, conscience and
religion or belief is inextricably tied to and refracted in media
freedom and a vibrant civil society in Turkey and elsewhere. Likewise,
the strength of Turkey’s democracy particularly when it comes to rule
of law and equality before the law for religious minority communities
is inextricably connected to Turkey’s will and capacity to cooperate
with the United States and NATO allies in confronting some of the most
pernicious and serious threats (e.g. sectarian and communal violence,
religious terrorism, and authoritarian forms of governance) to the
Eurasian security environment.

Holding Turkey to international standards and to the expectations of
a US partner and NATO ally make immanent strategic and moral sense. I
thank you for your attention.