Quand l’État sanctionne l’affreux Antisémitisme de la Turquie

Antisémitisme
Quand l’État sanctionne l’affreux Antisémitisme de la Turquie

Haaretz

Louis Fishman

Tout au long des deux dernières semaines, l’antisémitisme en Turquie a
déferlé. Beaucoup de citoyens mêlent à leurs critiques sur l’attaque
israélienne sur Gaza une condamnation de l’ensemble des Juifs. Même si
cette tendance ne s’observe pas uniquement en Turquie, le niveau
atteint par le discours de haine a atteint des niveaux dangereux, et
pose des questions sur le futur même de la communauté juive forte de
17 000 personnes. En fait, des menaces directes ont été faites contre
des Juifs de Turquie dans quelques uns des media progouvernementaux ;
la seule conclusion qu’in peut en tirer est que le gouvernement turc
est lui-même largement responsable de cette sinistre situation.

Pendant plus d’une décennie, j’ai vécu en Turquie et au dehors,
observant une société turque se diversifiant au gré des nouvelles
libertés qu’elle appréciait au cours des premières années du mandat
d’Erdogan.

Mais les années passant, les commentaires entre personnes et dans la
presse islamiste m’ont rappelé l’antisémitisme latent qui règne ici,
même si on le considérait généralement comme marginal. Malgré tout,
même aux pires jours, ceux du raid israélien contre la flottille de
Gaza soutenue par la Turquie, ou pendant la seconde guerre du Liban,
une éruption d’antisémitisme comme celle que nous avons vue cette
semaine, caractérisée par un éloge à Hitler, très répandu dans la
presse et les media sociaux, n’avait jamais eu lieu.

Quoi qu’il en soit, pour beaucoup de Juifs turcs ou non-turcs, la vie
continue à peu près normalement, dans la mesure où les atteintes qui
ont eu lieu ne sont pas visibles dans les rues où vivent ou habitent
les communautés.

La phrase entourée, en référence à la photo d’Hitler (traduite en
turc) veut dire : tu nous manque

Cette apparition au grand jour de l’antisémitisme ne date pas de cette
semaine. On l’a vu s’exprimer déjà l’an passé, lors des manifestations
de Gezi. Le gouvernement turc est parvenu à réduire ces manifestations
au silence, mais pas avant que le premier ministre Erdogan n’ait
désigné la ” juiverie internationale ” comme en étant l’instigatrice,
clamant qu’elles résultaient du travail du ” lobby du taux d’intérêt
“, une expression souvent attribuée aux financiers juifs et aux
magnats de la presse. Selon le premier ministre turc, le lobby visait
à affaiblir l’économie turque et s’efforçait de faire tomber le
gouvernement turc. Tout en évitant soigneusement d’employer le mot ”
juif “, il ne s’est écoulé que peu de temps avant que l’un de ses
ministres ne dérape et ne déclare qu’il n’y avait aucun doute : un
groupe de la juiverie internationale était derrière les manifestations
de Gezi.

Ce qu’il y a de sûr, c’est que moins d’un mois s’était écoulé avant
que le président égyptien Mohammed Morsi soit chassé du pouvoir par un
coup d’état, une bonne gifle à Erdogan, qui se voyait déjà comme une
sorte de mentor pour les Frères Musulmans. Sur les media sociaux,
tandis que les massacres avaient lieu en Égypte, j’étais étonné de
voir le nombre de tweets en Turquie qui attribuaient la chute de Morsi
à une conspiration juive ; en fait, quelques uns allaient jusqu’à
déclarer que ceux qui tiraient sur les manifestants n’étaient pas des
Musulmans, mais de Juifs.

Il n’a pas fallu à Erdogan beaucoup de temps pour se dresser et
accuser Israël comme les instigateurs du coup d’état ; mais le
problème était qu’il l’imputait à Bernard-Henri Levy, un intellectuel
juif français, qui n’avait fait qu’assister à une conférence en 2011
sur le Printemps arabe aux côtés d’une membre du parlement de ‘époque,
Tzipi Livni. Même si ce n’était qu’une histoire étrangement concoctée,
Erdogan semblait y croire, accompagné en cela par beaucoup de ses
collaborateurs.

Le tournant dans l’histoire de l’antisémitisme turc a été le scandale
de la corruption, qui touchait des hautes personnalités du
gouvernement et qui était analysé par Erdogan comme une tentative de
coup judiciaire fomenté par son ex allié fidèle, Fethullah Gulen,
exilé de lui-même aux États Unis, qui compte de nombreux amis en
Turquie et dans le monde.

Tandis qu’Erdogan devait mettre en place une purge touchant des
milliers d’officiers de police et de juges supposés avoir des liens
avec le mouvement de Gulen, ou appartenant à l ” ‘état parallèle ” un
terme créé par Erdogan, le premier ministre et ses partisans se
souvinrent que Gulen avait critiqué le rôle du gouvernement dans la
flottille de Gaza – c’est ainsi que lui aussi s’est retrouvé blotti
sous l’aile d’Israël.

Étant données toutes ces affaires, il a fallu à Erdogan beaucoup
d’énergie pour maintenir un front de soutien, accueillant et
récompensant de nombreux groupes, parmi lesquels les journaux
antisémites, même marginaux, qui sont dorénavant beaucoup plus proches
des cercles du pouvoir. Tous ces changements ont également provoqué la
transformation de la culture politique de la Turquie, qui s’est
retrouvée extrêmement polarisée. Tout au long de l’année écoulée,
Erdogan s’est régulièrement laissé aller à des propos offensants et
grossiers contre ses opposants.

Il ne fait aucun doute que ces politiques très polarisées lui ont
rapporté une consolidation de sa base conservatrice déjà forte – mais
par l’aliénation de beaucoup d’autres secteurs de la société turque.

Il serait erroné de croire que la ” juiverie mondiale ” était la seule
cible de ses attaques. Les participants aux manifestations de Gezi ont
été faussement accusés d’avoir attaqué une religieuse et d’avoir
profané une mosquée, des allégations que bien que non prouvées,
étaient reprises dans les plus importants articles et répétées
plusieurs fois par Erdogan. Faisant suite avec la rupture avec le
mouvement Gulen, le langage d’Erdogan a atteint des sommets jamais
atteints auparavant en déclarant la chasse aux sorcières contre ses
membres, déclarant qu’ “afin de stériliser cette eau infectée qui a
contaminé le lait, il faut soit le faire bouillir, soit la vaporiser
“.

Lorsqu’un groupe représentant les Alévis, la plus importante minorité
de Turquie, a fait connaître son opposition à Erdogan, il mit en doute
de façon offensante leur appartenance à l’Islam. Erdogan a provoqué la
colère de la très petite communauté chiite lorsqu’il expliqua que les
Gulenistes étaient des séditieux et des méchants… encore pires que
les Chiites. En fait, de la même façon, le parlementaire Zafer
Caglayan, en référence au mouvement guleniste, déclara qu’il aurait
compris leurs actes (de trahison) s’ils avaient été juifs,
zoroastriens ou athées ; tout cela amena une sévère condamnation par
la Direction du Rabinat de Turquie.

Comme si les choses n’étaient pas suffisamment polarisées, la Turquie
ira aux urnes en août pour l’élection présidentielle, Erdogan étant
l’un des principaux candidats, offrant un terrain fertile à cette
dernière vague d’antisémitisme. Il semble cependant que plutôt que
d’emprunter une voie modérée, Erdogan ait donné le signal des annonces
radicales, le poussant à user de déclarations encore plus rugueuses
que par le passé. En outre, il faut se rappeler que l’antisémitisme et
l’éloge de Hitler – et les attaques contre Israël – ont donné à des
parties divisées de la société turque le goût de l’unité et des
raisons de se rassembler.

Au cours des deux dernières semaines, les Juifs de Turquie ont été la
cible des plus affreuses campagnes, de menaces les plus honteuses
dirigées contre la communauté, et même contre des touristes juifs
étrangers. Un journaliste a demandé que les Juifs condamnent
publiquement Israël ; ils pourraient sinon subir des pogroms comme la
communauté grecque les a subis en 1955. Dans le même quotidien, Yeni
Akit, on pouvait voir une grille du genre mots croisés avec le
portrait d’Hitler ornant le centre avec le slogan : ” Tu nous manques
“. Beaucoup de Turcs ont réagi, choqués, mais cela n’est aucunement un
incident isolé. Une agence de presse progouvernementale a tweeté les
termes provocants de l’IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation, Bulent
Yildirim, qui a déclaré : ” Si la communauté juive turque ne met pas
fin aux actes d’Israël, de très vilaines choses peuvent arriver “. Il
a expliqué dans un tweet suivant qu’il était de plus en plus difficile
de contenir ‘ notre jeunesse “, suggérant en fait que la violence
contre les Juifs turcs était imminente.

Comme si de telles déclarations dans la presse progouvernementale ne
suffisaient pas, un élu du parti au pouvoir l’AKP, Samil Tayyar, a
twitté un message aux Juifs : Que votre race s’éteigne, et puisse
Hitler ne jamis trop s’éloigner. En outre, le maire d’Ankara dévoué à
Erdogan Melih Gokcek, s’est distingué en soutenant le chanteur Yildiz
Tilbe qui a fait l’éloge d’Hitler sur Twitter.

C’est à la suite de ces expressions de haine envers les Juifs
qu’Erdogan, dans un discours de campagne électorale, a dit de la
barbarie d’Israël qu’elle était encore pire que celle d’Hitler, une
affirmation qui aura offensé tout Juif, quels que soient ses rapports
avec Israël. Il a poursuivi en atténuant ses propos, déclarant : ” Je
n’approuve aucune [mauvaise] attitude envers nos citoyens juifs en
Turquie, en dépit de tout cela. Pourquoi ? Ce sont les citoyens de ce
pays “. Ces mots promouvant finalement le droit à la sécurité des
citoyens juifs de Turquie, apportent trop peu et arrivent trop tard.
Il n’a toujours pas condamné publiquement ni les louanges à Hitler que
des membres de son propre parti ont fait, ni leurs déclarations
antisémites, pas plus qu’il n’a condamné les menaces contre les
membres de la communauté juive de Turquie dans la presse
progouvernementale.

Sur la face éclairée de ce sombre tableau, on voit que si les media
sociaux ont fourni le terreau des déclarations antisémites, ils ont
également mis en lumière la condamnation de l’antisémitisme par de
nombreux journalistes turcs et des individus indignés, avec même des
voix issues de la presse progouvernementale la plus modérée. Il semble
prudent, cependant, de dire que dans les remous de l’atmosphère
d’antisémitisme flagrant, des familles juives plus nombreuses seront
convaincues que le temps est venu de s’en aller, une décision que
beaucoup de Juifs ont prise au cours des dix années coulées. S’ils
restent, ils font le choix de survivre à l’intérieur de leur propre
bulle psychologique et physique, ou de continuer en ignorant le fait
que beaucoup de leurs compatriotes les voient comme des ennemis.

Traduction Gilbert Béguian pour Armenews

jeudi 28 août 2014,
Jean Eckian (c)armenews.com

http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=102772

Le << monstre du lac de Van >> a refait surface…

LAC DE VAN-MYSTERES
Le > a refait surface…

Comme le monstre du Loch Ness (Ecosse) le monstre du lac de Van
apparait de temps en temps pour le plus grand amusement des touristes
ou des riverains… Dernièrement, un groupe d’instituteurs d’une école
de Tatvan qui passaient leurs vacances au bord du lac de Van, ont
remarqué un animal étrange qui se déplaçait à la surface du lac. Selon
le site turc Bitlisnews, les instituteurs qui ont réussi à
photographier le corps étrange se déplaçant dans les eaux du lac de
Van affirme qu’il s’agit du > signalé
régulièrement par nombre de personnes au cours des dernières années.
Les habitants qui bordent les rives du lac de Van croient fermement à
l’existence de ce >. Un animal dont
l’existence vraie ou présumée pourrait faire l’affaire de l’industrie
du tourisme…

Krikor Amirzayan

jeudi 28 août 2014,
Krikor Amirzayan (c)armenews.com

http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=102775

Pedro Mouratian was elected president of an Iberoamerican org agains

Prensa Armenia
Armenia 1366, Ciudad de Buenos Aires, Argentina
Tel: (5411) 4775-7595
Email: [email protected]
Web:

Pedro Mouratian was elected president of an Iberoamerican organization
against discrimination

Agencia Prensa Armenia

Pedro Mouratian, chairman of the National Institute against
Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism (INADI) and one of the sponsors
of the National Law 26,199 that declared April 24 as “Day of Action
for tolerance and respect between peoples” in Argentina, was elected
president of the Latin American Network of Organizations and
Discrimination (RIOOD) at a meeting held in the Argentinean Ministry
of Foreign Affairs on Wednesday 27 August.

Mouratian stated that “in the last 10 years there has been a clear and
firm policy in Argentina to adress the issue of discrimination and
human rights” and stressed that the importance of the RIOOD would be
to “take the public policy on non-discrimination in Argentina to other
international bodies.”

( Link -> )

Agencia de Noticias Prensa Armenia
Armenia 1366, Ciudad de Buenos Aires, Argentina
Tel. (5411) 4775-7595
[email protected]
twitter.com/PrensaArmenia

http://www.diarioarmenia.org.ar
http://www.prensaarmenia.com.ar/2014/08/pedro-mouratian-was-elected-president.html
http://www.prensaarmenia.com.ar/
www.prensaarmenia.com.ar

Mika sports complex in Yerevan put up to auction

Mika sports complex in Yerevan put up to auction

YEREVAN, August 26. / ARKA /. Mika sports complex in Yerevan is put up
to auction, according to the Service for Compulsory Enforcement of
Judicial Acts.

The initial value of the complex put up for sale on August 25th is a
little over 9 billion drams (about $22 million.). It is assumed that
the auction will continue until the 4th of September.

The total area of the complex is 3,658.9 sq.m. The stadium has 7250
seats. The complex was built in 2008.

The complex is owned by businessman Mikhail Bagdasarov. Bagdasarov
also owned Armavia airline that suspended flights from 1 April 2013 to
begin the bankruptcy proceedings. -0

http://arka.am/en/news/sport/mika_sports_complex_in_yerevan_put_up_to_auction/#sthash.auRStPpe.dpuf

Mika Stadium put up for auction

Mika Stadium put up for auction

14:01 26/08/2014 » SOCIETY

Mika Stadium, located at 41 Manandyan Street in Shengavit
administrative district in Yerevan, has been put up for auction,
according to the website of the Judicial Acts Compulsory Enforcement
Service.

The starting price is 9 billion drams. The auction will close on
September 4.

Source: Panorama.am

How Qatar Helped Helped Free an American Hostage Without Paying Rans

Indie Wire
Aug 26 2014

How Qatar Helped Helped Free an American Hostage Without Paying Ransom

Polly Mosendz

Just days after an execution video of reporter James Foley surfaced,
another American journalist, Peter Theo Curtis, was released from
captivity. Curtis was captured in Antakya, Turkey, and held for two
years by Jabhat al-Nusra, which is affiliated with Syria’s branch of
al-Qaeda, but was freed over the weekend. Unlike Foley, who was killed
by members of the group ISIL after they made ransom demands of more
that 100 million euros, Curtis was released without paying a ransom,
after help from the government of Qatar.

Qatar has become a key player in negotiation talks between terrorist
organizations and the United States in the past, recently assisting in
the hostage exchange of Bowe Bergdahl. They’ve also facilitated peace
talks between the Taliban and the government of Afghanistan. Qatar’s
intelligence service has particularly key information on Jabhat
al-Nusra, which allowed for the release of Curtis without paying a
ransom, according to a report by Adam Goldman and Karen DeYoung in The
Washington Post.

According to the Post, the impetus for Qatar’s was also spurred by
businessman David Bradley, who put together his own search team,
including a retired FBI agent, after meeting a cousin of Curtis’s last
year. (Bradley is the owner of Atlantic Media, which is the parent
company of The Wire.)

Bradley told the Post that he and FBI agent, traveled to Doha, Qatar,
last month to work with Qatari intelligence officials. Ghanim Khalifa
al-Kubaisi, chief of Qatar’s intelligence service, informed them that
he was able to track Curtis’s location.

Their dinner at an Armenian restaurant lasted more than two hours,
with the men trading stories before Kubaisi revealed his security
service had found Curtis using its intelligence network. He believed
he could get Curtis out of Syria without paying off the kidnappers.

The rescue operation put al-Kubaisi’s team in danger, and therefore
required the sign off of Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, the current
Emir of Qatar. Though complications arose, Jabhat al-Nusra agreed to
release Curtis. He was brought to Israel and met by FBI officials. His
mother says intends on confiscating his passport now that he is headed
back the States.

http://www.thewire.com/global/2014/08/how-qatar-helped-helped-free-an-american-hostage-without-paying-ransom/379178/

Fatih Akin Explains Why He Pulled ‘The Cut’ From Cannes & How It’s I

The Playlist
Aug 26 2014

Fatih Akin Explains Why He Pulled ‘The Cut’ From Cannes & How It’s
Influenced By Terrence Malick & Martin Scorsese

The Venice Film Festival kicks off tomorrow, and among our 10 Most
Anticipated Films of the fest is Fatih Akin’s “The Cut,” but it’s
arriving on the Lido with a bit of baggage. Earlier this year, a minor
stir resulted when the filmmaker pulled his movie from the Cannes Film
Festival citing “personal reasons.” It was inevitable Akin would be
asked about the decision, but as it turns out, the explanation isn’t
quite as controversial as you might think.

“We showed the film to Cannes and Venice at the same time. The
reaction of Venice was very enthusiastic and Cannes was a bit much
more careful, like they always are. So I was nervous, and I followed
my instincts,” the director explained to The New York Times. “But I
couldn’t talk about my decision in the press because Venice asked me
to wait until they made their own announcement. The people in Cannes
never rejected the film but I had the feeling that it wasn’t what they
expected from me. Because it’s historical, because it’s in English,
it’s not minimalistic, I’m not sure. But I cannot fulfill other
people’s expectations. I have to fulfill my own.”

And so, that leads to the next question –what can we expect from this
movie, which closes the filmmaker’s “Love, Death and the Devil
trilogy”? Previous descriptions have cited the influence of Sergio
Leone and Charlie Chaplin, and Akin elaborates on the tone and texture
of his movie which follows an Armenian blacksmith who searches far and
wide for his two daughters after they go missing following the
conflict with Turkey in 1915.

“‘The Cut’ is not just a film about the material, it’s about my
personal journey through cinema, and the directors who I admire and
who influence my work. Elia Kazan’s ‘America America’ is a very
important influence. So is the work of Sergio Leone, how he used
framing. It’s also an homage somehow to Scorsese. I wrote this film
with Mardik Martin, Martin Scorsese’s very early scriptwriter who
wrote ‘Mean Streets’ and the first draft of ‘Raging Bull.’ Because he
was Armenian, I discovered him on this project, and he helped me write
it. And we spoke a lot about obsessional characters in Scorsese
films,” Akin said.

“The film deals also a lot with my admiration for Bertolucci, and
Italian westerns and how Eastwood adapted Italian westerns,” he
continued. “And the way we try to catch the light, always having it
behind us, is very inspired by the work of Terrence Malick. So this
film is very much in the Atlantic ocean, somewhere near the Azores
–for a European film it’s too American, for an American film it’s too
European.”

Here are some new pics from the film.

http://blogs.indiewire.com/theplaylist/fatih-akin-explains-why-he-pulled-the-cut-from-cannes-how-its-influence-by-terrence-malick-martin-scorsese-20140826

My Uncle, Catholicos Zareh I of the Holy See of Cilicia

Roads and Kingdoms
Aug 26 2014

My Uncle, Catholicos Zareh I of the Holy See of Cilicia

by Arto Vaun

The large black-and-white photo of him in our living room never
frightened me. His long dark beard; the pointy black hat; his thick
fingers gripping an ornate staff; heavy crosses on chains draped over
his black vestments; and his tired, kind eyes. I would sometimes
notice the photo as though for the first time and just gaze at it, at
him, locking eyes for a moment. This stranger who had died before I
was born, who was sacrificed at a young age in one of the most
pivotal, tumultuous periods in the history of Armenia, the Cold War,
and the Middle East. This melancholy, radiant, overweight man looking
at me year after year. Then one day as I was watching him watch me, I
realized: without the beard, the vestments, and weight, he looked just
like his youngest brother, my father, a working-class mechanic in
Boston.

My uncle was Catholicos Zareh I of the House of Cilicia. And if that
doesn’t mean anything to you, don’t worry: it took me a long time to
understand the man and his legacy. I’m still working on it, in fact. I
knew him from stories: he was born during the Armenian Genocide of
1915, that he was truly spiritual even from a young age, that he died
young as well: a victim of heart attack, brought on, many say, by the
stress of a great division among his people. I knew that the nearly
half a million shocked people who poured into the streets of Beirut in
February 1963 for his funeral were not all his supporters–Armenians
were at war with themselves in those days. But recently I’ve been
visiting Beirut, and I’m finding that the Armenians there know him
still, and they’ve been teaching me what the man truly meant.

<img src=”/assets/thumb/image.php?w=680&q=78&src=”
alt=”” />

The author’s uncle, Catholicos Zareh I. Controversy over his election
as Catholicos in 1956 was due to his outspoken stance against the
USSR’s version of communism. Photo courtesy of Arto Vaun.

The August humidity is intense as I head to Antelias, the Holy See of
the Cilician Armenian Church, which dates back to the 4th century AD.
After the genocide, the catholicosate (one of two seats of the
Armenian church) was forced to move from its historic home in Sis, in
present day Turkey. First it moved to Aleppo in 1921 and then settled
in Beirut in 1924. The church has always played an integral role as a
refuge and center of identity after pogroms throughout the ages, and
it was no different after the genocide, when it provided the only
semblance of unity, hope, and perseverance in the face of mass
devastation, migration, poverty, and loss.

I’ve decided to just show up in Antelias without letting anyone there
know about my connection to Zareh. An older man with white hair and a
moustache lets me into the church compound, greeting me warmly, then
disappearing back into his office. No one else seems to be around. I
walk into the quiet, wide courtyard that’s pale and glowing in the
searing sunlight. I can hear the musical chaos of Beirut traffic on
the other side of the high walls as I approach where my uncle is
buried, next to the main cathedral. The first thing I see is one
violet carnation placed casually on his tomb. All I can bring myself
to do is lightly place my hand on the warm marble and touch his name.

Stalin had deceived many thousands of Armenians into “repatriating” to
Soviet Armenia

The controversy around Zareh’s election as Catholicos in 1956 was due
to his outspoken stance against the USSR’s version of communism, and
its mistreatment of Soviet citizens, specifically Soviet Armenians.
Only ten years earlier, Stalin had deceived many thousands of
Armenians into “repatriating” to Soviet Armenia. The bulk of those who
fell for the ideological bait were from Syria and Lebanon. They gave
up relatively stable lives for an idea that was, in the end, nothing
close to the reality. When they reached Soviet Armenia, their assets
were seized and they were forced to live in mostly abject conditions.
Many were sent straight to Siberia. Yet opinion about the place was
surprisingly divided among Armenians–some saw it as the first Armenian
homeland in decades, while others wanted to rescue their brethren from
Stalin. It was very much a visceral issue, polarizing Armenians all
over the world, but especially in the Middle East, where the large
portion of genocide survivors had ended up after WWI, and where the
Cold War was now being played out in different ways. Although all
Armenians knew of the awful conditions in the Soviet Union, they were
bitterly split on whether to support Soviet Armenians and work in more
diplomatic ways to assist them, or to more directly organize and
struggle to undermine Soviet Armenia and communism in order to
“liberate” Armenia. Both sides grew increasingly entrenched and
extreme in their approaches.

<img src=”/assets/thumb/image.php?w=1024&q=78&src=”
alt=”” />
The author visiting his uncle’s tomb at the church compound in
Antelias. Photo by: Roubina Margossian

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That polarization in Beirut during Zareh’s election lead to violence
and chaos. At no other time in modern Armenian history have Armenians
clashed with each other the way they did during those few years.
Pro-Soviet Armenia factions sent prostitutes to taunt him; there were
protests by pro-Soviet parties; ancient relics were stolen from
Antelias; and cartoons depicted him as, among other things, a donkey.
It got to the point where the Lebanese president at the time, Camille
Chamoun, ordered the army to patrol and secure the Armenian
neighborhoods in Beirut. When Zareh’s mother (my grandmother) died
suddenly in 1958, Zareh was not able to attend her funeral in Aleppo
because of fear that his opponents might keep him from returning. Five
years later, he would follow her, at age 48, due to sudden cardiac
arrest. One can see in his photos between 1950 to 1963 a
transformation that speaks volumes about his position and the times–a
robust, jet black-haired young man turning into an exhausted,
gray-haired old man, whose eyes still flicker, but whose face gives
away a profound frustration, sadness, and pain.

<img src=”/assets/thumb/image.php?w=1024&q=78&src=”
alt=”” />
A single violet carnation had been placed on Zareh I’s tomb. Photo by:
Roubina Margossian

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During my first trip to Beirut in 2002, I was bowled over by the
energetic and passionate reaction I got from people who were told that
Zareh was my uncle. Just the fact that my Lebanese-Armenian friends
felt it necessary to point out my relationship to him whenever we met
new people was peculiar. It’s not something I bring up or talk about
much. But now that I’ve been there a few times, I think there’s a
collective guilt on all sides, and that’s part of the thoughtful
reactions to him, 50 years after his death. Each person who talks
about him to me, no matter their background, says something like, It
was so sad what happened to that man. He was a saint, in the wrong
place at the wrong time.

I usually smile slightly and say, That’s nice of you, thank you. What
else can I say? I’m not one-tenth of the devout, selfless man that he
was. I don’t deserve those kinds of gracious responses from people
about someone I never even knew. But the more I’m drawn to Beirut, the
more I understand that my tiny, transient role is to allow people to
express those feelings, which are, amazingly, still so strong all
these years later. And in a way, it helps me connect to the man in the
photo who watched me grow up, and who I feel a deeper tie to with each
year.

<img src=”/assets/thumb/image.php?w=680&q=78&src=”
alt=”” />

The author in the church compound at Antelias where his uncle was
buried. Photo: Roubina Margossian

1983: I’m a little kid in our kitchen in Boston. My mom’s older cousin
is sitting at the table with my parents, having coffee. He begins to
softly and uncomfortably tell my dad that his father, my grandfather,
has died in Aleppo, at age 98. My father crumples like paper. Soon
after his brother Zareh died in 1963, my dad, who was in the Syrian
army at the time, left Syria to avoid being called to fight in the
growing conflict with Israel. He never saw his father again. As I
watch him sob, all I can do is wrap my little arms around his neck and
cry with him. Seven years later, I will suddenly lose him too, one
Sunday evening in November. He’ll go the exact way his oldest brother
did.

My family’s story is, like that of so many other Armenians, and
non-Armenians, from the Middle East, riddled with loss, uphill
battles, and unwanted sea changes. And this ties me forever to Beirut
and Aleppo, drawing me like a warm light inside a home. They are two
cities that are again struggling to breathe in a claustrophobic deluge
of ideological and political shortsightedness, extremism, and outside
meddling.

On the flight back to Armenia from Beirut a few weeks ago, I thought
about that random carnation on my uncle’s tomb, then remembered
suddenly: Carnations were my dad’s favorite flower – he used to buy
them often for my mom for no particular reason.

During these trips to Beirut, it seems, I am not just visiting my
uncle, but also being visited by him.

Arto Vaun is a poet, writer, and musician originally from Boston,
currently living in Yerevan, Armenia where he’s a lecturer in
literature at the American University.

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http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2014/my-uncle-catholicos-zareh-i-of-the-holy-see-of-cilicia/

BAKU: Russia expresses regret over loss of life in Nagorno-Karabakh

AzerNews, Azerbaijan
Aug 25 2014

Russia expresses regret over loss of life in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

25 August 2014, 13:48 (GMT+05:00)
By Sara Rajabova

Moscow has expressed regret over that the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict is still claiming more lives.

Russian Foreign Ministry Spokesman Alexander Lukashevich called on the
Armenian and Azerbaijani sides to stick to the joint statement of the
Azerbaijani, Armenian and Russian presidents issued on October 27,
2010 on the exchange of dead bodies with the assistance of the OSCE
Minsk Group and the ICRC, “Vesti” TV channel reported.

He also noted the necessity of thoroughly investigating the killing of
people in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone.

Lukashevich expressed condolences to the families of the deceased
Azerbaijanis and Armenians and regretted that delay in the conflict
settlement is claiming more lives.

Recently, Chairman of the State Committee for Refugees and IDPs Ali
Hasanov appealed to the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) with a proposal to exchange hostages between two sides.

Azerbaijan offered Armenia to exchange an Armenian family of five
persons, as well as the corpse of an Armenian saboteur, who died of
heart failure in return for Azerbaijanis, taken hostage in the
occupied Kalbajar region, and Hasan Hasanov’s corpse.

However, the ICRC told the Azerbaijani side that the Armenians are
willing to exchange only the corpse of murdered Hasan Hasanov for the
corpse of the saboteur Karen Petrosyan, according to Hasanov.

Azerbaijan’s Defense Ministry earlier said that Petrosyan entered the
territory of Azerbaijan to carry out a provocation. He died of heart
failure in Azerbaijan.

Three Azerbaijani civilians (Russian citizen Dilgam Asgarov,
Azerbaijani citizens Shahbaz Guliyev and Hasan Hasanov) were detained
by Armenian forces in early July while they were visiting the graves
of their late relatives. ICRC Baku office earlier reported that Hasan
Hasanov was buried in Nagorno-Karabakh after being killed by Armenian
forces.

Previously, Armenian media reported that a criminal case was filed
against the Azerbaijani hostages.

Armenia violated the international legal norms by taking hostage the
Azerbaijani civilians as they didn’t violate any border law between
Armenia and Azerbaijan. They were on their own native Kalbajar region.

http://www.azernews.az/azerbaijan/69942.html

ANKARA: Armenian FM to attend Erdogan’s inauguration

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Aug 25 2014

ARMENIAN FM TO ATTEND PRESIDENT ERDOÄ?AN’S INAUGURATION

Daily Sabah

ISTANBUL ‘ As the number of foreign leaders and representatives of
international organizations to attend President-elect Recep Tayyip
ErdoÄ?an’s inauguration ceremony increases, Armenia announced on Monday
its foreign minister Edward Nalbandian will also attend the ceremony.

According to Turkey’s Prime Ministry’s office, 19 foreign countries’
presidents, Four speakers of assembly, 14 prime ministers and foreign
ministers have already announced their attendance to the ceremony,
which will be held on August 28 in the Çankaya Presidental Palace in
Ankara.

It has been reported that to represent Syria, the President of the
National Coalition of the Syrian Revolution, Hadi al-Bahra, will
attend the ceremony while Bashar al-Assad has not been invited.

http://www.dailysabah.com/politics/2014/08/25/armenian-fm-to-attend-president-erdogans-inauguration